The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 3, 1934, Page 2

Page 2 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 1934 Will to Fight War, Fascism. Shown in Socialist Referendum Mandate for the United Front Is Sabotaged by Old Guard | DECLARATION VOTE REFLECTS DESIRE FOR UNITED ACTION Socialist Party Member: Will for the Estab Front With ship Has Expressed Its lishment of United Communists N THIS issue of the Daily Worker we publish in full the Declaration of Principles adopted by the Detroit con-| vention of the Socialist Party by a majority of the membership of the Socialist Party in| on June 3, 1934, and approved a referendum concluded on Oct. 19, 1934. We also publish the complete fig-@- ures by states on the referendum vote. Every effort was made in the last National Executive Committee meeting to suppress the results of the referendum of this fundamental! declaration of principles “until after the elections,” with Norman Thomas, who poses as a champion of the declaration, voting with the most reactionary leaders of the S. P. to hold the facts from the Party membership “if it can be done.” “Good comrades were for the Dec- laration of Principles,” wrote Thomas. “Good comrades were against the Declaration of Prin- ciples. The Declaration has been carried by a referendum in which I wish mere comrades had voted. I was and am for the Declaration It may at the proper time and with proper wisdom be improved. Now let’s get to work for Socialism!” With those words Thomas esti-} mated and dismissed the salient, | important political facts confront-| War, and against capitalism, point-| ing the whole working class and the; future struggles against capitatism | contained in the affirmation of the} Declaration of Principles by the ma-| jority of the members of the So-| imperialist war into a civil war when emphatically “No!” and fascism. The Declaration states that the Socialist Party “will meet war and the detailed plans for war already mapped out by the war-making arms of the government, by massed war resistance, organized as far as practicable in a general strike of labor unions and professional groups in a united effort to make the wag- ing of war,a practical impossibility and to convert the capitalist war crisis into a victory for Socialism.” Again, on the question of the struggle against fascism, it states: “Its (the Socialist Party’s) meth- ods may include a recourse to a general strike which will not merely |°'8@mic unity with these reaction-' treaten to split the Socialist Party | serve as a defense against fascist counter-revolution but will carry the revolutionary struggle into the camp of the enemy.” Militart Desire Seen Here in the expression of the de- sire of fighting war and fascism, the question of mobilizing the mass- es now for a broad struggle against ing out that only a revolutionary | overthrow of capitalism can stop war, only the transformation of the front against war and fascism is| built up will all the necessary de-| cisive action be carried out against war and fascism. To realize the aim of the Dec- laration, the actual will to fight against war and fascism undeniably expressed by the majority of the| members of the Socialist Party, it] is above all necéssary to realize the} united front. Without the slightest questicn, this idea, in its general expression | meets with the wish and approval) of the Socialist Party membership,| |to the great masses of workers around the Socialist Party. But) many questions are raised by those |who seek to thwart the wishes of the majority of the Socialist Party} membership, who openly or covertly fight against the Declaration, and against all leftward movements of} the American workers, and who| want by every means to sabotage the united front. “Unite With Whom?” | front be accomplished?” The Wald- mans, Cahans, Oneals, Solomons| in making the united front with the! chief enemies of labor in the ranks of the labor movement, the Greens, | the Gormans, the Wolls, the Ryans} —with those who consciously act as| the strikebreakers in this period of | great mass strikes for higher wages jand improved conditions They have jnot the sightest compunction in forming not only a united front but ary labor officials who have become part and parcel of the strikebreak- the N. R. A. apparatus, working hand-in-glove with the Wall Street |government to force capitalism out of its crisis at the expense of low- Jering the living standards of the workers, increasing the fascist | methods of attack, and speeding war | preparations Can the wish of the Socialist Party membership as expressed in| the Declaration be carried out by) this united front? Every honest | Socialist will be forced to answer) Who are the! cialist Party who actively partici-| it does break out, can be the most agents of Green and Woll in your| pate in the Party’s work and voted) for the Declaration in the referen-/| dum. Let us examine the significance | of this declaration other than the| morals of voting for or against it,| which seemed to be the most im- portant matter for Norman Thomas. | Represents Will to Fight i This document represents the in-| creasing will of the membership of | the Socialist Party to fight against| war and fascism, True, it represents this will