The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 26, 1934, Page 6

Page 6 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 26, 1934. Daily .<QWorker CENTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTERWATIONAA) Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 13th Street, New York, N. Y. Telephone: ALgonquin 4-795 4. Cable Address “America’s Only Daiwork, Washington Bu: Press Building, lath and FP &t., elephone: National 7910. Midwest Room 705, Chicago, Til. Telephone: Dearbo: 31. Subscription Rates: By Mail: (except Manhattan and Bronx), 1 year, $6.00; 6 months, $3.50; 3 months, $2.00; 1 month, 0.75 cents. Manhattan, Bronx, Foreign and Canada: 1 year, $9.00; 6 months, $5.00; 3 months, $3.00. By Carrier: Weekly, 18 ci monthly, 75 cents MONDAY, NOVEMBER 26, 1934 ———————OOOOOOO Chicago and New York demonstrations last should be food for One was in Chi- HERE were two Saturday which thought for all workers. cago, the other in New York. In Chicago, 25,000 workers demon- strated their grim determination to fight and not starve. They showed in the only language the ruling class understands, massed power, that the unemployed of Chicago would not submit docilely to relief slashes. What was it that made the Chicago demonstra- tion a successful one? The united front! The fact that Socialists and Communists, the Unemployment Councils and the Chicago Workers Committee on Unemployment, American Federation of Labor unions, independent organizations, and those affilia- ted to the Trade Union Unity League, all worked together—this is what guaranteed the success of the Chicago unemployed demonstration. But the same, unfortunately, cannot be said of New York Here, David Lasser, Socialist head of the Work- ers Unemployed Union, undoubtedly upon the ad- vice and in consultation with certain Socialist lead- ers and with the Lovestoneite, Edward Welsh, blocked the united front with the Unemployment Councils. The offer of the Councils to work jointly for a huge demonstration—a fitting answer to the relief-stopping and tax-burdening schemes of the LaGuardia administration—was flatly refused, even though sections of the Workers Unemployed Union, notably Brownsville, agreed to this unity despite Lasser. However, despite the fact that Lasser and his friends blocked the sincere attempts of the Unem- ployed Councils to have one massive united front demonstration, the Councils loyally supported the march initiated by the S. P.-controlled Workers’ Unemployed Union, and called upon their members to attend. But Lasser’s work was only too apparent at the demonstration. Instead of a demonstration of 50,000 —which was entirely possible—less than 7,000 were present. A golden opportunity to fire the unem- ployed and employed masses with the spirit of en- thusiastic, united struggle against the LaGuardia plans, was lost. ASSER knows as well as the Daily Worker does that a demonstration under the joint auspices of the Unemployment Councils and the Workers Unemployed Union, a demonstration in which So- cialists and Communists would have worked to- gether, would have engendered so much enthusiasm, so much power, that it would have attracted many more thousands of workers. It would have been an extremely important step in the fight of the job- less against the Wall Street-City Hall drive on the relief rolls. Lasser and other Socialist leaders and Love- _stoneites are responsible for the fact that the dem- onstration was relatively small. This must be said clearly and unequivocally. But it is not too late to understand and correct this. The need of the hour for the workers of New York, employed and unemployed, is unity. This unity must be built locally as well as on a city-wide scale. A united fight against the plans of: the bankers, aided by Fusion and Tammany, to put over new burdensome taxes on the masses of the city and simultaneously slash relief rolls, will defeat these schemes. The Insull Verdict N THE Soviet Union, the Insull gang of crooks would have been shot by a work- ing class firing squad as enemies of the people. But that is the difference between the Soviet’ Union and the Wall Street capitalist para- dise of Roosevelt. Where Wall Street rules, it is easy for Wall Street crooks to plunder, commit crimes, and get away with it. The Insull verdict justice.” The Insull verdict is capitalist justice in its Class nakedness. It is what capitalist justice is in- tended for—to protect The strong, the rich, the land- lords, bankers, property owners, no matter how flagrant their crookedness or criminality—the capi- talist class. is not a “miscarriage of * * * 'HERE is no more reeking lie than the capitalist propaganda