The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 20, 1934, Page 6

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1924 AN Daily CUATRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUMIST WNTERMATIONAL) | “America’s Only FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Telephone: ALgonquin 4-795 4. “Daiwork, New Yo! 7: u Room 954, Na al Press Buildin; Washington, D. C. Telephone: Nat 1 h Wells St., Room 705, Ch 3931 Subscription Rates: Manhattan and Bronx), 1 year, $6.00; months, $2.00; 1 month, 0.75 cents. Foreign and Canada year, $9.00, 3 months, $3.00 Weekly, 18 cents; monthly, 75 cents TUESDAY, NOVEMBER. 20, 1934 McLevy on ‘Honest Police’ HE open and complete desertion from Marxism, from sound socialist prin- ciples, by the Socialist Party leadership could not be illustrated more clearly than in the speech of Jasper McLevy before the annual convention of New England police chiefs. To avoid the usua) charge of “slander” which the gentlemen of the Socialist press use as a substitute for a political defense of their anti-Socialist acts e special dispatch to the New York ig to McLevy in full NEW HAVEN, Conn.. Nov. 15.—‘“City police must be removed from the influence of politics,” said Jasper McLevy, Socialist Mayor of Bridge- port, at the annual convention today of police chiefs of New England. He added that “too often at present the honest cop makes an honest arrest only te be discredited in court the next day and the guilty vielator freed. “Politics, often working through the courts,” he declared, “balks entirely their work and makes a joke of the law (!). Interference with the opera- tien of honest laws (!) makes an inefficient police force. Do not tie the hands of the police force of your city.” Mayor McLevy's speech was the outstanding feature (!) of today’s session. He was not listed as a speaker, but said he attended to hear the latest methods of conducting police business. He WAS MADE AN HONORARY MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATION. We will refrain from comment on McLevy as “the outstanding feature” at a convention of police chiefs and on the honorary membership bestowed upon him. Such “honors” flow naturally from his speech. “(ITY POLICE,” says McLevy, “must be removed from the influence of politics.” “Politics . . makes a joke of the law.” “Interference with the operation of honest laws makes an inefficient police force. What is the meaning of such trash? Politics!— but what kind of politics? Laws!—but what kind of laws? An efficient police force!—but whose? As a Socialist leader McLevy should have heard that society is divided into classes, that there are CLASS politics and CLASS laws. He should have heard even that in the United States we have CAPITALIST CLASS politics as the dominant politics and CAPITALIST CLASS laws. There is every reason to believe that these simple facts hold good for New England as they do for the rest of the country. When Mr. McLevy then prates about “honest laws” and fears making “a joke of the law,” he is talking, not of working class laws (or politics!), but capitalist class laws (and politics!). He wants the police left unhampered in their enforcement of capitalist-made laws, unhampered in their attacks on the unemployed, on striking workers’ picket lines, unhampered in protecting the property and profits of the capitalists, unhampered in enforcing the thousands of laws designed to fur- ther the exploitation of the poor. This is the stupid chatter of one who poses as a “socialist,” an outstanding leader of the Socialist Party. This is the theory that politics, laws, and police are above classes, that the government is “neutral” in the struggle between classes, that the government is the impartial arbitrator of class dis- putes. It is a rejection of the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and every real socialist that. the state (and the police) are the instruments of capitalist class oppression This is the theory also of Adolph Hitler and Benito Mussolini. It is on the basis of ffiis theory that they build their “totalitarian” state, make war against Communist and Socialist organizations, im- prison and torture working-class fighters. It is through such acts as McLevy's police con- vention speech that the Socialist leaders build up respect for capitalist laws and capitalist police, strengthen fascist theories cn the “non-class role of the government,” and prepare the way for fas- cist cictatorship. Every honest socialist worker has every right to protest indignantly against McLevy’s speech. Let McLevy choose honorary membership in the Ne England Association of Police Chiefs. Socialist work- ers should stick with Marxism. They will win only when they take the road of class struggle in a United Front with the Communists. A Reactionary Argument Against 30-Hour Week EETING in