in a confused form, in a groping manner, and with many contradictions. Yet the outstanding fact remains. The rank and file, the majority of the Party member- ship is keenly dissatisfied with the old policies of the Socialist Party; | they want a sharp leftward swing | effective megns of placing befdre the workers now the tasks necessary | to be carried out, are muddled and| confused. Only the vague general-| ization of the general strike when | the war does come is thrown out, | without the necessary day-to-day | bership; mobilization of the toilers against the whole program of capitalism) which breeds war, is expressed. But if the declaration is to have concrete meaning, if its basic wish actually to fight against war and fascism is to be carried out by a | militant struggle against war and fascism, this means clearing the way of all obstacles for the united front now between the Socialist | Party and the Communist Party. | It means arousing the masses against all the steps in the prep- aration of war and fascism. To the degree that this united Socialist Party Convention’s Declaration of Principles |Injunction-Solomon, who has ob- |parts, Party? There is Waldman, who} declared he could not remain a} Socialist if the Declaration was ap- | proved, and now acts in the most| vicious manner against the ma-/| jority of the Socialist Party mem- there is Dubinsky who has been adopted into the official family of the A. F. of L. bureauc-- | tacy, thanks to his having proved | his ability to carry out their pro- gram of strike-breaking; there is | tained many anti-labor injunc- tions; there is Oneal whose theoret- ical function in the Party is to carry on a Red-baiting campaign, whose main weapon of struggle is in defense of the Welses, the Lei- the MacDonalds, and all other international betrayers of the workers’ struggles; there is the despicable Cahan who supports \s U. S. as one of the bitterest enemies of the victorious workers’ revolu- | and Dubinskys have no hesitation | tion; Results of the Declaration of Principles Vote of Socialist Party Members by States From Labor and Socialist Press & State For Alabama Arizona Arka: men California ™. Colorado Conneciicut Delaware District of Columbia. Florida .. Georgia Idaho .. ce 12 4 14 7 189 1 26* 10 Ilinois . Indiana .. Iowa ... Kansas Kentucky .. Mass: Michigan Minnesota Missouri Montana .. the Soviet Union, who | stands with Hamilton Fish in the there is ex-Judge Panken who used his legal experience in helping to break the New York taxi strike. Old Guards Are Splitters These gentlemen work with the | A. F. of L. bureacracy trying to |force the Socialist Party to the right, fighting against the revolu-| |tionary upsurge in the Party, using |every means to block the united |front with the left. It is they who | | in order to carry out their policy | |of collaboration with the war mak- | Jers and the elements driving to-| |wards fascism. Their role is ad- | mirably expressed by the Belgian | | Socialist De Man, leader of the in- | | ternational right wing of the So-/ | clalist International, who in his | book “Psychology of Socialism,” de- | clared : | “If it were not for the support | rendered by the social-democratic | parties to the capitalist social system the latter would have | been overthrown by the prole- tariat long ago. | “There is probably not a single reform, in the sense of putting reformist ideas into practice, the realization of which in recent years has not been the work of the anti-Socialist parties. On | the contrary, wherever the So- clalists held power, either by themselves, or with the assist- ance of other parties, they were compelled to direct all their ef- forts . . . to restore capitalist economy. | “It was in order not to let the requisite political power cut of their hands for nothing that as far as possible they excluded from their practical policy every- thing which was specifically so- cialist.” That is the real aim of those who fight the united front with Against 0 ents about one- October 19, 1 For New Jersey New Mexico New York x North Carolina Ohio Oklahoma .. Oregon Pennsylvania. Rhode Island South Carolina . Tennessee ..... Texas . Uteh . 10 3 Vermont 23 26° Virginia 27 16 Washingt 39 nl West Virginia + 62 2 Wisconsin eS 169 National members at large 15 4 Total <A sve $998 4,872 third of the Party’s membership. One of the basic objections raised|the counter-revolutionary activities |the Communist Party; that is the of struggle, especially against war|is “With whom should the united |2gainst aim against which the majority of the Socialist Party members are fighting. The Declaration was a repudiation of such policies as ex- pressed by De Man and still main- tained by those in the Socialist Party who form the united front with Green & Co, Must Destroy Old Guard Power The will to fight war and fas- cism, expressed in the Declaration, | can only be realized if the power of the old reactionary guard in the Socialist Party is destroyed; if their death grip, hampering all ef- forts at actually realizing the united front, is smashed. One of the first steps necessary is immediate affiliation with the League Against War and Fascism, that broad united front organiza- tion carrying on the widest strug- gle against war and