The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 17, 1934, Page 5

F. D. R. Council Puts Final Touches On Fake Insurance Plan Program Bars Relief To All Now Unemployed; Aids Company Unionism By MAX BEDACHT At the end of the last legislative Washington Parley Unable to Shut Out Demands | session of Congress, President for Real Unemployment Insurance Made for Workers by Benjamin By Marguerite Young (Daily Worker Washington Bureau) WASHINGTON, D. C., Nov. 16.— The Roosevelt recipe for evading unemployment insurance—a scheme to sponsor state “unemployment in- surance reserve funds” which would force those still employed to insure their own jobs, would bar all those now unemployed from as much as one penny's benefit, and would threaten participating workers with onger company-union bonds — fas receiving the finishing touches Dday in the hands of an advisory council dominated by fascist-inclined big business men. Before the national conference on economic security, President Roosevelt disclosed his rogram Wednesday with a flat declaration that it must not be financed by taxes and must not affect anyone now on relief. The 200 bourgeois “students” assembled in the confer- ence, supposedly to advise the gov- ernment, had not yet finished for- mulating their opinions. Thus dra- matically, the President's action bore out the Daily Worker’s fore- cast that the gathering would serve merely to create a false impression of “scientific” backing for the Gov- ernment’s fake “security” program. One thing made the conference significant. Despite the fact that it was composed chiefly of experts culled from the most reactionary leadership of labor, social welfare \nd powerful business groups, they uld not shut out the voice of the ation-wide working class demand aor real unemployment insurance. On the whole the conference was devoted to quibbling over details ot the very program Roosevelt later proposed for preventing the enact- ment of true social insurance and for legalizing a pauper status for millions now jobless. And yet the bourgeois experts repeatedly were forced to listen to direct and in- direct expressions of the working class demand for a measure of se- curity at once, Benjamin Gives Program There was Herbert Benjamin, leader of the National Hunger marches, uninvited and dramatic in presenting the program for which thousands of workers’ and profes- sionals’ representatives will hold a congress for unemployment and so- cial insurance here in January. Stuffed shirts stiffened and the en- tire assemblage was enlivened when Benjamin insisted that genuine un® employment insurance means com- msation equal to average wages | all workers now losing pay for voluntary joblessness, old age, aternity, accident or sickness, and this compensation must be paid for by taxing surplus wealth and ad- ministered by workers. There was Grace Abbott, former director of the United States Chil- dren’s Bureau, speaking as a mem- ber of the big American Associa- tion of Social Workers and de- manding “decent, self-respecting se- curity for everyone.” Her speech reflected the social workers’ wide experience with fall- ing professional standards, and with organized unemployed work- ers’ demands for human standards. There was Harry Lurie, of the same social workers’ association, bluntly pointing out that a program such as that later proposed by Roosevelt “will further lower the Standard of living by levying pay- ments for insurance on a budget (the workers’) already too low.” There was a country doctor from A.-ridden countryside, answered an attack which a wealthy Baltimore brain specialist leveled at sickness benefits. The specialist feared such ublic aids might interfere with igh-priced surgeons’ fees, The untry doctor passionately replied mething must be done at once, “for how can we expect people like my patients, Negro tenants with an income of less than $600 a year, to pay doctors anything?” Confesses Pressure Finally ‘there was Mayor La Guardia of New York, who has re- peatedly executed anti-unemployed policies such as sending police to club demonstrators, but who con- fessed that the pressure of these organized unemployed is too strong to meet in that way any longer. He blocked action by the confer- ence to approve the principles of the Wagner-Lewis bill—the very principles later approved, only with more threatening features, by Presi- dent Roosevelt. LaGuardia also de- clared that, “if we wait on actu- aries .. . we won't get any legisla- tion.” President Roosevelt bluntly said any plan adopted must “keep out... every element that is ac- tuarily unsound.” This actuarial principle is the nub of the differ- ice between company-reserves Hans such as will be developed un- fer the Roosevelt schemes, and real ‘‘nemployment insurance such as that demanded by the National Un- employment Councils and the Com- munist Party. Actuarial plans de- pend on contributions by those ben- efitting; genuine insurance depends on taxing surplus wealth. Federal relief Administrator Har- ty L. Hopkins pulled the only “bon- er” in the carefully staged show. He said that any plan “worth