Washington, the most re- actionary industrial monopolists of the U. S. Chamber of Commerce yester- day issued a national release which argues this way: “Tf carried to extremes, curtailment of working time may prolong a depression . increased costs of operation can be recovered only by increasing prices or decreasing profits . . . further reductions in working time with upward adjustments of wage rates would intensify the present maladjustment in price relationships and bring about.a decline in total business.” OW vainly. all this polite language tries to cloak the realities of the class struggle! What does: this argument amount to? It states that if the workers get higher wages, the employers will get less profits, That is undeniably true. But then it states that if the employers get less profits they will have to raise prices. And if they cannot raise prices, they say, “that would intensify the present maladjustment in price relationships and bring about a decline in total business,” thus ag- gravating the crisis. What is false in this argument? It is the assump- ion that what is bad for the employers is bad for everybedy, that what is bad for the handful of capitalists is also bad for the great majority of the people. Suppose an employer is forced to grant a 30-hour week with no reduction in pay, then what? This will cut into his profits. Then, say the employers, he will have to raise prices, Working Class Daily Newspaper” | | If they raise of competition, purchasing power, damental price relationships which are determined by the lue independent of the wishes or will of the employers, w force them to bring the price down again. nployer, in the end, will have to take a reduced profit, But the workers will retain the advantage of their higher wages. They 1 be able to buy more goods. HUS cut the 30-hour week without pay cuts would into profits and give the workers a larger slice of the national income. Only the bosses would lose by it. Buf why should the workers worry if the lose? The crisis would not be aggravated by this because its’ deepening will continue as the basic laws of capitalism and private property con- t to destroy production on the basis of the inherent contradictions of capitalist society. What would happen is that the living stand- ards of the masses would improve, the workers would have won a step forward in defeating the capitalist way out of the crisis, the way of putting the whole burden on the backs of the workers, the way of increasing profits by increasing work- ing class starvation, The duPonts and War Leg NYE, chairman of the Mu- nitions Investigating Committee, is delighted with the letter of the E. I. du- Pont de Nemours & Co. on the most ef- fective means to prepare for war. Because of the huge war preparations of the Roosevelt government, the Nye Committee, to further these rapid steps to war, found it neces- sary, to win mass support, to skim the surface of the war billions. When the investigation began to touch the powerful munitions trusts, it was quickly adjourned, to give them an opportunity to cover up, and to enter more effectively into the war ob- jectives of the Roosevelt regime. The du Pont letter makes two general proposals, besides revealing numerous facts which concern us in the struggle against war. First, the du Ponts de- clare the major problem is adequately utilizing the whole machinery of the munitions and other in- dustry to prepare for war in the most effective man- ner; in which they offer to help the committee to the fullest. Second, with the outbreak of war they propose a central mobilization of all industry dur- ing the time of war, under the control of a central apparatus with the munitions manufacturers in control. While rattling off some phr&ses against “war profits,” the letter points out that to preserve war profits is the central motive, and care must be taken not to interfere with this objective or dis- aster lies ahead, The du Ponts remember the 458 per cent dividends they handed out (which nowhere near states their rate of profit as the result of the last world slaughter). The war industry, the letter further shows, is not restricted to the arms industry alone, but com- prises the whole economic structure of the coun- try, and they further reveal that plans have been thoroughly worked out, under the Roosevelt regime, immediately to transfer the country to a war basis. Knowing a little about war, the du Ponts then discuss the basic causes of war under capitalism. They refute the charges that arms manufacturers make wars, though they fail to point out they make the most out of them, and help to quicken the tempo. “War is caused by economic and political rivalries,” say the du Ponts. That is only part of the truth. All of the capital- ist powers are driving to war now in an effort to get out of the crisis, to propel capitalism