fascism, in- cluding all honest elements who actually took steps to realize a united front against war and fas- | cism. Now we must examine the specific role of Norman Thomas. In | his speeches he pays lip service to the united front. He makes speeches, such as that at the Youth Con- gress, greeting the united front of | the Socialist and Communist youth, approves of the Workers’ Unem- | ployment Insurance Bill, and on many occasions declares himself for the united front with the Com- munists. But inside of the Social- ist Party he takes no decisive mea- sures to achieve this united front | to which he pays such ardent lip service. Thomas’ Lip Service The last letter addressed by the Socialist Party in reply to the Com- | munist Par‘y’s proposal for imme- | diate negotiations to discuss all questions of the united front, the united front was rejected, and the | Socialist Party leaders spoke of | “ending the fratricidal strife in the unions.” At the Detroit convention, while the old guard and militants dis- j| “New Leader.” agreed bitterly on the Declaration of Principles, on the trade union Policy they had the same stand. The same Mr. Thomas who pays lip | service to the united front joins with the old guard in the move to- | ward the A. F. of L, bureaucracy. | He comes out in defense of the tex- | tile strike betrayal. He never raises |@ peep agains: the collaboration of Green, Gorman, MacMahon in the He has nothing to say about Dubinsky’s complicity | with Green. On the fundamental trade union question, from which ises the necessary struggle against | fascism and war, around which all | Questions of general strike revolve, Shere is no difference between | Thomas and the old guard. Here hey are at one with the reaction- | wy old guard against achieving the Inited front in the trade unions on he basis of the new left declara- don of struggle against war and fascism. This acid test of the united front, in which Thomas favors unity with the right, with the strikebreakers in the labor movement, means de- | feat of the will of the S. P. mem- | bers for more revolutionary action, | for the actual achievement of a real united front of struggle against war and fascism, as expressed by the | meets in voting for the Declara- tion, Discovered New Obstacles More recently the Socialist lead- ers have discovered new obstacles | against the united front in the form of the renegades from the Commu- nist Party, the Trotskyites, the Git- lowites, the Lovestoneites, the Musteites and the Weisbord frag- ment. When the pressure for the | united front with the Communist | Party becomes so overwhelming, the | | Socialist leaders find it convenient | to interpose these renegades in or- | der by this maneuver to seek to | wreck the establishment of a real | | united front. Gitlow’s Application With the application of Gitlow and his small clique for member- ship in the 8. P., both Thomas and | Waldman see in this move a new |barrier to throw up against the achievement of the united front. The Waldman old guard group in their fight against Gitlow’s admis- sion are actually carrying on a fight against the declaration of principles, against the united front. They hold up the renegade Gitlow as the sym- bol of Communism. Every honest socialist has no more use for the renegades than the Communist Party has, Waldman holds up Git- low as a sample of the Communist Party and the aims and purposes of the Communist Party, when every~ one knows Gitlow was expelled from the Communist Party for his anti-Communist theories and pzac- tices; that in all his activity Gitlow has aided the Greens and Dubin- | skys. The Thomas group, until now holding back the united front by its conciliatory and dilatory tactics will now fight for the inclusion of | the Gitlow group, setting this act COMMUNIST PARTY | APPEALS TO EVERY SOCIALIST WORKER | Urges Sweeping Aside of Old Guard Who Bar Unity—Delay in Forming United Front Helps Fascists and War Mongers front,” in their maneuvers to delay and hamper the establishment of the united front with the Commu- nist Party. The Gitlow group will try to pose as a left group. But their main desire is to struggle against Com- munism and the advance of the Communist Party. They have al- ready shown their willingness to cast their lot with the most degenerate section of the Socialist Party leader- ship. The other renegades are then dragged in. Let us see who they are and what they represent. The total membership of the Musteites is 125; the Trotzkyites, 150, the Lovestone and Gitlow group, 150, and Weisbord’s, 20. In all there are 445, perhaps 500, per- haps a few more, perhaps a few less, These are figures supplied by people who are within these groups, They want to be recognized as Parties to meet with the Socialist and Communist Party to determine conditions and terms of the united front, not for the purpose of ad- vancing the united front, but for the purpose of casting another ob- stacle into the actual realization of the united front. What they actually do is to form a united front among themselves for the purpose of fighting against the Communist Party, against the Soviet Union; and they are con- veniently utilized by those in the Socialist Party who see the oppor- tunity of using them as another obstacle, another