its salt” must provide for those not unemployed. President Roosevelt said flatly the “first concern” must be to bring people now on relief back into “productive employment” —Wwhich merely means that the President's first concern is to stim- ulate private industry's profits, fact, President Roosevelt said this. He declared: “Our first task is to get the economic system to fune- tion,” specifically barred old-age pensions and ‘sickness benefits and completely ignored maternity and accident compensation. Profits Come First As if to emphasize all this, Secre- tary Perkins told the concluding night session thet her committee on economic security will follow Rooseveit’s suggestion to the letter. She added, “Economic recovery (business and profits) must come before everything else. . . . While the national income remains small we cannot go far in providing se- curity as we would like to do.” None of the conference delegates mentioned the point that statement inevitably raises—that no such ten- der fears for “recovery” are men- tioned when the Roosevelt govern- ment digs in and dishes out bil- lions of dollars for war prepara- tions. Nor did any of the trusty experts remind Secretary Perkins | that the “recovery” she referred to, that of bringing back the profits of industry, has already occurred—and so entirely at the expense of the working and poor farmer classes that today there are nearly a mil- lion more industrial workers unem- ployed than there were a year ago; also that the purchasing power of the nation has declined until pro- duction again has sunk. Members of the advisory council, who sat in on the conference in the swank Mayflower Hotel, assembied in secret yesterday in a fitting place, the headquarters of the American Red Oross, the huge gov- ernment “charity” organization, which has collected millions from the people, supposedly for relief, but actually largely for fat admin- istration costs and a big war fund. Reactionary labor fakers and openly fascist-minded industrialists, they will complete the Roosevelt program's details. Among them are Gerard Swope, General Electric millionaire originator, with General Hugh 8. Johnson, of the fascist plan toward which the Roosevelt government is moving perceptibly. In fact, Swope was in private con- ference with Roosevelt repeatedly before the White House announced its “social security” program, and there are many reasons to believe that Swope had a leading part in developing it—and that he yet hopes to further his plan for a more strongly fascist set-up under the “unemployment insurance” _pro- “Talks for F. D. R. Plan A hint of this came during the conference, ironically, in speeches mate by those the Roosevelt ad- ministration had chosen as safe leaders of the discussions. Profes- sor Paul H. Douglas of the Univer- sity of Chicago, a supporter of many Socialist Party candidates, frankly declared that an unemployment re- serves plan administered by indi- vidual companies “is a company Plan, and will foster company- unionism.” Douglas was the extreme “left” speaker for the administra- tion—and he made some of the most reactionary suggestions of all. The “company-reserves” plan, un- der which each company sets aside a small percentage of its payroll and pays limited benefits during a lim- ited period of unemployment, has been enacted by the State of Wis- consin. H. W. Story, Milwaukee manu- facturer, opened the conference dis- company union the price of partici- pation in the benefit plan. Doug- Jas’s own proposal, however, was for general unemployment reserves, built by employee contributions in order, said Douglas, that “the work- ers may feel that unemployment in- surance is a right,” and because “the employers probably couldn’t be saddled with the whole cost.” Douglas also urged that benefits be limited to 26 weeks a year—in- stead of 20—and that agricultural and. public service workers may be excluded. He accepted with a mur- mur that’ any plan “that may be adopted” will “not affect any of those now on relief.” Such “company-reserves” plans would be permitted under the Roosevelt program, for he proposed that the various states set up laws for administering “reserves”—plac- ing no restriction on the kind chosen. Douglas also dropped the inform- ation that under any plan of ad- ministration by the states it would take “at least a year” to get started, Another delegate pointed out that the State Legislatures meet for briet sessions only, in January, and probably would not act unless some extraordinary pressure were put on them, Dodge Demands of Workers Spokesman after spokesman, in an effort to evade the great need for unemployment insurance, cited vast needs for sickness, maternity, and old age benefits—all barred by the President. In short, the Roosevelt program Proposed at least a year’s delay, no benefits for any security hazard ex- cept unemployment, and those ben- efits only for those then still em- Ployed and under a variety of standards which wait upon state action, exclude any others the busi- ness men in the various states de- cree as outside protection, and this only with