The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 5, 1934, Page 8

~ ~» Page 8 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1934 } e —= aken in by the nonsense. But they | | oy, T Ty 7 "4 ” >i pen In, by the weet Boe ee YOU PUT AND I TAKE! by Burck Daily QWorker | ™ a “oring of td BER ne | CHNTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL) Working Class FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE ©OMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 5@ E. 13th Meet, New York, N. Y. Telephone: ALgonquin 4-795 4. Cable Address Washington Bur lath and F st., Midwest Bureau Telephone “America’s Only Daiiy Newspaper” National 7910. , Chicago, Ill Dearborn Subscription Rates: 18 cents; monthly, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1934 For the Right to Strike URING the election campaign the can- didates of the capitalist parties urged the workers to support them on the grounds that they would vote for legisla- tion that would benefit the working class. The falsity of their election ballyhoo was again exposed by the announcement of the New York State Economic Council on Saturday that about 75 per ce’ of the candidates for Congress and the Legislature of New York are for the enactment of laws prohibiting general and sympathetic strikes, and for abolishing picketing by limiting it to a mere announcement that a € had been called. This marks a new step in the employers’ drive to outlaw strikes and to destroy the trade unions. From the inception of the New Deal the herding of the workers in fascist unions has been among the important goals of the Roo: lt administra- tion. This fascist aim has been disguised by talk of putting the unions under federal control. But government licensing of unions would mean the de- struction of all independent trade union action, It is significant that the candidates’ proposal to ban sympathy and general strikes and to outlaw Picketing was released the day after the National | agr him that any unic ganize will be er to each worker, informing no objection to employes joining d. But the least attempt to or- ted “coercing the workers.’ The company will use its judgment on that, and fire whomever it pleases. THe workers are ham- strung since, according to one of the points, “If any difference arises under any of the above clauses here s i be no strike or lockout, but such dif- ferences must be submitted to an arbitrator mutual- ly agreed upon.” By this time few workers be- lieve they have a chance with arbitrators, There is therefore little to be wondered that the A. and P. case was given such wide publicity in the capitalist press. It was a prelude to the open shop sweep. The A. F. of L. labor officials, instead of realizing the basic importance in fighting the case to the very limit, to spread the strike, and arousing the whole labor movement behind the Cleveland workers, confined their role to crawling on their knees before the bosses, The employers quite correctly hail the decision as their victory and claim that it at last places a correct interpretation on Section 7a of the N.R.A. They are now set for more openly using the N.R.A., for what it was designed to be—a club to beat down the living standards of the workers, and force company unions upon them. This was the conse- quence of such policy in the steel, mining, textile and automobile industry, But developments, especially in the textile in- dustry, indicate quite clearly that the workers learn from their experience with these sell-outs. They are now in most cases forcing strikes over the heads of their officials. The movement for restrikes in the textile fields is the best example to show that the workers, by their militant struggles, will make these agreements between the union officials, N.R.A. boards and em- ployers mere scraps of paper. te Strike Action Brings Victory HAT organized strike action is the most effective means by which workers can improve their conditions has been clearly shown by the victory of the building ser- | Party Life | Negro Worker Tells How He} Joined Party | am a young Negro who works on a hydraulic press in a jewelry | factory, and am first feeling the exploitation of a boss. In 1929 at) the beginning of the world crisis I was working and making a fair salary. I put my heart and soul in |carrying out my task as a worker. | Finally in 1931 my boss, who lost | money in the Wall Street crash, b gan to slash salaries of the wor! jin my shop. When he finally aj | proached me, tears were in the |faker's eyes. Said he, “Ray, you | understand the conditions as they jare today. I must cut your salary four dollars.” Pully realizing that} jhe was taking advantage of me, but \knowing the struggle of getting janother job, I humbly submitted. The turning point for me against