ouft of its difficulties by a new world siaughter for the domi- nation and re-division of the world’s colonies and markets. Understanding this, the du Pont letter in- timates that Roosevelt is following the right path to enable Wall Street to get its share of profits and plunder out of the next slaughter, and that it is fully ready to cooperate for the most effective butchery of the workers for this aim. bosses ue The Textile Situation ‘HE textile workers are showing in- creased dissatisfaction with the set- tlement of the general textile strike which left all of their demands in the hands of the National Textile Labor Relations Board set up by President Roosevelt. The move- ment for a re-strike is growing. The silk workers of Paterson, at their membership meeting voted for strike action. Thirty thousand dye workers are al- ready striking. Francis Gorman, leader of the United Textile Workers Union, who ended the general strike in a complete defeat for the textile workers’ demands, now admits that the re-strike of the textile workers is being prevented with the greatest of difficulty. Gorman declared Saturday there is “great danger of renewed strike action.” The maneuvers of Gorman and the Textile Board of Roosevelt, as part of the general drive of the employers of all industries and of the Roosevelt government to lower the workers’ living standards, have. brought the textile workers to the brink of starvation. But the Gorman-Green leadership of the A. F. of L. are assisting the company union, wage smash- ing drive of the Roosevelt government, by holding the textile workers back from strike preparations. These A. F. of L. misleaders are singing the old re- frain they have been singing since the beginning of the N.R.A—that the textile workers should con- tinue to bring “complaints” before the Roosevelt boards. It is these N.R.A, boards, now hearing the complaints, which are installing the company union, and pushing througn the blacklist and evictions and increased streichout. They are employers’ boards. Thé elections held by the Paterson silk. workers at their memvership meeting of the Paterson Silk Workers Union (U.T.W.), is one indication that tie workers are determined to prepare strike against the wage cut, speedup drive. The workers not only voted for strike. They insisted that the elected shop chairmen, in cooperation with the executive board, should be in charge of the strike. They elected a rank and file delegation to the national conven- tion of the American Federation of Silk Workers (U.T.W.). They defeated Eli Keller, representative of Gorman in Paterson, who has been trying to prevent the silk strike there, and his entire clique in the elections. This shows the mood of the work- ers. The re-strike movement of the textile workers, under the leadership of the rank and file, will win the textig workers their demands, and not reliance on Roos@elt’s employers’ boards, Join the Communist Party 35 EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party. ADDRESS............. | Party Life Some Problems In Building Up Strong Units | WWE often scpeak of “Unit Life.” I think we generalize on this too much without really analyzing it. We seem to say some- ; thing must be done to make our Units an organized force of leaders in the class struggle facing the | workers of its neighborhood. We/ fail to point out the cause of the Units backwardness in becoming the | mainspring within its territory. Of first subject importance among our failures is the absence of Unit | Buro meetings. Just to say this is | not enough. We must see why Unit |buro meetings must be held. Not only must they be held, but. we must be clear upon the reason why they are held. | I think we have formed certain habits that must be discarded. In the past we seemed to start off each week with a clean slate, paying | very little attention to what was | taken up the week before. The Unit | buro must make out an agenda for the Unit meetings. How often have we seen this done in about a min- ute’s time without thought of the order in which the points are ar- | ranged. The Unit buro should meet be- \fore the Unit meeting and study | the Org. letter from the Section. It | should gather from the Sections | Org. letter just what the main ob- jectives of the entire Section is. The Unit buro in knowing from its | experience in the neighborhood }and also the composition of- Unit membership will arrive at the part its unit can play in the directives from the Section buro. The Unit | also can start campaigns of its own | that will be in line with general campaign of the Section as a whole |The Unit buro must plan and | propose such plans also to mem- bership. | The first part of the agenda | should be taken up with check ups | and reports. No comrade should be | left out in this check uo This part | of the meeting should no: take long. | Above all a sense of discipline must | be felt by each comrade. This can | be developed by electing a chair- man who will stop comrades from going into many minutes of small talk that has no place in a report. If necessary the financial secretary should act as chairman until the comrades learn how to take part in the proceedings and become a chairman themselves. After the re- | port the next neriod should be Jed by the Organi It should be taken up with activities planned by the bureau. In this the Organizer must not make a flat statement of | the tasks and assign comrades to | carry through these tasks. He must | frankly show :n an intelligent man- ner (and he can i: he has earnestly | studied it) the campaign the Sec- tion has undertaken. Then he must show why the Unit bureau has taken the part it proposes to accom- plish, of that Section plan. He must also show how the campaigns origi- nated by the Unit Bureau fit in | and aid in achieving the direct tasks | taken from the Section bureaus di- | rectives. It is not necessary to sit and read the Org. letter as if. it were a bit of dogma at Unit meet- ings. It is not necessary to read it at all, That is way we have Unit bureaus to predigest the ma- terial. If the Organizer has studied with the rest of the bureau the Org. | letter he will be able to show why the proposed action of the bureau is correct. The Unit membership will also gain a better understand- ing of the problems to be solved and agree to the proposed action. The next period should be Jed by the Agit-Prop. How often have we seen Agit-Props. who took the at- titude of professors. He often leads } a@ discussion that in no way con- |nects up with the problem facing the Unit. The Agit-Prop. should fit in with the activity of the Unit. He should show the advantage po- litically of accomplishing the tasks | decided upon. He should cite cer- tain actions in the past to prove the correctness of a planned action. He should warn against certain ten- dencies that may be cropping up in the Unit and show how failures have resulted by using such tactics. During major campaigns of the en- tire Party he should. especially broaden his discussion so that a picture of the whole working-class movement will result. He should prepare himself to ask two or three questions each meeting which he believes are not clear to the entire membership. Above all he must de- velop discussion among the mem- bership. The only way to do this is to tie up the subject he has in- troduced with the. campaign at hand and which has been previously discussed. We can readily see when we con- sider the above that our Unit meet- ings can no longer remain the loose gatherings many of them are today. |We cannot deal with the indiv- idual propaganda work we may have done while selling a pamphlet to a worker. We cannot continue to tell stories of insignificant happenings. We must raise major happenings within our neighborhood and discuss them with the expectation that we will arrive at a plan for action which will fit in with our general program. In order to bring about this de- sired change in our Units we must first make it our business to hold Unit buro meetings and then see to it that every member in the Unit is a part of a functioning fraction carrying on mass work. While we have many shortcomings if we can bring about these two changes we will find that most of the other shortcomings will be eliminated. F, S. Agit-Prop, Unit 802 “I feel that I should have done better,” writes Joseph Kilchevski, of Binghamton, N. Y., sending $6.75. “I realize that the Daily Worker is the mighty voice of the working class than must not be silenced.” Those who can contrbute more than once should contribute again and r 4 tn,, MM, Burek will give the original drawing of tempts to dash for first place. A Friend ..... YESTERDAY, AHEAD—TODAY—!!! Burck, with yesterday's contributions (omitted due to lack of space), passed Mike Gold in time to see the latter's worried frown, hear his panting breath, and feel his wringing wet shirt as he at- PREPARING THE SHOT! Rooseveit Is his cartoon to the L. Shear ... Total Quota $1,000. creer B 2.00 Philip Saracea .. Utility Employee . Previously Received But Today—. by Burck No contributions!!! ’ By Vern Smith i MOSCOW, Nov. i9.