The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 6, 1934, Page 8

Daily <QWorker SHMTRAL ORGAM COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTERMATIONAL) “America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 TBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE YMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 13th cet, New York, N. Y. ephone: ALgonquin 4-795 4. 3 Subscription Rates: TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1934 zorman Prepares New Betrayals gq Ncls GORMAN, who sold out the general, textile preparing new betrayals for the textile workers. strike, is Gorman has just written a letter to George Sloan, chairman of the Cotton Textile Institut to the employers in helping to increase their busi- ness. e, offering the services of his union Gorman to create joint employer- union machinery for the expansion and extension of the textile market.” He specifically refers to Japan and declares that the United Textile Work- ers Union can help the textile employers to com- Pete with Japanese industry, stating, “labor in this industry can be of service in relation to the export market.” proposes IORMAN is attempting to turn the United Tex- tile Workers Union into a company union. His program is a complete class co-operation program He states that the interests of the union and of the employers are the same. What are the interests of the employers? They were stated by Sloan in the general strike when Sloan directed the strikebreaking forces of the em- Pployers. Sloan sent thousands of armed gangsters against the strikers. He had the troops called out by the willing government. He blacklisted thou- Sands at the end of the strike. Sloan, spokesman of the employers, declared that they would never Tecognize the union, would never give in to the de- mands of the workers against the speedup, for the thirty hour week and wage increases. He evicted thousands from their homes. Sloan and his fellow employers are responsible for the murder of twenty strikers during the general strike. The program of the employers was made clear in the recent joint statement of the National As- Sociation of Cotton Manufacturers and the Amer- ican Cotton Manufacturers Association. This ten- Point program called for outlawing of picketing, no recognition of the union, continuation of the Stretchout, making strikes illegal, no government relief to strikers, and all rights vested in the em- Ployer without union “interference.” eee opposed to this program is the pro- gram of the textile workers, of a fight for all the elementary rights of the textile workers—the right to strike, to organize, to picket. The program of the workers is a program of the fight against the killing stretchout, for shorter hours, and for higher minimum wage rates. Gorman, in the face of the wage cutting cam- Paign of Sloan and his fellow employers, comes forward advocating the complete program of the employers. Gorman has the full support of the Socialist Party leaders in this treachery. How does Gorman propose to aid the textile em- Ployers to capture markets from Japan. Gorman knows that the method of winning markets from Jower paid Japanese labor, is the reduction of the standard of living of the American Textile Workers, and helping the war propaganda of the besces, The strikebreaking statements of the cotton Manufacturers and the Cotton Institute remain unanswered by Gorman. The speedup, wage cut- ting campaign now going on against the textile workers is not objected to by Gorman. The textile workers will repudiate such com- y union policies. The rank and file in the ited Textile Workers Union must act against Gorman’s policy of cooperation with the mill owners. In every local union, the rank and file should Pass resolutions condemning Gorman’s treacherous dealings with the mill owners. Build rank and file oppositions in every local union. The rank and file must control the U. T. W. and lead the fight against the no-strike, wage cut, union smashing drive of the mill owners, A.A.A. and the Crisis Bs a guarded statement that obviously tries not to sound too gloomy, the Agri- cultural Department and the A. A, AG, yesterday gave their opinion on the course of business and production for the coming year. And the main conclusion of their study of the present situation is that there is no improvement in sight, and the best that can be hoped for in the com.ng year is a small, temporary rise in the Spring. Thus the A. A. A. report of the Roosevelt gov- ernment makes it clear that hunger, poverty, and permanent insecurity face both the worker and impoverished farmer alike under capitalism. 'HE A. A. A. report cannot conceal the ruin that faces the majority of American farmers under Roosevelt’s policies. But it places the blame for this ruin on the shrinkage of foreign markets, and implies that the solution for the impoverished farmers is for these mortgage-ridden farmers to support a Policy of Wall Street imperialist aggressiveness in a drive for new markets. But it is not the foreign markets that are re- sponsible for the impoverishment and ruin of the small farmer. It is the policies of the Roosevelt government acting through the A. A. A., that are responsible. It is the whole “New Deal” that is re- éponsible. Who shrank the domestic market? Why is there a “surplus” when millions of American workers are hungry? Because Roosevelt's policies have slashed the buying power of the workers and farmers alike threugh his N. R. A.