the capitalist suppression of the | working class was when I began | reading of the militant fight put up | by. the International Labor Defense and all other sympathetic organi- | zations, for the freedom of the nine Scottsboro Boys, and since I was fully acquainted with the discrimi- nation of the Negro masses in the South, I wanted to join such an or- |ganization. I found out where they | were holding a mass meeting and | Was so taken up by the speakers at this meeting and the comradely | spirit shown towards me. Why, q| |felt right at home. I asked for an} |application card and took it home| |and filled it out. | Ihave been a member of the I. L. D. now for about one year, and I have developed myself politically (by studying, reading, etc.) and |now I am also a member of the TS World Front ——By HARRY GANNES —— “New Leader” Slanders French Socialist Favoring United Front “ANYTHING goes against the united front with the Communist Party,” seems to be the slogan of the old guard reactionary leadership of the Socialist Party. Their latest contribution is the lying slan- der against leading French Sociale ist Party member, now in the United States, Louis Perigaud, who attended the Congress of the League Against War and Fascism in Canada and the United States. Perigaud’s real crime, in the eyes of the Oneals, Waldmans, Cahans is that as a Socialist from a country where the united front has been achieved, he came to this country and appealed to Socialists to learn the lesson of the united front and establish it immediately here. Perigaud, as a Socialist, wrote articles on the united front, which | were printed in the Daily Worker. | This, to the reactionary sabotagers {of the united front in the Socialist Party of the U. S., is an unpardon- jable crime. It is perfectly all right |for them to form a united front with William Green, chief betrayer and strike-breaker in the labor movement; with Mathew Woll, fas- cist, and with Gorman, betrayer of the great textile strike. But woe to a Socialist who does more than r vice workers of Manhattan’s garment |Communist Party and I will carry talk benign phrases about the Association of Manufacturers announced a drive center in getting owners of close to 400 buildings [on as a leader of the working united front! against unions and strikes on the basis of the | to agree to the closed shop, a $20 minimum wage | class and will fight for the programs * * * Labor Board's sell-out agreement in the A. and P. | and a flat increase of $1 for all who receive $20 and |0f these organizations. DER the heading, “Another lockout against its workers in Cleveland. The Wall Street press has announced that the lockout by the A. and P. was the first of a series of lockouts against militant unions by the big em- ployers. With the workers preparing for strike ac- tions to better their conditions and raise their starvation wages the capitalist class moves toward the complete outlawing of strikes and picketing in order to stifle the workers’ attack against the hun- ger policies of the New Deal. If the capitalists are permitted to go through with these fascist measures, then the workers would be denied the use of the one weapon that can force the bosses to grant higher wages. No picketing, as every worker knows, means no successful striking. It is the mass picket line that beats the boss into submission. The outlawing of the sympathy and general strike is just as great a menace to the working class. When one section of the working class is de- feated, it means a defeat for all the workers. The general strike is among the workers’ greatest wea- pons against the bosses. This expression of work- ing class solidarity and militancy is greatly feared by the capitalists as was shown at their hysteria in the San Francisco general strike. To imprison the workers in fascist unions and prevent them from fighting effectively, the capital- ists are scheming to rob the workers of their best fighting weapons. The workers who vote on Tues- day should bear in mind that a vote for a capitalist candidate is a vote for the outlawing of strikes and the right to picket and organize. Even before they have been elected the capitalist cand:jates have announced their anti-working class stand. Vote for your own class. Vote for the Commu- nist candidates, who will fight for the workers’ right to sirike for higher wages, to organize in genuine uni and to strike in support of any part of the working class that is subject to the attacks of the capitalisis. more, This victory was a direct result of the splen- did turn-out of more than 8,000 workers to the strike call of Local 32-B of the Building Service Employees International Union and thes: success in tying up most of the buildings for two days. The agreement reached with the owners