—Several hun- dred people were gathered in the | street called “Chinese Prospect,” a street that runs from Dzherjinsky Square more or less southerly until | it reaches the banks of the Moscow River. Nearly all the way along | one side of the street stretched, | when I first came to Moscow and | up until a few months ago, a solid | brick wall about twenty feet high | and twelve or fifteen feet thick. It had battlements along the top, and | narrow arched gateways twenty or | thirty feet wide at a few points | along it. That was the “Chinese | Wall,” and it had been blocking | traffic in Moscow since the six- teenth century. What the crowd saw, though, was | a mass of rubbish and brick, with | hundreds of men, women and youth swarming over it with iron bars picking out the good brick. Just opposite from where they stood a half dozen sturdy young fellows on top of a low place in the wall were carefully hammering out the bricks on one side of one of these arched gateways. A militiaman good na- turedly urged the crowd back from the vicinity of the arch. The sturdy youths shouted jests to friends in the crowd. The tightly wedged bricks yielded slowly, but they yielded. Suddenly, without a warn- ing crack, tons of brick dropped | straight down and smashed like an explosion, and a faint dust arose. The arch had collapsed. Most of the crowd cheered. A few, some very old and some very young, sighed. Ancient Landmark Gone “An ancient landmark gone,” said one old fellow. “One of the tradi- tions of old Moscow destroyed,” said someone else. “A rotten tradition,” said a worker, as he turned to catch the street car that would take him to an afternoon shift somewhere. “Now we'll have room to move about in,” was the general com- ment. A few days later, most of the rubbish is cleared away. “Chi- nese Prospect” is merged with “New Square” Street, the street that used to run along parallel with the wall but just inside it, and where the wall stood is clean, solid asphalt. The traditionists are appeased, and archaeologists are satisfied with the stretches of wall that remain along the river front and in other places where it does not interfere with traffic. Even the best of the old gateways, that over Tretyakov Prospect, is saved, and has been re- painted while the rest of the wall came down. But the gaudy church that buttressed the corner of the wall where it turned from Dzher- jinsky, Ploschad to run up toward the Kremlin, is gone. It had no architectural or historic value, and mere holiness did not save it. The time has long gone by when a church was saved merely because it was a church. Public opinion, in- stead of demanding that “sacred edifices” be untouched, is now much inclined to object that there are too many churches left for the church- going population to use anyway. That is true. I went myself last Sunday to one near the Red Square, and saw how a bare half dozen worshippers wandered from one ikon to another, each kissing the same square inch of glass over the saint's feet. City of 4,000,000 Moscow is 2 city of about 4,000,000 inhabitants, that is, a city much e size of Chicago. Like Chicago, |again to the $60,000 fund. Only | YOUR contributions can keep the “mighty voice” of the working class alive! it is a big industrial city, a railroad center, when the Volga-Moscow Breaking Down the Old Barriers Chicago. But it is more than Chi- cago, it is the capital of an enor- mous country. At one end of the stretch of wall that has just been torn down stands the Peoples Com- missariat of the Interior building, | at the other end is the building of the Peoples Commissariat of Heavy Industry. Furthermore, Moscow, unlike Chi- cago, has more than doubled in size since 1926. So there is here both a housing and a traffic problem. With in- dustry booming, great crowds strug- gle through the narrow, medieval alleys, Moscow’s famous “pereuloks.” Moscow's millions of workers have money, unlike the workers of cap- | italist cities, and they surge in masses to the stores to do their shopping. Now, imagine what even Chicago with its broad streets, with its busi- | ness ruined by the crisis, would be like if there were a solid brick wall fifteen feet thick starting from the Public Library, running down West Madison Street to Houston Street, | then south to Roosevelt Boulevard, | then at an angle toward the loop, and through it, and up.to the water front! The wall had to come down. Palace of Culture Where the enormous Palace of Culture, with its meeting rooms for thousands of workers, with its mul- titude of class and study circle rooms, with its buffets and “chil- dren’s city” stands in the “Prole- tarian District” of Moscow, there was until recently an ancient dark- walled monastery. The most dis- tinctive tower is all that is left of the monastery, and that tower has become an integral part of the Palace of Culture grounds. That is the way it has been go- ing since the Chapel of the Iberian Virgin was removed from the main entrance to the Red Square several years ago, and room made for millions to march on May Day and Nov. 7. Whatever of the old is of real historical value, they find some way to save. Moscow wofkers are so careful of real archaelogical and traditional things that they even ———— World Front ——By HARRY GANNES -—~ “Traffic” Crisis in Japan The Emperor or the Nation Figures on the U.S. S. R. F YOU believe the ral press correspondents in Tokyo the