means to under- mine and sabotage the great mass movement striving for the united front. These small blocks want to send delegates to united front con- ferences on equal plane with the Socialist and Communist Party so that the struggle for the united front can be impeded by these counter-revolutionary fragments in the labor movement. The opposition of these people to the Soviet Union, to the Commu- nist International, to the Commu- nist Party, U. S, A., which is their own raison d'etre, their only ex- cuse for living, their only function in political life, supplies ammuni- tion to the enemies of the revolu- tionary upsurge of the workers. They aid the bourgeoisie against the defense of the proletarian rev- olution, against the building of So- | forth as the advance of the “united cialism in the U. S. 8. R. at a time | when the confidence of the masses in the Soviet Union is growing. Will Not Advance Cause A united front with them will n | advance the cause of the struggl against war and fascism; it w: impede it. The Communist Party, and the majority of the members of the Socialist Party, want basic- ally a united front between the two parties, which would draw in its train the support of hundreds of thousands, if not millions of work- ers. We want a united front with the Socialist Party, with the Young ‘ Peoples Socialist League, with A, F. of L. locals, These truly mass organizations, on the basis of the united front, can have a tremen- dous effect on the course of the labor movement, speeding the rev- olutionary developements so ar- dently desired, creating a mass fighting force against war and fas- cism. With these forces we are ready at all times to discuss and agree on terms for united action. United Need Emphasized Every day again and again em- phasizes the necessity for this united front. No worker can bel | blind to the growing fascist attacks \ on the employed and unemployed, typified in the murderous assaults in Albany and Denver. The com- ing winter will be one of growing, bitter struggles. In Spain, France, Italy, Austria, Socialists and Communists have achieved the united front. It is necessary for us here to strengthen the forces against fascism to help them. The danger of war grows apace. This is recognized by the majore ity of the members of the So- cialist Party. Delay helps the enemy. Obstacles thrown into the way of the united front show the real resistance of those who bring them in, The Communist Party is doing everything possible, striving with might and main to achieve this united front. x It must be achieved. The Social~ ist Party membership has given its mandate for the establishment of the united front. Let there be no more delay. That is the meaning, despite the unclarity and ambiguity in the Declaration of Principless, of the vote of the majority of the mem- bers of the Socialist Party for its adoption. I Approved by a referendum vote (5,998 for and 4,872 against) of the Socialist Party membership, the Declara- tion of Principles, published Detroit Convention, June 3, 10,822 for the declaration; below, was adopted at the 1934, by a roll call vote of 6,512 against; 99 delegates voting for the declaration and 47 against: Convention's Declaration of § ¢——-———___ ______ Principles The Socialist Party is the party | of the workers, regardless of race, color, creed. In mill and mine, shop | and farm, office and school, the workers can assert their united power, and through the Socialist Party establish a cooperative com- monwealth forever free from human exploitation and class rule, It the workers delay and drift, they will prolong the period of their enslavement to a. decadent cap- | italism. This uncreative, wasteful | and brutally oppressive social sys- | tem takes jobs away and turns into the streets with no assurance that ever again they may become em- ployed — financiers, for their own selfish gain, control markets, and prices and autocratically regulate the extension or withdrawal of credit. Those who utilize the profit motive for arbitrary advantage, restrict the workers’ standard of liv- | ing save where labor has aggres- | sivély organized and struggled ener- getically for its rights—and even then deny to the working class the abundance which the modern pro- ductive process is technically cap- able of bestowing upon those willing to labor for the common good. Cap- italism invades the peace of farm- ing areas with the all-pervasive danger of insecurity and in many regions with bitter destitution. ‘Throughout the land its attacks the American home and brands count- less children with the pinch of want. The privileged minority who benefit from exploitation of the multitude are not content with own- ing the mechanisms of production and distributed which perpetuate their property power; they control the press, radio and motion picture; they starve and poison the educa- tional system; they dominate our courts, our municipalities; our state legislative assemblies, and our na- | tional government; for the exten- | sion of their economic domain they expose to the appalling menace of mew imperialist wars the innocent | youth in our own and other coun- tries, on whom they will lay the ruthless clutch of conscription and send to fight those wars. To con- fuse the