is a temporary one. Retaining its original demands for a $35 minimum and a 40-hour week as well as the demands for elimination of the “stretch-out” and discrimination against Negro workers, and time and a half for overtime, the union left all questions outside of union recognition to an arbitration board to be set up in the coming two or three weeks, The action of the needle trades workers in soli- darity with the strikers was undoubtedly to a large degree responsible for the speed with which the owners were forced to come to terms with the union, Once more the workers had an opportunity to see that all the arbitration and negotiations con- ducted with the owners through the Regional Labor Board were of no benefit to them. Disgusted with the N. R. A, and its labor board, they resorted to Strike action as the only solution to their problems. Preparations for the strike were being made for weeks before the call was issued on Thursday morning, while fruitless negotiations with the Real Estate Board of New York and the Regional Labor Board had been carried on for over a month. “We had enough of arbitration with Mrs. Elinor Herrick [director of the Regional Labor Board]. We have more effective means at our disposal now,” Was the reply of George Planson, secretary to James J. Bambrick, president of the union, when ap- proached on the question by the Daily Worker. ‘The membership of the union should benefit from their experiences with the N.R.A. and its national and regional labor boards as well as from the ex- periences of workers in other industries and not permit themselves to be put in the position of be- ing dependent upon arbitration for the gaining ot their economic demands. | D8) | 6 fle ie WOULD like to call to all of our |& comrades’ attention the following | incident that occurred at our open | |membership meeting on the 13th of | | October. | | This meeting was a pre-election |mecting combined with a member- |ship drive. Every member received two admittance cards, one for the jmember (so marked) and one for |@ sympathizer or future member. |At the door every sympathizer re- ‘ceived an application card. Our ; District Secretary made a very fine speech, at the end of which he called on all sympathizers to join our Party and fill out the applica- tion card. And now comes the in- cident to which I would like to call all the Party members’ attention. Next to me was seated a worker with the application card in one hand and a pencil in the other. I could readily see that he was hesi- tating. He asked me if I was a Party member, I told him that I was and asked him to fill out the card. I told him why to join our |Party. He told me that he wants !to talk to the Party member who brought him to the meeting. I in- quired for the comrade’s name and sent an usher to get him but the comrade never showed up. I never heard of him before and made the mistake of not trying to find him myself somehow. This is a good example of how not to recruit. The meeting had to pass a motion |that all the members, that is all |the “know-it all” members should | Sit down instead of holding a sepa- irate meeting standing up at the rear of the hall. I am sure the |comrade who brought this sympa- Burck will give the original drawing of his cartoon to the highest contributor each day towards his quota of $1,00, Contributions received to the credit of Burck in his Socialist competition with Mike Gannes, “del,” the Medical Advisory Board, Ann Barton, David Ramsey, in the Daily Worker drive for $60,000. QUOTA—$1,000. Daily Worker Chorus ........... Gold, Harry Eva Ostrow . seve 8 100 Total to date A. McKean (Gets Cartoon) A Baby Comrade . Workers School .. Previously received . $195.07 The Reorganization of the Unions In the Socialist Soviet Republics By A. LOZOVSKY (Red International of Labor Unions) \N a world scale the Soviet trad union movement is unique in it: way because it is a trade union movement of the land of prole- tarian dictatorship. This important fact determines both the qualita- Eo ward the proletarian dictatorship at that period, from playing a predom- inant part in the trade union, we | adopted the line of concentrating the trade unions, of organizing ab- solu‘ely all the workers of every in- | dustry into one trade union in or- | der that the leadership of the jour country in the reconstruction | period. | These are the causes of the or- |ganizational evolution of the Soviet {trade union movement. This is why jin 1917 we were for concentration, | for centralization. During 1918-20 jand later till about 1930, we main- tained the form of organization tive and quantitative character of | trade union be in the hands of the \adopted previously. And this is why our trade union movement. ‘There is not a single country in the worid