of the “impartiality of the courts.” A court is an instrument of class power. It is part of the dictatorship of the Wall Street financial money lords and monopolists. It is just as much as part of this dictatorship as the army, navy and police are. Does not the experience of the masses confirm this with tears and blood? Three days ago a jobless Negro got 20 years for stealing less than 50 cents. Tom Mooney rots in jail for 18 years on the most blatant frame-up and perjury engineered by the California power trust. The Scottsboro boys face the electric chair on the flimsy lynch frame-up of the Southern land- lords. Strike pickets are sentenced to hard labor, slugged, beaten, murdered and railroaded by capital- ist courts and capitalist “justice.” * * * Insull case reveals certain typical aspects of the whole capitalist system. Insull is not just an isolated crook. There is really nothing that dif- ferentiates him from the many other crooks in the Wall Street banks who were merely a little more careful. The Insull utilities “empire” was based on the most flagrant watering of stock, doctoring of ac- counts, and financial trickery and robbery. This had the effect of soaking up like a sponge about a billion dollars of life savings from small steck holders, the thousands upon thousands of small home owners, teachers, professionals, and better paid workers who were eagerly striving to climb out of the miserable rut of poverty and insecurity which is typical of capitalism. The Communists declared that this was capitel- 4 ete sic ist fraud, that the opposite was true, that the so- called spread of, common stock ownership was really the spreading of the Wall Street financial control into new sections of American life, that the Wall Street monopolies were using the spread of common stock as a means to establish more of the country's wealth under their control History has confirmed this Marxist-Leninist analysis with iron-bound proof. HE Insull case permitted the monopolies to ab- sorb a billion dollars of small savings, and to tighten their grip on the country’s utilities at the same time Insull the political ruler of Chicago and Illinois. He was the leader of the open shop drive of the employers in Illinois and the Mid-West. Mhsull was a heavy contributor to both Democratic and Republican Parties. Insull’s associates were and still are part of the Roosevelt N.R.A. New Deal machinery. It is the I s, Morgans, Reckcfellers, duPonts, and the rest who give Roosevelt his orders. Now it is the swell Fifth Avenue clubs and the private offices of the Wall Street crooks which are rocking with laughter at the delicious capitalist comedy of the Insull verdict. But the time is not so distant when the laughter will be on the other side of their mouths. The American working class is learning fast. The Insull verdict is not a bad lesson. was For Workers’ Housing NDER the guidance of Roosevelt him- self the so-called housing program of the administration was made very clear on Saturday in a joint statement issued by Public Works Administrator Ickes and Housing Administrator Moffett. It should be noted that there never was any disagreement about the fundamental point in the program, which is the slashing of wage scales in the building industry, as an important step in the drive of the Roosevelt government to cut all wages. The building contractors, the mortgage contrac- tors and William Green have all agreed on this main plank. The apparent disagreement had come on Ickes’ demagogic statements that the govern- ment should provide low-cost housing. He wished to coat the wage-cuts with ballyhoo about clear- ing the slums. Moffett, on the other hand, who had committed the administration to a program that openly came out for benefitting the banks and the construction companies, thought that this bally- hood might lead to a campaign on the part of the workers for real slum clearance. The newest compromise leaves the administra- tion’s housing plans just where they have always been, with the ballyhoo toned down somewhat in accord with the present policy of a swing to the right, Wages are to be cut. Building will take place under the old speculative methods that enrich the banks and the construction companies. There will be no clearance of slums, and no decent housing for workers. The work will be divided up. Ickes will continue to ballyhoo low-cost housing, but do nothing as in the past to carry any such program out, Moffett, a vice-president of the Standard Oil and the direct representative of the industrialists and bankers, will push the wage-cutting drive and see to it that the capitalists get the profits. While the administration