Japanese cabinet is in a severe crisis because a traffic cop at Kiryu directed Emperor Hirohito’s car down the wrong street last Friday, | So great is the crisis, the cable fairy | story goes on to relate, that Police Inspector Juhel Honda attempted j to commit suicide, and Minister of Home Affairs Fumio Goto is ex pected to resign. Now we do not coubt that the emperor was shunted down the wrong alley, and that in Japan is a grave offense. But with sufficient kow-towing and expiation the mat ter could be straightened out with- out a cabinet crisis or worse. But the real cause of the crisis :} that the whole Japanese empire is being directed down the wrong traffic lane and is heading full speed toward the red light of war. SEEMS rather strange that the cabinet sort of greeted the Em- Peror’s run-around as a convenient eccasion to stop all discussion on the budget before the Japanese Diet today. The budget provides for the greatest war expenditure in the whole history of Japan. More than 75 per cent of all expenditures are allocated for war purposes. Now, with Japan entering a severe finan- cial crisis, with the yen dropping heavily in the world market, with Japanese foreign trade being cur- tailed, there is plenty of reasons for a cabinet, crisis. Besides. mass starvation is grow- ing. Strikes are increasing. Over 30,000 Japanese girls have been sold into prostitution because the peas- ants have nothing to eat. The army | | is preparing outright fascism, and | has made its position public. To / divert the attention of the masses from the real crisis, and to jack up interest in the omnipotence of the emperor, the misdirected treffic in- cident is seized upon to conceal the basic questions in Japan. eee aE ETWEEN the United States and tures, nor does it need them, for it has all the central Russian plain in which to expand. They are build- ings of five to nine stories or more, of which the now nearly completed new hotel of the Moscow Soviet on ' Mokhovaya Street is an example, a building of ornamented balconies forming straight lines along its ten stories, and with a marble bal- | ustrade along the edge of its flat | roof, pleasing, somewhat classical, in appearance. In addition to such buildings as’ this, which replace and more than replace the useless Sukharevsky Towers, which are incomparably more useful and more beautiful than the low, old shacks that were torn down to make room for them, in addition to the numerous con- crete and glass club houses and fac- tory restaurants, in addition to the dozens of new office buildings, modernly equipped, with elevator service, etc. is the actual building out of the city, is the erection of hundreds of workers’ apartment houses, four of five stories high, | surrounded by parks and wide boulevards, in the suburbs of the city. x Moscow city spent in repair of old buildings 53,475,000 rubles dur- ing 1932-1934 in the task of making them more fit to live in, in in- stalling electricity, piping in gas,! putting in plumbing, etc. But, mostly within the last six years. Moscow has added 50 per cent to the space for workers’ liv- ing quarters, and this job is being rushed with might and main. It is still the weak point, for, in spite of such building campaigns as no capitalist city ever experienced even in the height of prosperity and building booms, population has in- creased still more rapidly. Moscow is crowded: the number needing to be housed increased 100 per cent while the housing space increased 50 per cent. But that condition is being remedied. Already housing is beginning to gain again on popula- | tion increase, just as the new sub- way, the trolley bus lines, opera- tion of which began this year, and the widening of the streets are be- Japan there is the sharpest ri- valry over naval armaments, The Roosevelt government has been spending billions for naval arma- ments to dominate the Chinese and other Far Eastern markets. In re- ply, Japanese imperialism is de- manding naval parity, and not waiting. But the cost is tremendous. What with typhoons, strikes, peas- ant struggles, world clashes over markets, dumping and so on, the puinenies are mounting. | Japanese imperialism’s major ob- ‘ject is war against the Soviet Union, in order to insure its plun- der of Manchuria and seize the rich Siberian plains as a base for .. idomination of the whole of the | Far East. As the crisis grows—not the traf- fic incident one—the Japanese war lords call for its solution by im- | mediate war against the Soviet , Union. This, they feel, will tempo- rarily solve the growing conflict with the United States, and would meet with approval of the domi- nant section of American finance capital. Hence, as conditions grow sharp- er in Japan, we will not see a few isolated incidents of hara-kari, but a rapid development toward fas- ‘cism, in an effort to crush the