which does not have varied trade unions, differing in their political as well as trade content. Side by side with revolutionary unions there | grew huge masses into the ranks | are reformist, fascist, there are Christian, democratic, liberal and other unions. | proletarian element. This was our line until the working class began to increase rapidly. When we ap- proached the realization of the First Five-Year Plan, when we | of the proletariat, when during the | First Five-Year Plan we were able beginning with 1931, we adopted |the line of dividing up the trade | ‘unions into smaller units, of bring- jing certain industrial unions still |closer to the corresponding indus- tries. Since the inception of the Bol- It is only in the| to politically assimilate all the of- Shevik Party, since tie building of Soviet Union that ‘there exists | fice employees in the trade unions, |our trade unions, we have fought unified revolutionary trade unioN| when the resistance found among for industrial unions. One factory movement, led by the Communist | the office employees and technical’ —one union, this is the slogan Party. The Soviet trade union movement has grown so large numerically because it is a irade union movement of the victorious | intelligentsia in the first period of | the October Revolution was crushed line in the trade union movement. | | politically and organizationally and | | the bulk of | which determines our organizational |We were for industrial unions, not the engineering and for some abstract and schematic | Communist Maneuvre Exposed,” the last issue of the New Leader vents its venomous rage against Louis Parigaud, denying he was editor of the Populaire de Paris, and a member of the Executive Committee of the French Party. They go further and say he never was heard of in Paris in Socialist circles, and that the whole thing is a hoax. Perigaud made a personal visit to the New Leader editorial office, with documents stamping as a lie all of these statements, much to the disconfiture of Oneal and his crew. Besides, he sent to the editors of the New Leader, by registered mail, the following letter, with one by Dr, Harry F. Ward, chairman of the League Against War and Fascism, requesting that Perigaud’s letter be published in the next issue of the New Leader: November 2, 1934. “Dear Comrade: I was astounded to read an article in the New Leader stating that I am not a Socialist and have never been Editor of “Le Populaire.” I regret that the writer of the article did not take the precautions of being correctly informed on his sub- ject, but I will endeavor to ace quaint him with the true facts. “I am a member of the Socialist Party since 1922, I have been elected a member of the Adminis- trative Commission of Le Populaire at the Paris Congress (Huygens) in | April 1932. I am a member of the c. A. P. (Central Committee), elected at the Paris Congress (Mu- talite) in Easter 1933. I was a dele- reasons, but because this is the best |gate to the International Socialist roletariat, engaged in building So- i _ to con- 4 is Necare arm isidoabdies means of struggle against the bour- | Congress at Paris in 1933. At that Vote Communist! cialism, The organizational changes | scientiously serve the October Rev- thizer was among those holding the What arbitration has done to the workers in the | special meetings, His place was sit- A & P Victory---But for Whom? ‘(OW much of a “victory” for labor there is in the A. and P. decision, as the A. F. of L. officials now claim, can be judged by the fact that its terms now form the basis for a plan by the National Association of Manufacturers for a nation-wide union smashing drive. Openly boasting that the A. and P. decision “recognizes officially the necessity for preventing co- ercion on the part of unions against employes who desire to work,” the six-point program includes that: sympathetic strikes be made illegal; to make illegal the suspension, fining or punishment otherwise of any worker who refuses to participate in a strike termed “illegal”; make illegal picketing if it is car- ried on in “such a manner as to intimidate em- ployes”; illegalize contracts with unions which re- quire joining an organization, The officials of the seven A. F. of L. unions in- volved in the steps taken to unionize the A. and P. stores, in accepting the terms of the Labor Boards have thereby joined to inflict a serious blow upon the whole trade union movement. The workers are ordered to return to work with absolutely nothing won. The point providing for the reopening of the 300 stores is a huge joke. No thinking worker fell for this ruse of the company. Certainly the labor automobile, steel, transport, textile and other in- dustries, is all the building service workers may expect, unless they prepare to