-inflation program. Roosevelt's policies permitted the Wall Street monopolies to raise the prices of manufactured 4 { goods ruining thousands of small farmers. Roose- velt’s acreage-reduction policies have pauperized thousands of small farmers. It Communist Party er will find a way nt to force the Roose- te cash relief to all poor against the criminal A. A. A em which plunders the government to distrib farmers, in the fig! and against the w toiling farmers Your Vote and theWorkers’ Bill HARLES SOLOMON, Socialist candi- date for Governor of New York State, speaking Sunday at a Socialist Party election rally, evoked the shade of Meyer London, Socialist member of Congress in 1915, in an attempt to show that the Socialist Party Supports unemployment insurance, “Meyer London,” Solomon said, “made the first proposal in Congress for the establishment of a sys- tem of unemployment insurance and other forms of social insurance. He was opposed then by President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor. Today, nineteen years later, President Green and the A. F. of L. are enthusiastically for the self-same proposal.” In making this bid for working class support, Solomon, running on a platform which supports “unemployment insurance” in principle, makes no mention of the only genuine unemployment insur- ance—the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill, sponsored and initiated by the Communist Party, supported by millions of workers in thousands of organizations and incorporated in the Communist election platform. Solomon, directing attention to Green and Com- pany giving support to fraudulent unemployment reserves schemes, with full contributions by the workers, found nothing to criticize in these plans. The Communist Party initiated the Workers’ Bill, which the Socialist Party leadership, with a few exceptions, has consistently refused to support. In addition to leading the day-to-day struggle for the enactment of the Workers’ Bill, the Communist Party alone of all the political parties incorporates this bill, a definite program for unemployment in- surance, into its election platform. The N.Y. Times and the Socialist Party AN illuminating illustration of the man- ner in which the capitalist press cod- dles the Socialist Party is provided by the yesterday’s New York Times. Not only is a full column devoted to re- Porting the S. P. election rally in Mecca Temple, but the Times in addition publishes—to the tune of two full columns—the complete text of the speech made at the meeting by Solomon, the Socialist can- didate for governor. This speech, broadcast over WOR, found ample space in the Times. But Am- ter's speech, delivered over the same Station, was completely ignored. Contrast this solicitous handling of the 8. P. meet- ing, attended, according to the Times, by only 2,500 with the report of the Communist election rally held in Madison Square Garden and attended by 15,000 workers. Barely a half dozen inches of type. was. devoted by the Times to the Communist rally, which was not only larger, but much more important politically, even from the viewpoint of the capitalist press, due to the attack on the Hunger Marchers and the storm of protest which it caused. The Times re- port of the Communist rally was the typical grudg- ing account, including only the barest details and stressing the fact that “fifty patrolmen under Cap- tain J. Lang had been assigned to preserve order, ete” The solicitude of tie Times for the Socialist campaign is vivid expression of the attitude of the capitalist class in general toward the Socialist Party, which they look upon as a “safe” channel in which to divert the growing number of radicalized workers, farmers and professionals. The workers of the U.S. are beginning to under- Stand the role of the Socialist Party and will give evidence of this when they go to the Polls tomorrow. Vote Communist! Vote ‘Yes’ on Proposition 1 Wer you go to the polls today in New York State, you will have to vote on the proposition of $40,000,000 bond issue for unemployment relief. The Daily Worker, speaking for the Communist Party, urges every voter to vote Yes on this proposition. We do not say this out of any sympathy with the Lehman program of semi-starvation and Police clubs for the unemployed of New York State. Forty millions is nowhere near the amount of money necessary for adequate unemployment relief. Two hundred millions for Winter relief, the demand of the Hunger Marchers, Supported by the Com- munist Party, is what is actually needed for ade- quate relief this Winter. Not only is this sum totally inadequate to meet the relief needs at the present rate of expenditure, but this very method of financing relief is against the interests of the workers, Interest and princi- pal on the bonds to be isstied will revert back to the workers in the form of taxation, the State’s only source of revenue, while millions are poured into the pockets of the bankers in the form of interest. Voting for the $40,000,000 bond issue is just a starting point. The workers and small farmers of New York State must fight to have this figure multiplied