has given billions to bankers, it has only allocated $150,000,000 for hous- ing, and even this pitifully small sum was used to construct developments like Knickerbocker Vil- lage in New York, where the rents are prohibitive for workers. Low-cost housing and genuine slum clearance will only come when the workers force the government to push through a real workers’ housing program. Under workers’ control, available apartments would be divided up among the unemployed and the home- less. And new housing with government funds would be built for the benefit of the workers under the supervision of workers’ organizations, and not for the benefit of the bankers and the slum owners. Only a workers’ program would clear the slums, build schools, playgrounds and hospitals, and see to it that decent housing was provided to every worker —employed or unemployed. Hoan’s New Office SIGNIFICANT news item appeared in yesterday’s newspapers announcing that Mayor Daniel Hoan of Milwaukee, leading member of the Socialist Party and part of the Norman Thomas group in the National Executive Committee, has just been elected as the new chairman of fiie Mayors’ Conference at Chicago. With Hoan on the executive committee of the conference, and working with him, are LaGuardia of New York, chosen vice-president; Rossi of San Francisco; Jackson of Baltimore, and Mansfield of Boston. Could one find more loyal servants to the Wall Street banks and employers? Every one of these associates of Hoan has distinguished himself as an enemy of the working class, as a tool of the employ- ers Only recently Rossi ordered his police to shoot 'Frisco strikers. * * * HAT is their program which Hoan will strive to execute? They passed a resolution stating that “whereas Rooseyelt’s program apparently includes public works, housing, unemployment relief and in- surance, old age pensions, the conference gives full expression to the President's gratifying and en- couraging message and for the Administration’s sympathetic co-operation in the mutual economic and social problems confronting the American people.” Hoan endorsed this resolution. What is this if not wholesale support for the rotten fraud of Roose- velt’s whole “social program,” which gives the masses nothing but false promises, reduced relief, and new wage cuts The Socialist Mayor Hoan is now part and parcel. of this New Deal Machinery for the enforcement of Roosevelt's Wall Street program, his new of- fensive against American labor. There is not a single word of criticism from the Socialist Mayor Hoan against this Roosevelt swindle. On the ,con- trary, he praises Roosevelt's “sympathetic co-oper- ation.” The mayors proposed a public works program that “would not affect the Federal or the municipal credit.” This is plainly stating that whatever public works will be built will be paid for by taxing the masses, not the bankers. And Hoan endorsed this program. * 2 * ERTAINLY, Socialist Party workers have a right to put before Hoan and his close associate Nor- man Thomas this question: how is it possible for leaders of the Socialist Party to support Roosevelt and the reactionary capitalist mayors in their wage- cutting, relief-slashing drive against the workers? But Socialist Party workers can find their true place in the united front at the side of their class comrades, the Communist workers, for a program of real unemployment insurance, against wage and relief cuts, for a public works program to be paid for by taxing the banks and the rich. WISH to call your attention to a glaring example of poor organ- izational work on the part of the unit working and holdjing street| meetings on the corner of Eastern} Parkway and Utica Avenue, Brook- | lyn, N. Y. | | Each night speakers from the va- | ticus labor-misleading and oppor-| tunist groups (e.g., Socialists, Trot- | skyites, Industrial-Unionists, Single | Taxers, etc.) throw their hodge-| podge of pseudo-radical phrases, | spiced with vile slander against the Communist Party, to workers who gather by the hundreds every night, | workers already rebellious against | |the existent order but still seeking | a militant workers’ organization | with which to affiliate themselves. |The growing class-consciousness of jthese workers is evidenced by the great quantity of literature which! they buy at every meeting. | | My criticism of the local unit is! |three fold: | | 1. Failure. to combat the insidi-| jous literature with which these) jrenegades and opportunists split the jranks of the workers, by an effec- | |tive spreading of the Daily Worker, | | Communist magazines and pam- phlets, among these workers, At ev- lery meeting two or three comrades |should be constantly circulating among the workers, selling our lit- erature. By reading the Daily Worker of the uncompromising, unceasing struggle, on both the eco- |nomical and political fields, which | we Communists lead against their \exploiters (especially those who pre~ |tend to fight in their interests), these workers must inevitably join | our ranks. 