workers who do benefit In| contributing to these benefits. Benjamin told the conference made a speech in which he spoke much about the problem of “social security.” He informed us that he is studying this problem, he | promised a solution of it during the | coraing legislative period. | Now a conference in Washington composed of presumably invited “experts and representatives of in- dustry and labor” discusses the problem of social security. Secretary of Labor Perkins predicts that the measures for social ~security that will finally reach Congress will be more positive than negative. We are somewhat puzzled about the mean- ing of this, but Perkins immediately clarifies it: social security is to be established rather by providing jobs than job insurance. We who advocate and work for the passage of House Resolution 7598 as a measure toward “social security” are interested in these maneuvers of Roosevelt, of Perkins, of the experts, and of the represen- tatives of industry and labor. For us the problem is not only an acute, but also a simple one. Five Years of Crisis For a period of five years now a most serious economic crisis is de- priving at least 15 million workers of jobs. Jobs are the workers’ only source of life. Without jobs the workers are deprived of income; they go hungry; they are no longer able. to feed and clothe and house their children; they are subjected to misery and privation. There are those of the leaders of American capitalism who declare that the misery and hunger of these millions of workers and their fam- ilies is not the concern of the gov- ernment. The government doesn’t owe these workers anything. If this Premise is accepted these millions must be accorded the right to or- ganize and by the power of their organizations take food where they can find it, in the full warehouses and granaries, in the stores and shops; or, these masses must be de- clared a useless surplus and done away with. The first is actively op- posed by the capitalists and their government, ihe second policy is secretly desired by them and actual- ly carried out by means of slow starvation, Then there are those representa- tives and spokesmen of capitalism who declare that the refusal of re- aponsibility by the government and the capitalists toward these hungry masses was a raw deal; they prom- ise a new deal. The immediate measures of this new deal were as follows: New Deal Panacea First, an effort to inflate the dol- lar; parallel efforts to increase the prices of commodities. Of course, only the superior intelligence of a capitalist Brain Trust can figure out how these steps benefited the masses. The problem of the masses was not having enough dollars; the New Deal decreased the few dollars they had by cutting their value, The masses wrestled with the prob- Jem of their purchasing power being entirely out of harmony with the cost of their living. The New Deal bought itself the title of “friend of the forgotten man” by increasing the cost of living of the masses and by decreasing the value of their dollars. The need of the masses was for food and clothing. The New Deal went ahead to destroy food by slaughtering and burying “surplus” pigs, by plowing under wheat; it went ahead to destroy clothing by Plowing under cotton. Thereby they | WORKERS’ decreased the stock of those very necessities for want of which the masses were suffering. Who will blame us for being skeptical about the Brain Trust thinking up new means of estab- lishing social security? Our skepti- cism is the more justified as the spokesmen of the Brain Trust are already telling us of the “rather positive than negative character” of the measures of social securtty, The Newest Promises The major feature of the new card to be played out of the New Deal deck of Roosevelt will be rather to provide jobs than job insurance. We may be permitted a question. If the American capitalists had it within their power to provide the necessary jobs, why didn’t they pro- vide them during the last five years? Another Brain Trust proposal is the distribution of the few jobs that are left among the many workers. A wonderful solution! But the im- mediate problem of the class is its unbelievably low collec- tive income. Only the Brain Trust will be able to explain how the dis- tribution of that low collective in- come among a greater mass of work- ers will improve matters for the | workers, But no matter how glib this explanation may be, it will not fill the stomachs of the hungry workers, The problem is simply this: there is enough of the necessities of life to feed and to house and to clothe the masses, One of two steps must be taken. Hither the capacity of society to produce the necessities of life is put at the disposal of the masses of workers, or the masses are supplied with the necessary funds to procure these necessities by buying them. The needy masses either are to be given everything, or they must be given the money so they can buy everything they need to exist. Since in this capitalist world of ours all measures are taken in ac- cordance with the regulations of the profit interests of the