five-fold, must fight for the Workers Un- employment Insurance Bill. They must fight to stop payment on the bonds to the bankers and parasites. A vote for the Communist Party's candi- dates in the elections today will be a very effective form of demonstrating to the capitalist rulers that the workers of the State will not accept the miserly relief handed out to them by the “New Deal” and its New York State representative. Vote Yes on Proposition 1. And vote for every candidate under the Ham- mer and Sickle! Vote Communist! Join the Communist Party 35 EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party, ADDRESS.... Pa A Few Pointers |For Recruiting New Members LL campaigns initiated ducted by the Party |Pportant. But what can 4 jimportant than drawing forces from the masses of ¥ and con- to train for the mountains of work| Who can deny) that lie before us? that our gravest difficulty is lack of forces? | To read the appeals in the Daily | Worker, to the membership, in re- gard to the present recruiting drive one would almost think that an apology was being made for asking comrades to do something difficult and dangerous, but I have never had anybody knock me over yet for asking them to join the Party. One worker I approached a couple of {months ago said: “Sure, Give it |here, I'll sign it He filled out the | application ecard and handed it |back to me. “You don’t seem to need any coaxing,” I told him, |“Hell,” he returned, “I’d have signed one six months ago if any- | body had asked me to.” Then his card was lost somewhere in the |Party channels and he is. still |patiently waiting for me to trace it so he can get into the Party. | I signed up another since then and have a promise from a third one. It should not be impossible to get two more by November 7th. |. Many of the workers I meet and |talk to are taxi drivers and street jcar men. Most of them recognize are im-| more DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1934 DON ey |the Communist Party as the best} friend and champion of militant! | labor. | |. Many of these men would have) been in the Party long ago had it not been for the danger of losing! their jobs. They know that known | reds are immediately fired and blacklisted. And it is hard to con- vince them that the Party takes pains to keep them from getting fired and will try to show them how to make their livelihood more secure. Once this false idea is broken down we should win many! of them, Another objection I have met} }more than once is something like| this: “I am not ready to join the} Party. I don’t want to join until! Burck will give the original drawing of Contributions received to the credit of Burck in his Socialist competition with Mike °T THROW YOUR VOTE AWAY!—VOTE COMMUN fy. Lifes his cartoon to the highest contributor each day Y. C. L, Unit 2, Sec. 11 I can participate in the work whole-heartedly and without re- serve. Some day I will have less personal responsibilities than I have now and will also have a stronger and more resolute will to carry out the Party’s directives. I want to be a Communist some day, but just now I do not feel worthy.” Such workers as these must be dealt with very patiently. We know that most of them are good ma- terial once they are in the Party. This more favorable time for them may never come, probably will not. It is now that their contirbution to the revolution is needed, not in the uncertain future. We must consider all of these ob- jections of the workers to joining the Party, learn how to answer them, and how to convince them that their place is in the ranks of the Communist Party. ee is ha Answer to the Open Letter AM in a mass organization— the Small Home and Land Owners Federation of Illinois. This is my |method of carrying out the Open Letter. I make personal contacts in my neighborhood. I carry at all times 1-cent and 2-cent pamphlets and one or two “Why Communism” and try to have the pamphlets fit the neighborhood, for we have all kinds of nationalities to explain Communism to. I find in talking to them that they all agree that the Communists have the only real solution. Since I have been in the Party I have been assigned to work at collecting signatures to get the Party on the ballot in the presi- dential election campaign. I col- lected 750 signatures and out of that I recruited for the Unemploy- ment Council, the I. L. D., the ¥. C. L,, the Home Owners Federa- tion, the I. W. O. and the Com- munist Party. I would give the con- tacts to my unit, but for some cause some were neyer visited. In our last signature drive here I col- lected 602 signatures and made many contacts, some of which were placed in the Party. Before I could recontact them I was sent to col- lect signatures for our Party in Indianapolis. I was in Indianapolis, I talked to many people and they had many different views, but they all agreed that our Party is the Party. The Negroes of Indianapolis can be organized. All whom I talked to are in sympathy, In three days I only got twenty-nine rejections. Twenty were white, nine were Ne- groes. Two of the Negroes were captains of the Democratic Party, but they subscribe for the Daily Worker. I got nine subscribers in one day. I spoke to them on the questions of Scottsboro, Herndon and general lynch terror, pointing out the segregation all around