2. Failure to put up interesting speakers, speakers who can keep {such large crowds listening. The |speeches must be prepared in ad- vance, not too lengthy, and more jattention be paid to events in the |neighborhood itself, especially to jlocal strikes, etc. And, every once in*a while, a real good speaker of the Party should be invited to speak \there. 3. Invariably there is a question period at the end of each meeting ‘held by these other organizations. )Here is a splendid opportunity to expose these fakers—but unfor- |tunately these speakers only too joften disarm the few questioners, iwho lack the necessary theoretical |training to effectively trap these misleaders. Why can’t the unit have one or more of its members there, ready with a few pointed | questions, and so show the betraying ‘nature of these organizations? Comradely yours, (Signed) Max B. Party Fraction in Club Fails to Mobilize Workers IN New York there are two Rou- |* manian organizations, a workers’ |club, which has been in existence |since 1926, and an I. W. O. branch, founded in 1931. We workers ought to expect more militant activity on the part. of these organizations or those re- sponsible within them, than was shown on the 26th day of October, 1934, when the Communist Party candidate was called and intro- elections. The two Roumanian organizations |clearly showed an efficiency in mo- |bilizing the Roumanian American | voters behind the Party Platform. | passing the buck |The Communist Party fractions in \these organizations failed to mo- |bilize and agitate the workers in |advance, through leaflets, mass |meetings for the Workers Unem- |ployment Insurance Bill, for a dele- |gate for the Hunger March to Al-| bany, against the attacks on for- jeign-born workers. They failed to |make clear to the Roumanian work- jers the necessity of picketing in the ;food workers’ strike, the longshore- men’s strike, the painters’ strike and before the Home Relief Bureaus, In all of these struggles Roumanian workers were involved at some time or other, without the club func- tionaries ever raising the issues. Are Roumanian workers in New York different from other workers, the Roumanians don’t need a Party to lead them? Can any Roumanian worker show a leaflet issued by the club on the ‘strike struggles in the past year? The fractions in these organizations should explain the reason for their inactivity. This year the Roumanian Lega- | tion, on the one hand, and the Sons of Roumania Association on the other, divided themselves for the celebration of the Roumanian bour- geois independence of the 10th of May, and called for the support of the Roumanian workers, each in dierent places—one at. the Hotel New Yorker, the other at the Hotel George Washington. On this issue instead of mobilizing an open air meeting of protest in front of the hotels, exposing the fascist nature of this celebration, they limited the club to an article in the Roumanian workers’ paper, “Desteptarea,” about the affair. Why does the Party fraction in the club avoid all these issues which could be used to educate the Rou- manian workers in the class strug- gle? The role of the Party fraction in language organizafions should be to mobilize the workers for the is- sues and campaigns of the Party. P. N., New York. 2 Policemen Indicted In Textile Killings ANDERSON, S. C., Nov. 25. — The Anderson county grand jury has returned indictments charging Charles Smith, a policeman, and Robert Calvert, a special officer, with the murder of seven textile workers at the Chicquola mill dur- ing the recent general strike. Don’t wait until December 1 to fil the quota of your unit, your trade union, or mass organizati duced to speak on the role of the Neutrals, the Pan-American Union, or do the functionaries think that} ful to leave the loophole providing | Party Life | | Street Meetings | Should Combat Renegade Attacks “.,. AND IT’S ONLY THREE DOLLARS A BOTTLE!” Frank Liliian TOTAL By SAMUEL WEINMAN | R more than two years Bolivia and Paraguay have been en- gaged in a bloody conflict in the Gran Chaco, costing tens of |thousands of lives. In over two years the League of Nations has absolutely failed to take a single definite, concrete step in the direc- tion of bringing the Chaco War to a close. On the contrary, the war, as one bourgeois correspondent was