force their arbitra- tion board to act favorably on their demands. The only reason why the marine workers, mem- bers of the International Longshoremen’s Associa- tion, on the Pacific Coast succeeded in gaining through arbitration, was because they had put up an excellent fight and established a strong union under rank and file leadership. The next step for the building service workers is not to wait until the arbitration board is set up and starts functioning, but to lose no time in strengthening their union with a broad participa- tion of the rank and file members in the leader- ship to spread the strike to broaden out the influence of the union; to proceed with an organization drive to unionize every building throughout the city and to unite all the workers in the trade into one pow- erful, militant union controlled by its membership and fit to meet the real estate owners in battle to win every demand originally put forth in the strike. Join the Communist Party 35 EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party. (employers tried bulldozing methods. , ready on the threshold of starva- Dye Strikers Reject N.R.A. Arbitration (Continued from Page 1) workers are called upon to turn out for picketing early Monday morn- ing and it was made clear that re- sult- in_all settlement attempts will flepend largely upon the determina- tion and militancy of the workers. At Washington, Francis Gorman, who betrayed the general strike, was again involved in the negotia> tions, although he was never au- thorized to do so by the workers. Workers Report “You can’t buck the government and continue striking,” said one prominent member of the board. Among the reasons given for not recognizing the union with a 100 per cent union shop, was that the union was “too young.” Another was that there was a majority of Italians “who may show their power within the organization too flagrantly.” All this only provided amusement for the workers. Baldanzi also reported that many employers are willing to settle with the union, but are threatened by Vlanderen, head of the Dyers’ In- stitute that their credit will be withdrawn and still unpaid for ma- |chinery would be foreclosed. tion as they always lived from hand to mouth. At the strikers’ meeting @ motion was passed for a broader relief committee which will face the immediate task of organizing relief collection generally and help each to obtain relief at the Emergency Relief Office. Many strikers are not jyet aware of the fact that they are fully eligible to going on the relief rolls. Thus far relief authorities have met all applicants with buck passing and excuses. But it is ex- pected that beginning Monday large committees of workers will back each applicant and if neces- sary the picket lines may be thrown around the relief offices. The situation otherwise remained unchanged, with the plants tied up | |+ing next to this sympathizer. | A, Member District 6, Sec. 14. Unit 32. British Vote | Shows Rise Of Discontent LONDON, Nov. 4—The sweeping | gains made by the Labor Party | candidates in the British municipal elections is regarded here chiefty as |evidence of the rising discontent ,of the masses with the policies of |the National government, in which |the Labor Party ex-leader, Ram- say MacDonald is the outstanding | figure. The Labor Party won a total of 740 candidates, though full election returns are not in, and the elections in Scotland take place on Noyem- ;ber 7. This gives the Labor Party 500 more municipal council and county borough seats than it pre- |viously held. The Conservative |Party lost 500 seats, though the {Labor Party also made gains in votes at the expense of the Liberal Party. None of the Communist candi- dates were elected. The Communist Party had made a proposal to sup- port Independent Labor Party and Labor Party candidates in the elec- tions, to speed the united front against war and fascism, provided that the candidates would pledge themselves to a fight on daily issues against the developments towards war and fascism, Pittsburgh Anti-War League Calls Parley PITTSBURGH, Pa., Nov. 4—The Pittsburgh Committee of the League Against War and Fascism, has announced a district confer- ence to be held Sunday, Nov. 25, at 2:30 p. m, in the Irene Kauf- man Settlement. Dr. Harry Ward, president of | which we, the Soviet trade union- ists, had to introduce in our trade union movement in the course of the 17 years of the proletarian dic- tatorship, have always been deter- mined by the basic political tasks confronting the working class of the U.S. S. R. I remember the first period of the organization of trade unions following the February Revolution, when at the Third Trade Union Conference held in June, 1917, the All-Russian trade union movement first took form. Our trade