them and the general conditions under which they live, and how they can be made better. I find personal contacting to be the best method to start the worker thinking. There is more to be gained in this manner than in any other way, if properly carried out. F. W. H. Unit 704, Section 7, District 8. Toledo ‘Death Vigil’ Passes 100th Hour (Continued from Page 1) Young Peoples Socialist League and the Young Communist League, Farmers of the district have re- sponded to appeals for food. The regular cook from the flop house quit his job to work in the relief Kitchen that has been set up for the strikers, The Central Labor Union, three central bodies of the A. F. of L. locals, have endorsed the single men’s demands over the head of Otto Brach, who, together with Quinlivan, County commissioner, launched into an attack upon the single men. Union collected $8.40 for the single men. The workers are holding the re- The Contral Laber Barton, David Ramsey, in the Dail | for $60,000. QUOTA—S$1,000. Gold, Harry Gannes, “del,” the Medical Advisory Board, Ann lly Worker drive Previously received Total to date .....csssseseees T! by Burck towards his quota of $1,090. - $2.00 ++ 195.07 By A. LOZOVSKY i SAID that the structure of the trade unions is determined by the political tasks. They determine also the problem of trade union unity. It must be admitted that the fas- cists also understand this. In one of his numerous speeches, as far back as 1929, Mussolini stated the | follow:ng: “Unity of the working mass has | some sense in solving the prob- lem of class struggle and has no sense whatever in solving that of class collaboration.” In my opinion, this is a neat re- mark. And so, if we approach the structure of trade unions led by the reformists in capitalist coun- tries from this standpoint, we shall see that it is adapted to class col- laboration, Before me lies a list of |trade unions affiliated to the gen- leral trades union congress of Eng- | land. In 1933 they had 3,867.9i1 members and in 1934 they had 3,294,000 members. How are their trade unions divided? I will enu- merate the industries and their trade unions and point out later on the difference between our trade unions and those in Britain. Mining and quarrying—7 unions, Railways—3, Transport (other than railways)—7, Shipbuilding—3, En- gineering, Foundry and _ Vehicle Building—26, Iron and Steel and Minor Metal Trades—23, Building, Woodworking and Furnishing—17, Printing and Paper—14, Cotton— 46, Textiles (other than cotton)—18, Clothing—6, Leather and Boot and Shoe—6, Glass, Pottery, Chemicals, etc.—14, Agriculture—1, Public Em- ployees—4, Non-manual workers—T, and General workers—3. Thus they have 208 unions affili- jated to the General Trades. Union Congress. And when one begins to analyze thoroughly, in a Maxian way, how their trade unions are divided, then very interesting things are reyealed. One sees that the whole political development of British trade unionism, all its po- litical principles, its class concilia- tion, everything condemned already in their time by Marx and Engels when they estimated the British trade unionists and British trade unions, is reflected in this organiza- tional structure. Let us take, for instance, the en- | gineering group. How is it built? |The National Society of Brass and Metal Mechanics, the Scottish Turners’, Fitters’, Finishers’ and \Instrument Makers’ Association, the |Amalgamated Society of Brass ‘Workers, the National Society of Coppersmiths, Braziers, and Metal Workers, etc., I cannot. enumerate | The Reorganization of the Unions In the Socialist Soviet Republics P them all. They have 46 trade unions in the cotton industry, a union of weavers, a union of Card and Ring Room Operatives, a Union of |Beamers, these unions being classi- | fied both according to trades and districts. | PROM the surface it appears as though our present trade union structure is somewhat similar to whet exists in England. But in actual fact there is a great political difference between both these sys- tems. A number of our trade unions are at present based on the terri- torial principle. Our trade unions are coming closer to certain dis- tricts of decentralized industry. And what is the position in Great Brit- ain? Is the need for division into districts in Great Britain, the ter- ritory of which is 75 times as small as the territory of the Soviet Union, the same as in our country? Nothing of the kind! The division into dis- jtricts and the setting up of small unions for every trade is a historical fact in Engand. It is a historical tradition there. The trade unions in England appeared 150 years ago as organizations of skilled workers. For many decades they were narrow craft unions and neither unskilled | workers nor women and apprentices were admitted to these unions. There still exist some trade unions which have retained this glorious tradition. If we take the British trade union movement, then we find that only toward the year 1889 be- gan the famous movement for new unionism, headed by Tom Mann and Burns. This was a period of great change, when some strata of unskilled workers began to join the trade unions. Thus if we take the backbone of the trade union which has grown for 150 years, we shall see that it reflects as in a mirror the political lines, tasks, methods