voting masses and retain their authority, they maintain great Political parties whose appeal fluc- tuates between frank reaction and fictitious liberalism, neither of which offers to the workers any substan- tial or enduring program for the ac- quisition of their birth-right. Only those who labor with hand and brain in their concerted might ean overthrow this monstrous sys- tem and replace it with a Socialist order. Whenever they will, they can transfer to the people the ownership of industry, land, finance, and nat- ural resources, including water power and operate these possessions of the Socialist commonwealth for the material and cultural enrich- ment of all—beginning with the large-scale industries of a public character, such as banking, insur- ance, mining, transportation, com- munication, and the trustified in- dustries, and extending the process rapidly to the point where rent, in- terest, and profit are abolished. The socialization of industry as Socialists conceive it, however, means more than simple govern- ment ownership—it involves the op- posite of irresponsible bureaucracy, and includes democratic adminis- tration through the elected and re- sponsible representatives of the workers in the respective industries, and of workers as a whole. The Socialist Party advocates the | establishment of a system of co- operative and publicly owned and managed warehouses, markets and credits, to promote direct dealing between farmers and city consumers at the cost of the service in their mutual interests, thus reducing the cost of living, assuring farmers a just compensation for their labor, and enabling them to escape from the twin curses of tenantry and mortgaged serfdown. Workers of town and country must be strongly organized on eco- nomic as well as political lines. The céaseless struggle of the labor unions and farm organizations, and the constructive work of bona fide cooperation societies, are necessary, not only for the immediate defense and betterment of the condition of | for the efficient administration of the producing class, but also to equip producers with the under- standing and self-discipline required the industries of which they are to win control, It is the duty of every Socialist wage worker to be loyal and ac- tive member of the union in his in- dustry or trade, and to strive for the strengthening and solidifying of the trade union movement. It is the duty and privilege of the So- clalist pres to aid the unions in their struggles for better wages, increased leisure, and better con- ditions of employment. The Socialist Party, while stand- ing for the interests of the Amer- ican people, that the well-being of any one nation is in- extricably interwoven with that of every other. To divisive capital na- tionalism it opposes international workers’ solidarity; to the Socialist parties of other countries it ex- tends full support in their struggles, uniting with them to the common effort to build a world-wide federa- tion of Socialist republics, ‘The Socialist Party is opposed to militarism, imperialism, and war. It purposes to eradicate the perpetual economic warfare of capitalism, the fruit of which is international con- flict. War cannot be tolerated by Socialists, or preparedness for war. They will unitedly seek to develop trustworthy working class instru- ments for the peaceable settlement of international disputes and con- flicts. They will seek to eliminate military training from schools, col- leges and camps. They will oppose military reviews, displays and ex- penditures, whether for direct war Preparedness or for militaristic pro- paganda, both in wartime and in peacetime. They will loyally sup- port, in the tragic event of war, any of their comrades who for anti-war activities or refusal to perform war service come into conflict with pub- lie opinion or law. Moreover, recog- nizing the suicidal nature of mod- ern combat and the incalculable train of wars’ consequences which rest most heavily upon the work- ing class, they will refuse collectively to sanction or support any inter- national war; they will, on the con- trary, by agitation and opposition do their best not to be broken up by the war, to break up the war. They will meet war and the detailed plans for war already mapped out by the war-making arms of the goverment, by massed war resist- ance, organized so far as practicable in a general strike of labor unions and professional groups in a united éffort to make the waging of war @ practical impossibiljty and to convert the capitalist wer crisis into a victory for Socialism. In its struggles for a new society, its objectives by peaceful and or- derly means. Recognizing the in- creasing resort by a crumbling cap- italist order to Fascism to preserve its integrity and dominance, the So- cialist Party intends not to be de- ceived by Fascist propaganda nor overwhelmed by Fascist force. It will do all in its power to fight Fascism of every kind all the time and everywhere in the world, until Fascism is dead. It will rely, never- theless, on the organization of a disciplined labor movement. Its methods may include a recourse to a general strike which will not merely serve as a defense against Fascist counter-revolution, but will carry the revolutionary struggle into the