unions were most variegated as to their structure. A fierce political strug- gle was going on inside the Soviet Trade Union movement. At the Third Trade Union Conference the Mensheviks and the Social-Revolu- tionaries were in the majority, but we, proceeding along the line of rapid concentration of the trade union movement, in a very short time won the majority in this movement. Why did the Bolshevik Party march under the slogan of concen- tration and centraliza‘ion of the trade union movement? We were advancing toward the October Rev- | olution. It was necessary to con- centrate huge masses of the prole- tariat and trade unions in order to} help the Bolsheviks overthrow the bourgeoisie, in order to help it establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus the first period was a period of concentration and centralization of the trade union movement, Afer the working class of our country had conquered, we pro- ceeded for a long time along this path of concentration and cen- tralization of the trade union move- ment. I remember that at the third trade union Congress, at which I reported on the organiza- ticnal question, we set up 21 trade unions, although in the preliminary discussion the plan was to form only 14 or 16 trade unions. What political reasons compelled us, directly after the October Revolu- tion, to adopt the line of such con- centration? It must be remem- bered that the Civil War played an exceptionally great part in scatter- ing the urban proletariat. A large number of the most advanced and | olution, when the proletarian masses in our trade unions began to grow rapidly—then the question rose of the first dividing up of the large trade unions. Proletrrian Jead- ership was ensured at that time, because huge working-class masses appeared in our industry, in our country, and these new, fresh work- ers became assimilated in our trade unions to such an extent that it was politiaclly possible already to divide the trade unions. The prob- lem of the division of the irade unions into smaller sections cannot be separated from the general polit- ical tasks, confronting the working class, from the problem of increas- ing proletarian cadres, from the problems of the political education of the masses, from how we suc- ceeded in forging not only the of- fice employees and engineering and technical workers in the proie- tarian fire, but also the millions of new workers who came to industry from the village. Comrade Shver- nik quoted figures showing that the number of workers and employees increased from 10,500,000 in 1929 to 22,700,000 in 1934. within a period of only five years the working class of our country doubled in number. { ae ae | qJHERE did we get these huge masses from? Children.of the petty bourgeois and of the em- ployees, as well as an enormous number of peasants who came from the village, poured into our class, into our industry. The basic prole- | tarian cadres of our trade union movement assimilated this huge mass politically. The tremendous political influence exercised by our Party enabled our Soviet trade union movement to give political leadership to these huge masses of | trade union movement. Thus, a large number of pre- requisites were needed for this re- | organization. Reorganization can- ‘not be carried through overnight, it cannot be completed in one day. A \great growth of our industry and the huge accumulation of the pro- letarian forces in our national economy were necessary. It was ;necessary to complete the restora- tion period and to pass over to the This means that | people that poured into our Soviet ; 'geoisie. We were for industrial ‘unions after the victory of the |working class because an industrial union is the best lever for the building of the given branch of na- tional economy, the best lever for the fulfillment of the general po- litical tasks confronting the work- ing class. more that the structure of the trade unions is determined by the political tasks confronting the working class, is determined by the degree and character of the politi- cal organization of the working class. This is what the organiza- tional structure is subjected to. And it is only if the aims and tasks con- fronting the working class are clearly seen that it will be possible to understand the organizational evolution made by the Soviet trade unions during the 17 years of prole- tarian dictatorship. I said that the Soviet trade unions are the largest in the world. And it must be added that in gen- jeral, there are very few large unions and huge trade union cen- ters. There are only two trade, union centers in the world with a membership exceeding one million. These are the general Trade Union Congress in England, with a mem- bership of 3,294,000 and the Ameri- can Federation of Labor, which