of struggle, methods of solving the questions which inspired the trade union leaders during all these long years. And indeed, if in one factory there are a few trade unions, the collective agreements terminate on various dates in this factory, al- though there are some trade unions which coordinate the conclusion of collective agreements. This means that a turner cannot always come to terms with another worker in the same factory concerning the ques- tion of wages because they belong to different unions with their spe- cific craft interests. The employers want the trade unions to fight against each other for membership, to compete against each other, and making concessions to some—they keep other categories on a lower, level, etc. It is necessary to also record that in most of the unions the democratic basses on which they were built \ave been entirely abol- ished. It will suffice to point out that in some trade unions the lead- ing officials are elected for life. It is hardly necessary to prove that such facts have nothing in common with trade union democracy. In most cases the question of a strike is decided by the executive and not by the membership, Finally, end- less “frontier” disputes and fights for membership are taking place be- tween the trade unions within one industry. The essence of trade unionism, its political principles, its methods of struggle and its class collaboration are reflected in this structure and in the traditions of these overlapping trade unions. In the structure of our trade unions the principles and political tasks confronting the working class of our country are also reflected—these tasks are reflected which the mili- tant Communist Party of our coun- try inspired and determined. Pacaree erg WOULD like to place the follow- in question: Will it be necessary that the trade unions of the capi- talist countries be built and reor- ganized in the same way as the So- viet trade union movement was built and is reorganized? I think that only the first part. of the question should be answered in the affirma- tive: The ‘workers of the. capitalist countries should build their trade unions in the same way as the Soviet trade union movement was built, but reorganize in a different way. What does it mean? How was the Soviet trade union move- ment built? It was built on the industrial basis, on the basis of the factory (shop committees), on the basis of a revolutionary program for the overthrow of the rule of the bourgeoisie. How was it reorgan- ized? It was. not. reorganized on the basis of an abstract scheme. While retaining the industrial prin- ciple our trade unions were reor- ganized for the carrying out of Socialist construction on our ter- ritory of 20,000,000 square kilo- meters. And now tell me, should the trade union movement of Bel- gium also divide the trade unions according to districts? And should the trade unions of Poland also re- organize in the same way? And in the trade unions of Czechoslovakia? And the trade unions of France? Of course not. They will have to build their trade unions on the in- dustrial basis, to build them on the basis of class struggle, to imbue the trade unions with the fighting spirit of Bolshevism. That is what they will have to borrow from the Soviet trade unions. (To Be Concluded Tomorrow) lief officials responsible for the death of Sam Stanowski, one of the flop house inmates who died last Wed- nesday, after the men had forced the flop house heads to house and feed them without forced labor. Stanowski, suffering from a weak heart, was cut off relief, the first man to have this ticket taken away. After attending the union meeting Wednesday, he returned to the flop house, was given some pills, and dropped dead. William Patterson, veteran of the old Knights of Labor, and Communist Candidate for State Treasurer, will deliver the work- ing class ovation at Stanowski’s mass funeral. “Charge It to the Commissioners” Before establishing their con- tinuous picket line—the March of Death, vowing that they will picket until they drop or their demands are granted—the men seated them- selves in several restaurants and ordered substantial meals and told the proprietors to charge the bill to the County Commissioners. One of the men was so hungry that he ate three complete dinners. Neiber, a member of the Marine Workers Industrial Union, and five others are to be tried Wed- nesday, Noy. 14, on the charge of “procuring food under false pre- tenses.” The International Labor Defense has called upon the work- jers to pack the court when these men are tried. Despite attempts by the relief jeuthorities to split the men’s ranks, the single unemployed workers are remaining solid. Again expressing their determination to continue the Death March, the men completed their third day of continuous pick- eting last Saturday, while thou- cands lined the streets. Socialist Minister Of Sweden First to View Royal Infant STOCKHOLM. — The Socialist Premier, Per Albin Hannson, was the first person to view the newily- born daughter of the royal family as an official representative of the government. The Socialist Party of Sweden has always pursued a policy of def- erence to the reigning princes and princesses of King Gustav Adolph’s house. r World Front —_——By HARRY GANNES —— 17 Years Ago Life Answers Prophets