camp of the enemy. The Socialist Party proclaims anew its faith in economic and po- litical democracy, but it unhesitat- ingly applies itself to the task of replacing the bogus democracy of capitalist parliamentarianism by a genuine workers’ democracy. Cap- italism is doomed. If it can be su- perseded by majority vote, the So- cialist Party will rejoice. If the crisis comes through the denial of majority rights after the electorate has given us a mandate, we shall not hesitate to crush by our labor solidarity the reckless forces of re- action and to consolidate the So- cialist state. If the capitalist sys- tem should collapse in a general chaos and confusion, which cannot permit of orderly procedure, the So- cialist Party, whether or not in such a case it is a majority, will not shrink from the responsibility of or- ganizing and maintaining a govern- ment under the workers’ rule. True democracy is a worthy means to Progress; but true democracy must be amas by the workers of the worl Councils Ask Aid for Students at Workers’ School in Philadelphia PHILADELPHIA, Pa, Noy. 2— Books and pamphlets are needed for the forty Unemployment Council members who are being trained at the Workers School here. Since the forty workers are unemployed and cannot buy the n books, Unemployment Councils, 919 Locust Street, have appealed for copies of the books and pamphlets listed be- low. Marx: “Wage Labor and Capital” and “The Communist Manifesto;” Lenin: “State and Revolution” and “Imperialism;” Stalin: “Leninism I and II;” Manuilsky: “Eleventh Plenum;” “Program of the Com- munist International;” “Communist the Socialist Party se to attain ‘ Party in Action;” and “The A. B. C. of Communism.” _ 1,500 Men Picket In Elevator Strike (Continued from Page 1) to the effect that the union had allegedly promised to call off ihe strike or to guarantee against its extension pending the negotiations, George Planson, Secretary to James J. Bambrick, president of the union, denied that any such promises were made by the union. “The strike has not been called off,” Arthur L. Harckham, said. “We are moving along slower than before but the buildings that have not settled are being picketed as before.” “There is no truce, The strike is going to spread,” George Scal- isi stated earlier in the day, threat- ening to spread the strike down to Battery Park, “Partial Settlements” Made Suspicions have been expressed by numerous pickets that the cir- culation of such reports by the kept press may have been a deliberate at- tempt to break down the morale of the strikers, Temporary settlements have been board of arbitration, according to Mr. Planson, with owners of 303 buildings, on the basis of a $20 min- imum weekly wage and no definite 160 buildings have as yet not set- wage, he said. shown by the needle workers on the ing the pickets, the efforts of Mayor LaGuardia. “Partial Settlements” Criticized made, pending the decisions of a agrement on hours, Approximately tled with the union and are on strike. The union, however, did not change its original demand for a 40-hour week and a $35 minimum The cooperation and solidarity first day of the strike was kept up yesterday when increased num- bers of workers participated in help- Experiences of other industries through arbitration were recalled by many strikers when asked about the negotiations conducted through ployes Union, called Thursday af- ternoon to discuss the strike of elevator operators and other build- ing service workers in the garment district, under the leadership of Local 32 B of the Building Service Employes International Union, a resolution called for full support of the strike by the membership of the Independent union. s“Members of the Independent Building Service Employes Union working in buildings in the struck section were immediately called on strike and are active on the picket line. “In order to bring about com- plete unity in the building service line, and as a further step toward complete victory for the strikers, it was also decided to send a dele- gation from the Independent Union to Local 32B, proposing a merger of the two unions into one organi- zation, “It was felt that when this has been accomplished, all obstacles to the complete organization of this field, one of the most severely ex- Ploited, will have been removed and that the workers will move solidly forward to better conditions and higher wages. Roosevelt Extends Automobile Code (Continued from Page 1) strike-breaking auto move in an afternoon press conference follow- ing extended conferences with auto magnates and S. Clay Williams, Reynolds Tobacco magnate and head of the N.R.A. Administrative the announcement. So was Sidney Hillman, Amalgamated Clothing Workers’ head and a member of the Williams Board. It was Williams who last Winter acted as chairman of the auto hearings preceding the White House sell-out of the general auto strike then budding. Workers who were tricked at that time into waiting for the sell-out negotiations to proceed through the peak-produc- Board. Williams was present during A the | of the strike and making other set- ‘The partial settlements with groups of real estate owners were looked upon with disfavor by the men as reducing the effectiveness tlements more difficult. The idea