has about three ‘million members. -How many trade union centers. with. over 500,000 members . are. there?. ‘These are the general reformist trade unjon centers of Belgium, France, Spain, Czecho-Slovakia and Sweden. Thus we have only five federations in the world with the membership of over 500,000. I exclude the fas- cist trade unions from this list, ex- clude them because they have a specific system of recruitment and a specific police system of registra- ‘tion. The Italian fascists number ; about four million members in’ their trade unions. As to the Germans, they juggle with figures rather free- ly. Our “colleague,” Dr. Ley, al- leges that on March 3, 1934, the “Labor Front” covered 13 million workers and employers, and four million merchants, artisans, home craftsmen and persons of liberal professions. Thus he considers that they have 17 million trade union 4 Thus, I want to emphasize once | time I had the pleasure of meeting Comrade Cahan of the “Forwards” and had occasion to have dinner in his company at the Cafe de Ver- sailles, together with Comrade Rosenfeld, Editor-in-Chief of “Le Populaire,” Comrade Epstein, Edi- tor-in-Chief of “Revolts,” Socialist publication, and a few others. Leon Blum was expected at this dinner, but was unavoidably detained. Comrade Cahan will remember that the entire staff of the hotel where he was stopping, were members of the Socialist Party, of extreme left tendencies (Action Socialiste). “I recommend to the writer of the article in the New Leader, that he read my last article in Le Popu- laire on Page 6, first column of the issue of September 30th, 1933, This was my last article because at the National Council meeting of October 4th and 5th, all the com- rades with left tendencies (Action Socialiste) were expelled for united- front activities. Since then, the National Congress of July 14th, at Toulouse, voted unanimously the following resolution: “The comrades expelled for their participation in united-front activities who will ask for reinstatement will be reinstated with all their rights’ That means that all the years of service neces- sary to become a member of the Central Committee of the Party are restored, and that those months of exclusion are not to be considered. “I think that the above ciarifies the situation. I have not been and am not to be influenced by anyone. I have at your disposal proof of all my statements. i “I have always been a militant Socialist! “I remain a militant Socialist! “TI have always fought militantly for the United Front! “I remain a militant fighter for the United Front! “Tt wish that many others would show the same perseverance in their convictions.” . Fraternally yours, L. PERIGAUD.” Contributions recetved to the credit of Harry Gannes in his So- cialist competition with del, Mike Gold, the Medical Advisory Board, : 7 Bs members. But these are trade », Jacob Burek and i In addition to Baldanzi, the Open Shop Attempt eae” and as yet no major at-|the League, will be the principal | conscious workers from the big cen- | reconstruction period. It was neces- | unions of a peculiar type, voli David ae me the Daily Worker I workers who represented the Pater-| It is now becoming apparent that empt to operate any were even |speaker. All organizations’ in and | ters went to ‘he front. The prole- sary not only to outline clear pro-|inow. It would be useful, perhaps, | drive for $60,000. Quote—$599. d son local, Chas, Vigorito, and John the employers want to break the ee ‘around Pittsburgh are cordially in- | tarian stratum was not very large, ' spects but also practical ways for|to have a special talk about them, Japanese Werkers Club .....$ 5.00 § Travano, reported on their experi-' union by starving the workers inte vited to send delegates to the | generally speaking. And, therefore, | the building up of a classless so-/since the workers are herded by|Eva Ostrow as 1.00 i ence a ashington, and how the ‘submission, and 5 Cy ‘or Communist Candi- * in order place every trade union | ciety in order to be able to start the | f ‘i 5 t Wast many are raising A Vote for © necting, in order to pl oree into one organization with|Art Rykin 2.00 ig members on the Labor Relations|the question of a proper relief ar-| dates Is a Vote against Company under the control of the proletarian |rcorganization of our trade unions ‘the capitalists and do not enter Previously Rec'd 122.97 e Board and representatives of the|rangement. Many workers are al-| “U; Hitoata. | Urge Members of Your Union to| section, to prevent employees, and|in accordance with the new tasks |these unions of their own free will. pr pers R a Read the Daily Worker! other elements who were hostile to- confronting the working class of (To be concluded tomorrow.) Total to Date...........$130.07 & 4 i