of Doom MORROW it will be 17 years since the workers, soldiers and peasants of Rus- sia, under the leadership of the Communist Party (Bol- sheviks) by armed force smashed the rule of the capitalists and the Czar and carried into life the slogan “All Power to the Soviets!” Throughout the seventeen years, every enemy of the Soviet Union predicted its imminent collapse. At first there was the combined forces of the capitalists and the leaders of the Second International. Kaut- sky stormed against the Soviet Union while the counter-revolu- tionary war of the imperialists raged. I remember a speech by Clarence Darrow in Chicago in 1919 filled with venom, hate and predic- tion of imminent doom for the Sov iet Union. “Do you think those dogs, that vile rabble can rule for another 90 days?” shrieked this liberal lawyer. Later prediction of doom came from the Menshevik Trotzky. The Five-Year Plan he declared meant the inauguration of an incurable crisis in th Soviet Union. Socialism could not be constructed in the Sov- jet Union, he howled. The first Five- Year Plan will lead to a catastrophe. New forces were beginning to serve the counter-revolution. But today the mighty power of the proletariat, embracing 170,000,- 000 people, one-sixth of the surface of the globe, is sweeping on victori- ously to the upbuilding of Socialism. Every one of the foul slanders of Trotzky has been rammed down his throat. Instead of the crisis that he predicted, construction in the Soviet Union, under the leadership of the Party of Lenin and Stalin, sweeps ahead ‘so that not one single capi- talist newspaper can any longer deny the fact of the momentous economic gains. Trotzky’s counter - revolutionary, Menshevik theories of the insepar- able link between Soviet and capi- talist economy is answered by the facts of the present world crisis. While industry, agriculture sweep ahead in the Soviet Union, while unemployment is ended, while the masses improve their conditions of life with a speed never before known in history, capitalist economy enters deeper and deeper into its general crisis, The misery of the masses in the capitalist countries grows exactly in the inverse ratio as the condi- tions of the masses in the Soviet Union improves. This is the chief answer to the Trotzkyist counter- revolutionary theory of the insepar- able link between Soviet and capi- talist economy. . IN EVERY field of its life and work, the Soviet Union has advanced tremendously. The power of the proletariat becomes stronger and stronger, as the forces of the enemy are driven into the limbo of history by Socialist construction and col- lective agriculture. Internationally, the Soviet Union is becoming the decisive factor of world history, striving for peace when the whole impulse and direc- tion of capitalism is to war, to mass slaughter in an effort to save its system. ‘The Soviet Union holds up before all humanity the fact that only by the proletarian revolution can the toiling masses end capitalist rule. Only by the dictatorship of the pro- letariat can the enemy be defeated. Only by the proletarian dictatorship, by Soviet power, can planned econ- omy be instituted and humanity no longer be subject to the blind forces of capitalist economy. | hes lesson is sinking deeply into the whole labor movement, de- spite every effort at resistance by the Social-Democratic allies of the capitalist state power. The left- ward sweep in the Socialist Parties is inspired chiefly by the victory of the proletarian revolution in Rus- sia, which, in this period of Fascist advance, shows to the working class of the world that only. where the proletarian revolution was led by the Communist Party, is all possibil- ity of. fascism smashed forever. The very growth in the strength and importance of the Soviet Union, its advance from victory to victory in Socialist. construction, while the capitalist crisis stirs the masses into action, spurs the imperialist rulers to new, more gigantic war ventures against the workers’ fatherland. ‘True, their difficulties mount. The Soviet Union is more capable of de- fending itself against any attack. ‘The sympathy of the working masses throughout the world towards the Soviet Union grows stronger. The peace policies of the Soviet Union raises new obstacles. But the basic contradiction between world capital- ism and the land of Socialism grows stronger precisely as the well being of the Soviet masses advance while the workers in the capitalist lands (witness the 1.500 Pecs miners at- tempting suicide rather than con- tinuing to live under starvation con- ditions) are forced more and more to coolie standards. Seventeen years of the Soviet Union will inspire the workers every- where to greater efforts in their battles against capitalism. Tae ques- tion of Soviet power as the only road to achieve Socialism is posed to all humanity now. Every armed srtuggle, as in Austria and Spain, shows this unanswerably. Long Live the Soviet Union! Long Live the Fortress of the World Revolution! ' Contributions received to the credit of Harry Gannes in his So- cialist competition with del, Mike Gold, the Medical Advisory Board, Ann Barton, Jacob Brrex and David Ramsey. in the Daily Worker drive for $60,000. Quota—$500. Tremont Workers Club $ 250 Previously received 130.07 132.57 ae FR NA TE HE