capitalists, the second form of solution is the only feasible one within capitalism, The workers must be supplied with the funds to obtain the necessities of existence for themselves and their families. The only method to sup- ply them with these funds is the method of social insurance, What Is Real Social Insurance? The Social Insurance Bill H. R. 7698 embodies all requirements of such social insurance. All the re- quirements in H. R. 7598 are indis- pensable for the solution of the problem, First, it provides an income insur- ance which goes into operation any time the workers’ income stops through no fault of their own — through sickness, accident, disabil- ity, old age, maternity, unemploy- ment, etc. It keeps in operation as Jong as the need persists. Second, adequacy of the Ynsur- ance: By providing for an insurance of $10 per week, with $3 for every dependent, the workers under the provisions of the Bill are guaranteed a minimum of subsistence, and this is the least that they must be guaranteed. Third, the Bill provides the in- surance to all workers irrespective of their place of birth, their lan- guage, their religion, their politics, or the color of their skin. This, too, is the least that can be demanded, Fourth, the Bill provides that the funds for this insurance be accu- mulated entirely by taxation o. the rich, their fortunes, their incomes from profit, and by transferring from the government budget all the funds provided for destructive and BILL PROVIDES REAL JOBLESS INSURANCE working murderous war purposes, to the eon- ance. That again is the least that the Bill can provide. If the cost of social insurance is not borne by the rich, then there wil be no social insurance; the workers wage. in- come is too miserable to be made a source of social insurance, Any so- cial insurance that attaches these miserable wages will be a miserable insurance in more ways than one. Worker’ Control Finally, the Bill provides that the insured themselves shall administer the Social Insurance funds. That again is the least that can be de- manded. Anyone knowing the least about the history of Tammany Hall in New York, or any capitalist polit- ical party with its corruption and graft, knows that funds in the hands of the politicians never reach, or at least only in part reach their intended purpose. The New Dealers don’t have to go through the contortions of think- [ing up new mysterious devices for & positive solution of the problem on hand, They need not try to be- come inventors of “social seourity.” The invention has already been made. It was made by simple work- ers. It is a way out of the misery of the masses. Since the Brain Trusters have uselessly racked their brains for five years, they might listen to the proposal of these work- ers. The workers see that the first step on that way out of their misery is social insurance, as embodied in H. R. 7598. The next step is to take over the control of the sources of life of society. Of course the capitalists shriek at this prospect. But they need not be apprehensive. “All they will have to do in order to eat, when the workers control the sources of, life, is to turn workers. That is much easier than it is for a worker to turn capitalist so that he may eat in capitalist society, Of course, we have no illusions. The Brain Trust's business is not a simple way out. The Brain Trust's business is to keep the workers prisoners in the labyrinth of cap- italist profits and proletarian misery in capitalist society, Therefore we must not expect the New Deal with its Brain Trust and its conference of experts and of representatives of industry and labor to bring us so- cial insurance and social security. Only we, the workers, ourse“2s can conquer these things. Only our own organization can achieve the estab- lishment of social. security. The structive purposes of social insur- | ISP. Heads Block Offer | For Unity By IL. AMTER On Aug. 10, the National Unem- ployment Council addressed a let- ter to the leaders of the National |Unemployed League, Workers Un- employed Union, Illinois Workers League of Baltimore, etc. as well as to the Socialist Party, Commu- nist Party, Farmer-Labor Party of |Minnesota, to unions, fraternal, Professional, Negro, veteran and youth organizations, proposing the setting up of a committee to ar- Tange a national congress on un- employment and social insurance. The letter called for a meeting on Aug. 30 in New York City. The of the unemployed organizations controlled by the Socialists and Musteites ignored the letter. Sub- |sequent to this meeting a personal discussion was had with Norman Thomas, “militant” leader of the Socialist Party, who declared that he agreed with the idea of a broad united front congress and supported the Workers Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill. A subsequent meeting of the com- mittee was held during the absence of Norman Thomas from the city, In Fight for Relief |\Igmore Pledges for on Proposal to Join the National Congress for Unemployment Insuranee Alliance, People’s Unemployed} ployed and Emergency Workers, \controlied by Socialists, the