forced to admit, “bids fare to con-| tinue its sanguinary course indef-| initely.” One by one, the Commission of the ABC-Peru powers, the United States Government armed with the Monroe Doctrine, etc. have played the diplomat’s game of in accordance with the rules and regulations of “holy” international law. | Now the diplomats have thought | up a slight variation of the famil-| iar two-year old theme. This time the buck is being passed to the World Court, which up to this time has not had a hand in the farce of “pacifying’ the Chaco belliger- ents (it woludn’t be fair to leave the World Court out of the game altogether), Over six months ago President Roosevelt decreed an “arms em- bargo” to the tune of “left” phrases. Even at the time the capitalist press confessed that the embargo would have no practical effect up- on the Chaco War, for both Bolivia and Paraguay were already fully armed. Besides, Roosevelt was care- | that arms and munitions ordered prior to the embargo were exempt. At this point it is worth record- ing that-in September, 1928, Wall Street bankers loaned $23,000,000 to Bolivia, and that despite a U. S. State Department ruling forbidding loans intended for the purchase of arms, the money was used for noth- ing else. In addition, the League |of Nations reported in September, 1932, that Bolivia had bought $20,- 000,000 worth of arms and muni- tions in England and United States. The vital point remains: over six months have passed since Roose- velt’s “arms embargo” went into effect, but still death has taken no holiday on the Chaco battlefields. Sees R the first year of the Chaco War's duration the statesmen and international jurists toyed with | other Stanley Sennewald Previously received . by Burck Burck will give the original drawing of his cartoon to the highest contriputer each day towards his quota of $1,000. A MAN AND HIS WORD “Till beat him to it,” were Burck’s words a few days ago, referring to Gold’s victory, before the latter doubled his quota to $1,000, And judging from today’s contributions, it looks like Burck means business. Milton . Imperialists Aim to Continue War In Chaco Beneath Cloak of ‘Peace’ the propositions: “when is a war @ war?” and “when is a war not a war?”, It seems that the etti- quette of imperialist war provides that belligerents must exchange formal declarations of war, other- wise “there is no war,” even if tens of thousands of workers and farm- ers are slaughtering each other for the profit of their masters. Since during the first year of the war neither Bolivia nor Paraguay abided by the amenities of inter- national butchery, the League of Nations deliberately ignored the Chaco bloodbath on the ground that, “legally,” “there was no war.” After eleven months of fighting a “war that was not a war” Para~ guay formally declared war against Bolivia. Paraguay’s action was prompted by the strategy of iso- lJating landlocked Bolivia from sources of arms, munitions and war materials by evoking proclamations of neutrality from Bolivia's neighbors. Inasmuch as this was the first time since the League of Nations was founded that a belligerent issued a formal declaration of war, the League was “slightly embarrassed.” Thereafter it was no longer possible for the League of Nations to squirm out of a tight situation by denying the “legal” existence of the Chaco War. The quackery of the whole im- perialiss “peace” apparatus is openly exposed when it is recalled that Paraguay ratified the Kellogg- Briand pact “to outlaw war as an instrument of national policy.” What is behind this “pacifist” smokescreen which superficially ap- pears to be the product of idiocy or insanity? The diplomacy of the Chaco War is neither idiotic nor insane. It is the logical outcome of Anglo-American imperialist an- tagonisms, especially in Latin- America. WE SRS Ne 'HE backbone of Latin American affairs is the Anglo-American struggle for hegemony, with raw miaterials, markets, export of cap- ital and military bases at stake. As @ consequence, two blocs of semi- colonies have been formed in South America, one group responding to, puppet strings manipulated in. Wall Street and the other dominated by British bankers. Bolivia belongs in the Wall Street group of South American semi-colonies while Para- guay is under British control. American bankers have invested over $133,000,000 in Bolivia. J. P. Morgan and Co. National City Bank, Dillon, Read & Co., Equitable Trust Co., Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey, Atlantic Lead Co., and the Guggenheims have a_ powerful stranglehold on Bolivian resources and finances. Oil and tin are the two major products of Bolivia. Both oil and tin are