growing class struggle at home, and attempt to direct the whole con- flict into war against the U.S.S.R. . peas |{MEANWHILE, in the — Soviet i Union, Socialist construction speeds on apace. Fighting for ‘peace on all world fronts, the Sec- ond Five Year Plan goes from vic- tory to victory, improving the standard of living of the masses ;and strengthening the defense @gainst any war adventures, either from Japan or Fascist Germany, or anywhere else. Latest informa- tion shows the following gains over jlast year in heavy industry in the Soviet Union: Electric current, 32 per cent; coal, 25 per cent; mineral (oll, 15 per cent; peat, 22 per cent; coke, 40 per cent; iron ore, 49 per cent; pig iron, 49 per cent; copper ore, 26 per cent; lead, 92 per cent; aluminum, 277 per. cent; motor jtrucks, 35 per cent; automobiles, 104 per cent; raiiway cars, 64 per leave the gilded Czarist eagles on | ginning, with a noticeable effect cent. the spires of the Kremlin. But the Chinese Walls, the Sukharevsky Towers, and such like nuisances have to get out of the way. ‘The rebuilding of the city is going on at a tremendous pace, and with remarkable little injury to the older city. The new subway, the first stretch of which has already been tested and will be open soon, was tunneled under squares and strects and buildings, in straight lines un- der a city that is built like a cart- wheel with streets like the spokes and tire of the wheel, like several tires, to be more exact, and not a building collapsed. Only some of the smaller ones, doomed anyway to make room for more modern structures, were torn down. I was here during most of the subway building period, and all that one could see of the construction job, a project in which more cubic feet of concrete were poured than even at Dnieprostroy, the biggest dam in the world, was the pres- ence of some 47 board fences around the chief shafts of the subway. That, and the thousands of workers pouring in and out of these en- closures. Wider Streets The streets downtown are being widened and straightened. Along- side are going up fine new build- ings, in a new kind of architeciure for Moscow, a distinctive architec- ture. They are not ckyscrapzrs, ‘or canal is finished it will be a ship- ping center for water traffic like Moscow has not good bedrock un- derneath to support very tall struc- even while I have watched it for the last twelve months, to solve Moscow's traffic problems. All Moscow Builds Just as the population intelli- ! gently applauds the smashing through of the Chinese Wall, just as it flocks to offer volunteers to contribute their labor time on the subway construction, until they can boast, “All Moscow Builds the Sub- way,” so also the population takes ' a pride in and helps to further the beautifying of the city. Nearly every house in Moscow is now involved in the contest for the house best prepared for winter, for the cleanest courtyard, and best or- dered interior. The contest is con- ducted through the house organiza- tions, for every dwelling house in Moscow is now part of a co-opera- tive. There are 1,047 such co- operatives, or collectives of tenants in the houses, each co-operative in- cluding two or three smaller houses or one very big apartment house. Moscow workers are, under so- cialist forms, building their homes, beautifying them and_ improving them, and solving their traffic problems. A cleaned, vastly im- proved, more splendid Moscow greeted the Nov. 7 anniversary ‘this jYear, and will carry through the ,election campaign this month, And everyone knows that,. much .as has heen done, this is only a beginning. The workers own the city, crises do not affect them. and the building boom is a permanent institution. Ss: FAR as food production is concerned, we want to quote from a few English experts who re- cently visited the Soviet Union: Sir John Russell, director of the larg- est experimental farm, the greatest agrarian authority in England: , “Collective farms are capable of producing all the grain and vege- tables necessary.” (Manchester Guardian, Sept. 12, 1934.) Sir Jo- ‘seph B. Robinson, Bart., well- known conservative: “There is no unemployment or starvation in Russia.” (South Africa, Sept. 9, j1934.) A. E, Lauder, writer hostile {2 the Soviet Union: “The problem i} appears to have been solved.” | -There are many others, but we have no space for them now. of finding enough subsistence food | WINS BY “HATR EDGE” E. 8. Schultz was torn between Literature and Politics. “It was hard to decide whether to con- tribute to Mike Gold or to your snappy little tabloid column. But yours got just a hair edge on his stuff. Besides you need- the encouragement.” AND. the dough, comrade! - Helen Kente - E. 8. Schultz 1,00 Previously Rec'd .... 190.87 Total $192.87 Quota $500. < Despite yesterday's omission, these fige ures are up to date, = © v