confer: enee endorsed the Workers Uneme |Ployment and Social Insurance Bill The second convention of the Nae tional Unemployed League in Cole umbus, July, 1934, also endorsed the | Workers Bill. Yet to date, the Muste leaders (Ramuglis, Johnson, Truax) d the Social leaders (Lasser, Fox, etc.) have not carried jout a single decision in regard to united front and unity that was made by the rank and file delegates at their conventions. On the cone trary—at the last convention of the National Unemployed League, with Lasser and others present, they |passed a resolution proposing the united front with “anybody except |the National Unemployment Coune of Jobless Joint Action — Silent jing class and to prevent joint ac- tion. This only servés the interests of the bankers, who benefit by this | .i)» split. . z um-| The record of the National Un- a narNcienlel U READE Yea OVC = | nc losment. Courell, gai His oat cil was also aware that the other is .|hand, during the whole period, has Pneeapiared capenimeyenes) Daa ts record of struggle for Fed« CAIRN AC NOR Ak ae <B> OOF 5 Of os nsnoloyment and Bocelli is f Work- | &ral yme Soci - struggle for relief and for the _ | surance, for the united front and ers Unemployment and. Social In- o ener . ‘ |surance Bill. , In its letter the Na-|Unity. Wherever the hatin Be jtional Unemployment Council pro-|24nizations exist in the fleld toe posed to the other unemployed or- gether with the National Marri, izati jay s 1d ment Council, it is the Nationa |ganizations that this day should be Gounadl that thee leaders of the Socialist Party and | but he designated Mary Fox, of the! ja day of joint struggle, with the jdemands, method and form of |struggle and leadership to be worked Jout jointly on a local, county and state scale—and that this united front should be considered a step jteward the unification of all un- jemployed organizations. | In reply, David Lasser writes that |“the exclusion of an invitation to the Unemployment Councils to join the National Action Committee was based on the unanimous experience of the representative organizations |that they found it impossible to |work harmoniously with you; and that the Councils have been a dis~ |ruptive influence among the or- ganized unemployed.” How does this look IN FACT? League for Industrial Democracy, to|In Pittsburgh, there is a united represent him. In addition, David |front of five unemployed organiza- Lasser, of the Workers Unemployed |tions, including the Unemployed Union, attended the meeting. Both |Citizens League of Allegheny Coun- of these leading Socialists were ity, whose leader, Robert Lieberman, present as “observers” and partici-|supposedly agrees with Lasser’s pated in the discussion. A further,|/statement, but is working in the smaller meeting was held to clarify|united front with the Unemploy- some issues, and Miss Fox agreed|ment Council! HM is this same to submit a memorandum on their|Robert Lieberman, Socialist, who position. This memorandum was|expeHed McKinney, Musteite, and at no time submitted, nor could any|a few locals of the Unemployed response from them be obtained Citizens League for united front On Oct. 23, the National Unem-j|with the Unemployment Council. poylment Council addressed another |Lieberman is in the united front letter to the leaders of the other in Pittsburgh with the McKinney unemployed organizations, raising |locals and the Unemployment Coun- sharply the question of the National cil, but today he sits on one chair Congress for Unemployment and/with the Musteite National Unem. Social Insurance to be held in| ployed League in “criticism” of the Washington, D. C., Jan. 6-7, and/National Unemployment the question not only of the united |In Eastern Ohio, the united front front, but of the unfty of all un-|for November 24 has been estab- mployed organizations in this coun— lished between the Ohio Unem- try. This was ‘done on the basis ployed League (Muste) and the so- of the resolutions of these organ-jcalled “disrupters,” the Unemploy- izations in which they professed to|ment Council. In Chicago, a broad Council! | Unemployment taken the initiative in proposing and carrying through the united front. The answer of the Socialist aud Musteite leaders to their own rank and file that has formed the united front with the National Un- employment Council, has been ex- pulsions and threats of epuxision, as in New York, Ohio, Pittsburgh, Baltimore, Washington, -ete. Prepare for January Congress | Unity is the outstanding issue in the coming struggles. A bitter win- ter is ahead. The united front and the merging of all unemployed ar- ganizations must. not be postponed, |Every effort must be exerted to force the Socialist and Muste lead- jers to change their position. This is the task of the rank and file of these organizations, whom we must assist in every way. But if \these leaders will not alter their position, then unity must be achiev- |ed in spite of them. The National Unemployment |Council, as a leading participant in the National Arrangements Com- mittee for the National Congress |for Unemployment and Social