indespensible war materials. During the World War American capitalists depended upon British supplies of tin, and there was a shortage of oil. Wall Street learned a lesson from the World War. Since then American capital has scoured the world to break the British mon- opoly of tin and to insure a plen- tiful supply of oil for the coming World War. In Bolivia, Wall Street found both tin and oil. The Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey has a concession covering 7,400,000 acres of oil land in Bolivia. The Atlantic Refining Co. and Sin- clair Oil Co. also hold large con- cessions. American capital con- trols most of the Bolivian tin mines through the Atlantic Lead Co. and the Guggenheim interests. Due to the circumstances of Bolivia's landlocked geography, al- lowing no access to the sea, the exploitation of oil and tin involves heavy transport costs, (by mule pack over the Andes mountains to Chile, to the Pacific Ocean and through the Panama Canal.) In order to reduce the transport charges Wall Street engineered and financed Bolivia’s Chaco adventure, for the Chaco offers a cheap outlet to the sea by the way of the Para- guay River. The Chaco War is a struggle be- tween American and British cap- italists for profit. Inasmuch as tht League of Nations, World Court, U.S. State Department, Pan-Amer- ican Union, Commission of Neu- trals, Roosevelt's “arms embargo,” Monroe Doctrine, etc., are nothing more than instruments in the hands of the imperialists to perpetuate their profits, no hope of real peace can be expected from those quar- ters. In the dark jungle of backstair diplomacy, international legal casu- istry, inter-imperialist maneuvering and buck-passing, only one voice has been raised calling for a genuine peace program. Only the Soviet Union has dared to propose gen- eral and complete disarmament. At the Chaco War. U.S. Maneuvers To Realign War Set-Up LONDON, Nov. 25.—The follow- up conversation of the British and American delegates at the Naval Conference here on the former's re-statement, opposing the Jap- anese demand for parity with the two chief imperialist powers, indi- cate the maneuvers of American imperialism to shift the present war alliances. The recent iransit of the entire United States Navy through the submarine base at Deutsch Harbor in Alaska, as well as Alaska’s fifty aviation stations, are collectively the chief reason for Britain’s “change” of heart toward a rap- proachment with the American delegates. However, even this maneuver, as observers freely dis- cuss, in no way eases the struggle for world hegemony between En- glish and American imperialism, This “rapproachment” is of tre- mendous importance in the light of the present war preparations of the Roosevelt government. Without the aid of the huge British Naval stations at Singapore, Hong-Kong, and now at Port Darwin, off North- ern Australia, the United States Navy, in the event of war with Japan, could never conduct a suc- cessful offensive against Japan or Panama Canal, the completion of its powerful operating base at Pearl ion. Speed contributions into the Daily Worker now. Harbor in Hawaii, and without doubt the new light-cruiser and Japanese territary. Significantly, the longest traveling radius of which the most modern dread- naught is capable without refuel- ing is not more than 500 miles. |Spanish Anti-Fascists Publish 100,000 Copies Of Revolutionary Paper (Special to the Daily Worker) MADRID, Noy. 25 (By Wireless). —The new mass anti-fascist organ, to the extent of 100,000 copies. The paper is publishing regularly an exact account of the course of the Spanish revolution. In connection with the govern- of useless iron fragments. In Turon, timidity of the Spanish bourgeoisie, announced that those possessing arms, who peacefully and unob- was paid to this proclamation. Geneva, Litvinoff alone has offered! a sincere and effective plan to halt /the Soviet Union helps speed the the Mayor, expressing the baffled }imperialist conflicts to the World Front ——By HARRY GANNES -——' The U.S.S.R. and France Archimbaud’s Corrections The Soviet Piece Policy HAT a howl of lying dis- shot through the world capitalist press when the French deputy Archimbaud, in the interest of French imperialism, sought to sensationalize and tear out of its true meaning, the Sovieti Peace policy, and its concrete moves. On the next day, however, Archimbaud sought to clarify his statements. tortions “I never said that there was a ‘military agreement’ between France and Russia,” he declared. “A read- ing of the Journal Official shows that I never affirmed there was an alliance or Franco-Soviet military treaty.” What is the situation? The