of spreading the strike on a city-wide scale and the pos- sibility of unification of all workers in the trade were met with cheer- ful approval of the numerous strik- ers approached. Following is the statement issued by Local No. 1 of the Independent Building Service Employes Union: “At a special meeting of the Ex- ecutive Board of Local 1, of the Independent Building Service Em- asked, tion periods will face almost the identical situation again when to- day's code extension expires. Hillman supported the President and Williams today, saying he “wel- comes” the extension, “How do you reconcile the exten- sion without a public hearing with Johnson’s promise?” Hillman was “Personally I welcome a hearing after the President’s investigation,” he replied. “You agree with the extension?” “Oh, yes,” Hillman assured. His suggestion concerning a hear- ing referred to Roosevelt's an- nouncement that, “With the ex- tending of the automobile code, it is my purpose to institute a study which may contribute toward im- provements in stabilizing employ- ment in the industry and reducing further the effects of the seasonal factors....” The thin demagogy of instituting a “study” used also in the Winant- Roosevelt smashing of the textile strike, quite clearly, is intended to Hopkins Aids Gov. Lehman On Attacks WASHINGTON, D. C., Nov. 2. — Harry L. Hopkins, Federal Relief carry the auto workers beyond the production peak when it will not be advantageous to strike. It is ex- pected that William Green, presi- dent of the American Federation of Labor, and his auto Heutenants, will tell the auto workers to wait un- til the expiration of the code for @ strike and then try to keep them at their machines pending the usual negotiations and conferences which are now known among steel, auto and other workers as the “National Run Around.” Roosevelt appended his official an- nouncement of the extension with the publication of identical letters sent to Green and Alving MacAuley, president of the Automobile Manu- facturers’ Association, After “investigations” of annual earnings (a warning of a probable reduction of hourly wages under the pretext of increasing the annual wage) and “a number of matters connected with this code with which I have never been fully satisfied,” sald Roosevelt, he will decide “on the factual basis then presented whether it will be necessary to ar- range for a public hearing upon the subject.” “I should be very glad to arrange for a conference as soon as I get back next week,” Roosevelt con- cluded his letter to Green and Mac- ley. It is quite clear that Roosevelt’s extension of the auto code is an attempt to try the “Government study of the whole subject,” maneu- ver as a method of staving off the growing re-strike wave. Birmingham Worker Tortured in Frame-Up On Charge of Bombing BIRMINGHAM, Ala. Nov. 2-- Jim Oswell, a worker who is on trial with three others on framed-up charges of bombing the Hill Grocery Stores during a meat cutters strike ‘some months ago, accused the au- thorities of third degreeing him, when he testified in court yesterday. Oswell told of being arrested three months after the bombing occurred. He was grilled and beaten by private detectives for more than 12 hours. While being driven to Kilby Prison at Montgomery, he was offered a split in the reward if he would im- Administrator, today rushed to the defense of Governor Herbert H, Lehman of New York, the Demo- cratic New Deal candidate for re- election, when asked whether he would institute a Federal investiga- tion of the Albany and Denver po- lice brutality recently meted out to the hunger marchers in Albany and the relief cut demonstrators in the Colorado city. He also intimated that his organi- zation will depend on the police to handle relief protests rather than grant the demand for increased re~ lief. “We're not making an investiga tion of the Denver matter,” Hop- kins declared. He added: “We have a report on that and on Albany, As far as New York is concerned, I talked to Governor Lehman about that. The Governor’s views on the freedom of the press and the right to assemblage are well known.” “Isn’t it logical to conclude that the Governor didn’t make his views known to the Albany police?” a ree porter asked Hopkins. “I don’t think that is a fair cone clusion,” was the reply, Another reporter asked Hopkins whether the Denver relief cut was “abated” by an increase in the res lief allotments. : “I think the police calmed it cate Hopkins answered emphati« ct . Although professing a desire not to be bothered with “politics” so that he could give “more time to the unemployed,” Hopkins launched a demagogic attack on Henry P Fletcher, Chairman of the Repub- lican National Committee, which is demanding that even less relief than is being allotted be given to the destitute and unemployed. “The Republican Party tactics,” said Hop- kins, “indicate a complete lack of understanding or sympathy for the under-privileged people of America.” During a brief discussion of the “basic reason” for “riots in Denver,” a reporter asked the relief adminise trator: “What's a riot, Mr. Hope kins?” “That's a rhetorical question,” he replied. Hopkins also announced that no Plicate the other accused workers. census of the unemployed will be taken, ‘