In- surance, calls upon the leaders of the Socialist Party, particularly Norman Thomas, and of the Social- ist and Muste controlled unemployed organizations, publicly to state their Position on the National Congress jand on unity of the unemployed | organizations, We call upon the local, city, {county and state bodies of all or- ganizations to take up the call for |the National Congress and to par- ticipate in the local, city and county jarrangements committees in tha preparations for the National Con- stand for genuine unemployment united front of twelve organizations |gress. This Congress must be made first step toward that social secur- ity—the establishment of social in- surance as-embodied in H. R. 7596— can only be the product of the pres- sure of the organized working masses of the United States. Cites Immediate Steps Every branch of the International Workers Order, and all fraternal groups everywhere, should imme- diately undertake to set up local sponsoring committees for the Con- gress wherever these committees do not already exist, and to participate in these committees. Committees and groups from the I. W. O. should immediately visit all fraternal organizations to draw them into the local committees and for representation at the National Congress. The Workers Unemploy- ment Insurance Bill and the call to the National Congress should be widely circulated and popularized. Delegates should be elected from every representative group in trade unions, and all other organizations. Lastly, the I. W. O, branches should participate in the raising of funds for the local groups®and for the expenses for sending delegates and for the support of the Congress, succinctly that this was simply “begging the question by causing those workers who are employed to take money out of one pocket la- beled ‘wages’ and put it into an- other pocket labeled ‘unemploy- ment inst '” In addition, however, Roosevelt clearly expects to permit the “company-reserves” plan to be established where or- In contrast, the Workers’ Bill, the principles of which are sponsored by organized millions, specifically provides that all the unemployed workers, especially without discrim- ination against Negroes, receive equal treatment, namely, benefits equal to average wages whenever they are thrown out of work by any economic hazard. It clearly demands financing by taxation on incomes above $5,000. Secretary Perkins took occasion to assert before the conference that “in no country except Russia has unemployment insurance, once started, been abandoned or even suspended.” However, she did not mention the facts of the matter— that the Soviet Union does main- tain the most complete system of social insurance, against accidents, sickness, maternity, ete, in the world; and that its unemployment insurance lapsed for the very sim- ple reason that unemployment was completely abolished within a few years by the overthrow of capital- ism and the establishment of a workers’ and farmers’ government. Miss Perkins also said that un- employment insurance “will not put} men back to work.” That is true of the type of “unemployment insur- Roosevelt. But actuarians, in whom the Roosevelt Government places so much faith, have estimated that if jthe principles of the Workers’ Bill were enacted, it would release mass purchasing power, which, within a | few weeks, would create a demand !for production that would keep about 8,000,000 workers in full time jobs. ganized workers do not prevent it. ance” fake proposed by President! Representation of Negroes Must Be Outstanding Feature Of Congress for Insurance By BEN DAVIS, Jr., Editor Negro Liberator Of all sections of the population that need unemployment insurance, the Negroes stand first. The Ne- groes are the most oppressed section of the population. They have been openly discriminated against in re- lief. This holds, not only for the South, but also for the industrial cities of the North, with tens of thousands of families getting no relief at all. With the introduction of the NIRA and the establishment of the minimum codes, Negroes were the first to feel the effects of discrimi- nation. Roosevelt himself proposed lower wages for southern white workers, and still lower subhuman wages for Negro workers. By thou- sands Negroes were discharged, only to become the victims of local re- lief bureaus. As a result, misery is widespread and disease rampant among Negro families. The Call for the National Con- gress must and will meet the wide- spread response from Negro organi- zations. It is necessary that this call be taken into every Negro Lodge, church, club, and union in which there are Negroes. Represen- tation of Negroes in this Congress must be an outstanding feature of the Congress. Negro organizations must send their delegates to the local arrangements committces, which are being set up in every locality. In every Negro organiza- tion there must be a wide discussion of the Congress, and particularly of the Workers Unemployment and So- cial Insurance Bill, This is the only Bill before the United States Con- gress which furnishes adequate protection, without