entire capitalist world is arming and rush- ing towards war. It is no accident that the capitalist press featured this sensational and distorted news from France just at this time. Jap- anese imperialism has passed the biggest war budget in all its history, The London naval talks had reach- ed an impasse, with the U. S. rush- ing its unprecedented naval build- ing program. The Balkans are in @ war fever. Hitler is preparing for armed seizure of the Saar and pre cipitating a new world slaughter. The Soviet Union, surrounded by enemy capitalist countries, in the East and West had long foreseen the development and its inevitable sharpening. Socialist construction is advancing with seven-league boots. 'HE imperialist conflicts hax reached such a stage that a rift took place in the camp of world imperialism. Japanese imperialism and German Fascism could no longer remain in the League of Na- tions. The Soviet Union entered this breach in order to utilize the last shred in an effort to block war. In this respect, France, fearing that Hitler would seek a revision of the Versailles treaty by war, was forced to support the Soviet Union’s entry into the League of Nations, and the efforts to block Hitler’s war moves in Poland and the Bal- kans, by supporting the Soviet Union’s proposal for an Eastern Locarno pact. To this extent, for the preserva- tion of peace, for the utilization of all means to prevent the most bel- ligerant of the capitalist powers from going to war, the Soviet Union entered into cooperation with France. Archimbaud himself admits this situation, saying: “If we consider the state of Europe we are obliged to admit that Hitler, since his ar- rival in power, has tried to set up against the U.S.S.R., as adversaries, first Poland and then Japan. Russia and France, understanding that peace was threatened wanted to guarantee their security.” [HEN the Communist Deputy, Ramette, declared: “The Soviet Union is the sole force for peace in the world,” Archimbaud was forced to answer: “That is just what I said.” But that is not what the capital- ist press flaunted to the reading public of the world. They left the impression that the Soviet Union was offering its army to France, whenever the French imperilists thought they were endangered. Lenin has pointed out in his letter to the American workers, that when the Soviet Union is attacked or threatened by any imperialist power, the proletarian dictatorship would not hesitate to make use of the cap- italist conflicts and enter into mili- tary actions—for the preservation of the proletarian revolution. The French imperialists have no more love for the Soviet Union, for the fortress of the world revolution, than have the Japanese imperial- ists of the German fascists. But French imperialism is placed in a certain relationship because of the conflict between Hitler and France, which forces it to seek the support of the Soviet peace policy in order to stave off war. The object of French imperialism is to keep what it has, The object of the Soviet Union is, in order to strengthen the forces of proletarian revolution, by every means to pre- vent war for a redivision of the spoils of the last world war and a re-shuffling of the world colonies, Both working for directly opposite and diametrically opposed ends, fol- lowing the same path in relation to Germany and Japan, who want. war NOW in order to stave off their collapse. Every day of life and advance of death of world capitalism. The growing power and strength of the Soviet Union makes it a greater and greater force for peace when the capitalist world seeks to refresh itself with a monster blood bath, Not all the capitalist countries want war at the same time, or for the same reasons. The uneveness of the development to war, which grows ‘sharper, drives certain of the capi- jtalist powers to war or to inner destruction. It is in this way the) “El Pueblo” (“The People”), has Soviet Union’s peace policy not only been circulated throughout Madrid'advances the struggle for peace but the revolutionary struggle for the destruction of fascism, PLEA FOR GANNES One dollar is better than nothing, i) ment’s demand for the surrender! but Gannes is still holding out for of all weapons, in Mieres only 500, more. arms were rounded up, these being those dollars in! the only serviceable arms in a heap] Moitis ... He is needed here. Rush Previously received . Total Help the Daily Worker continue served would lay down their weap-| publication for the next year by ons, would escape punishment, Of| contributing toward the $60,000 course, not the slightest attention| campaign which would take care of the weekly deficits of the paper, |