discrimination against the Negro people, Roosevelt's statement at the con- ference held in Washington on November 13th was an open re- jection of any genuine unemploy- ment insurance. This, he calls, “fantastic.” The bankers of the United States have decided to un- load the task of providing for the more than 16,000,000 unemployed, among whom there are 2,000,000 Negroes, on the shoulders of the working population. They refuse to accept any responsibility for prop- erly maintaining the millions of workers who have been thrown out of work by the crisis. On October 25th, Roosevelt gave the bankers the assurance that the profit system, under which we live, will not be touched. He further assured them that their increasing profits would not be touched. At the conference of Nov. 13th of the “Committee for Economic Security,” which he set up, Roosevelt blankly told them that this promise to the bankers would be kept. The answer of the Negro people to the Roosevelt Wall Street gov- ernment must be the biggest par- ticipation of all Negro organizations in the Congress. provide for the delegates! Join the unemployed organizations and to- gether with the white workers fight against relief cuts, for higher cash relief, without discrimination against Negroes! Washington, January 5-1, is our next goal! insurance and have even endorsed the Workers Unemployment and Social Insurance Bit. H was fur- ther based upon pretensions of the leaders of these organizations that they advocate the unification of the unemployed organizations into one body. sing to speak for a “National Ac- tion Committee” embracing several unemployed organizations, replied to the communication of the National Unemployment Council. In this letter, he gives no answer to the questions of the National Congress or of unification of the unemployed organizations He does so on the ground that he is not “authorized to deal” with them. Block Unity Thus the unemployed organiza— tions outside of the National Un- employment Council, whose leaders pretend to stand for the Workers Unemployment and Social Insur- ance Bill, and whose rank and file through conventions (Muste - Na- tional Unemployed League), and through resolutions to their central committees (Workers Unemployed Union), have expressed their en- dorsement of the Workers Bill, are being kept from united action not only with the National Unemploy- ment Council but with thousands of locals of the A. F. of L., inde- pendent and T.U.U.L. unions, fra- ternal, professional, Negro, veteran, youth and farm organizations, who are fighting to force the U. S. Con- gress to enact a system of genuine unemployment and social insurance. This is so much more to be con- demned in view of the address of Roosevelt on Noy. 13 at the so- called “conference” called by the Committee on Economic Security—/ @ conference which supposedly was to serve not merely as a sounding board, but as a “front” for the Roosevelt-Wall Street proposals. The demagogy of Mayor LaGuardia of New York and of Thomas Kennedy, secretary-treasurer of the United Mine Workers, was lost in the open frontal attack of the bankers of this country through the mouth of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Roosevelt and Wall Street believe they have a mandate for this head-on assault on the workers of this country through the sweeping victory for the Democratic Party on Nov. 6 New Relief Attacks Though this brazenness could not have been foreseen and some fur- ther demagogy was expected, never— theless it was clear from previous pronouncements of Roosevelt, Per- kins, Dr Witte, ete., that the gov- ernment has no intention of propos- ing or countenancing a system of genuine unemployment and social insurance, At this time, the govern- ment and the bankers are forging plans for the regimentation first of the unemployed, for reducing them to a standard of hunger relief in return for forced labor, for cutting hundreds of thousands off the re- lief lists altogether, for scattering the unemployed over the country— side, and for conducting an offen- sive against the wages of the shop workers, At this time, for the leaders of any working class organization not to take a clear stand in favor of the united front of all working class organizations is a crime against the working class. Its result can only ‘be to continue the spit in the work- |has been sev up for November 24, with the Unemployment Council of Cook County playing a leading role. At the recent congress in Spring- ‘a gathering point for all sincere ele— jments that are fighting for the \interests of the unemployed and for genuine unemployment insurance. On Noy, 8, David Lasser, profes- | field, Ill, there were present dele— |gates from the Illinois Workers | Alliance, | Joint Action Vital | We urge all local, county and ‘state organizations of the National | Unemployment Council to form the |united front with the other unem- What is the meaning of this ef-|Ployed organizations that are ar- \fort of the “National Action Com-|T@nging demonstrations on Nov. 24 mittee” to keep the National Un-|on the basis of joint agreements, jemployment Council from joint ac- | joint leadership, ete. Wherever the | organizations? Its meaning is clear: | National Unemployment Council lo- \it aims to continue the cleavage in |cals shall none-the-less participate the working class, and particularly | with their own slogans, demands, among the unemployed, that can | banners, etc.; shall fraternize with ;only make their struggle more diffi-/the rank and file and bring about jcult. This is certainly not in the|unity in action over the heads of interest of the working class. It|their splitting leaders serves only the narrow, self-seeking| The National Unemployment | Political aims of these leaders. It| Council also appeals to the rank \can only serve the enemies of the jand file of the opponent unemployed working class--the finance-capital- | organizations and to their local and ists of the country. | county bodies to form unity groups It comes at a time when in all/and to carry on a@ struggle within countries of the world the question /their organization to build the |of the united front is being dis-|united front in action with the Na- cussed and in several countries is tional Unemployment Council, at being carried out by the workers|relief bureaus, in demonstrations, regardless of political affiliation, As jete., so that in January, in spite a@ result of this drive among the/|of the leaders and their splitting masses for the united front, the) policies, covered though they are Executive Committee of the Social-|with sham “radical” phrases, the ist International is compelled to unemployed may unite their ranks |give up its former position of cate- and these leaders be exposed before gorically rejecting the united front |the whole working class as obstruc- proposals of the Communist Inter-| tors of the unity of the unemployed, national and to deal with the ques- jtion most seriously. To refuse to do so would mean that the Social- ist masses would repudiate them. In the United States this movement FORWARD TO A MASS NA- TIONAL CONGRESS! FORWARD TO UNITY OF THE UNEM- PLOYED! is gathering force, despite the atti- | tude of the Socialist, Muste and} t t oO is A. F. of L. leaders. The workers | JA) S L want to struggle, and they realize | as a u that unity in the struggle is basic) if their demands are to be won} and their conditions be improved. Unity In Action In its letter to the other unem- ployed organizations, the National Unemployment Council that “unity of the existing organi- zations will not merely mean the adding together of the membership of these organizations. It would be- come the magnet that will attract large numbers of isolated organiza- tions and at the same time help in the organization of the masses of unemployed still outside all organ- ization,” The National Unemployment Council laid down no conditions for this unity except that “it should be carried through on the broadest democratic basis and that the pro- gram adopted should be of a fight- ing character based on class lines.” Ignore Pledges * We must remind the Socialist and Musteite leaders and the rank and file of their organizations of united front and unity decisions that they have made at conferences and con- ventions held during the past one and a half years: in Chicago, May, 1933, at the Mooney Congress; in Columbus, July, 1933, at the first convention of the National Unem- Ployed League; in Cleveland, Aug., 1933, at the Conference for United Action against the N.R.A.; in New York, Sept., 1933, at the first con- }gress against war and fascism. At these places, the leaders of these organizations pledged the united front and the unification of all un- employed organizations. In Janu- ary, 1934, at the organization of the Eastern Federation of the Unem- declared | Relief Rally Set for Noy. 24 EAST ST. LOUIS, IIL, Nov. 16.— Plans for a demonstration and march to City Hall on Saturday, Noy. 24, have been adopted by Local |1 of the Federal and State Aid | Association here. The demands of the unemployed workers include a 5 per cent increase in cash: relief; for public works under union wages |and conditions and a guaranteed | thirty-hour work week; no forced labor; and unemployment insuragse, The danger to the success of the demonstration lies with the at- | tempts of some of the Assuciation officials who attempt to wreck every | militant action by the membership. Two of these, Earl Clause and Lew | Edgar, with the help of several of | their henchmen, try to turn every | meeting into one of praise of the Roosevelt starvation policies and the strikebreaking Chamber of Commerce here. Attempts have been made to expel Communists from the organi- zation, but have met with no sue- cess. Even the “trials” held by the executive board without ‘allowing the membership to participate have been defeated. The rank and file are mobilizing to defeat these maneuvers by rallying the whole neighborhoods for the Nov. 24 dem= onstration, and by uniting solidly for adequate cash relinf and for enactment of the Workers Uneme ployment Insurance Bill, ~, |tion with the other unemployed |leaders reject these proposals, the = tynes