The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 26, 1934, Page 7

' CHANGE ——THE— | WORLD! By MICHAEL GOLD pageant Alabama, is one of the hungriest cities in this hungry America. The men who produce the steel, coal and other products that made the city an in- dustrial capital have been turned out like old horses to die. But they refuse to die. They have had the courage and intelligence to organize. Many are coming to see that only under Communism will the workers live like human beings, and not like cheap driven cattle. Such a state of mind among unemployed men is dangerous, of course. Dangerous to whom, you will ask? To the bosses. To the profiteers. To the cruel masters who for so long have coinéd the blood and sweat of the slaves into dividends. Whenever a worker begins to think, there is panic among his masters. The S. O. 8. call is frantically flashed, and the army, the navy, the cops, the stools and law courts, club-women and hangmen are mobilized. An army of capitalist mercenaries goes into action, with club, gun and slander. Yes, it is the supreme ctime, this thinking. The worker who indulges in it is feared and hated by the yellow rats of capitalism infinitely more than they féared atid hated Dillinger. And perhaps they are right. The worker who begins at last to think and to protest against slavery and hunger is more certain to undermine their system of organized cruelty than all the romantic bank-robbers in the world. Al Capone is a patriot, and once made a touching speech in which. he pleaded with Americans to “keep their country pure and wholesome and unspoiled by the Reds.” Dillinger néver killed a bank president on the Fourth of July. Pretty Boy Floyd comes of the old pioneer stock, and once wrote a prize-winning essay in Public school on George ‘Washington. Yes, they are all “patriots.” But the worker who organizes for a determined fight against death by hunger and war is labelled a “seditionist.” . . . “Law and Order” ib! BIRMINGHAM all the usual forces of boss-fascism have been mobilized against these dangerous workers who think. There is a drive on, one of those pogroms that are becoming so common nowadays, as the war between the poor and thé rich becomes more desperate in America. Jim Mallory reported in the Daily Worker this week how the home of Jim Davis, Communist candidate for Governor, had been bombed, while he and his wife and five kids were sleeping. They escaped death only by @ miracle, Almost simultaneously, the homes of two Negro workers active in their steel workers union, were like- wise bombed. The police grinned cynically when the bombings were reported to them. This time they were completely uninterested in “law and order.” They “worry” about it only during strikes. “It’s probably because you're a Communist,” they cheerfully ex- plained to Davis. In other words, bombing is no crimé in Birmingham, if the victim happens to be a worker, and not a capitalist. . . . Rule by Terror ALMOST a dozen workers, Negro and white, have béen arrested in the last week, and held without bail on the charge of “inciting to insurrection.” This is the same ancient law under which Angelo Hern- don was given twenty years on the chain gang. It goes back to the days after the Civil War, when the Southern white landlords and feudalists were trying to negate the liberty allegedly won for the Negro by that war. The rich bosses of Bitmingham, through their tools in the courts, will try to railroad these workers to death on the infamous chain gang. It will not be as easy as they think, however. Every act of persecution of this kind rouses thousands of other workers who have been Passive hitherto. It is the old folly of tyrants. They have always believed that they can rule by terror. The Ozar believed this, and the Kaiser, but they lost their thrones. King George tried it, and failed. For each martyr these Southern King Georges will now try to murder or jail, we can promise them a hundred other brave men and women to step -into the ranks. We are fighting for the greatest cause in the world. We are fight- ing for the right of childten to food and health, and for the right of the common man, Negro and white, to a job. We are fighting for the oldest American tradition, the right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” We say this right belongs to all in a true democracy, and not to a few wealthy parasites. ‘You may call such a fight “sedition,” as did King George, but every honest man will know you are wrong. These men and women you are persecuting are the true patriots, who are trying to save the country from the unscrupulous exploiters who are ruining it so rapidly. . . . Cross-section of the Real South PAIL bond was refused the prisoners in these casés, because the pro- secutor said they had committed a “capital offense,” one punish- able with death. That is how far Alabama has already plunged into the dark and bloody abyss of Fascism. Hitler and Mussolini rule the state, evi- dently, and the man who has a pamphlet by Marx in his home can be electrocuted for “treason.” Among the prisoners are eight Negro workers; a white attornéy; a white woman who is a school teacher in Atlanta; a white graduate student and instructor at Emory University; two white women textile workers, and the Negro presidént of the Independent Painters and Plasterers Union. Here is a cross-section of the real South, the South that works with hand or brain, the South that carries on the traditton of the Pioneer forefathers, and is building, not destroying. Here are the true representatives of the Southern péople. They may seem only a handful to the legal lynchers and bosses. But they have a power far beyond their numbers, for they have been expressing things that are deep in the heart of the oppressed Southern people. “Comedy” Relief : v . [7_38 indeed ® tragic and tremendous war that the bosses are com- mencing against the people of the Southland in this Birmingham frame-up. There is just one gleam of bitter laughter in it all. According to the Associated Press, the City Park ahd Recreation Board plans to “combat Communism” this winter in Birmingham by producing little comic plays for the 31,500 workers who are on the relief rolls. “A widow,” says the report, “with a family of eight or nine to support had become embittered at her lot and joined a group the park supervisors knew to be Reds. The supervisors gave her a part in a bed acting as a happy housewife giving a bridge party in a splendid jome. “That was what she wanted to be and it cured her’,” said Miss Coughlin. ‘Her whole attitude toward life has changed’.” No, Miss Coughlin, we would assure her, you are wrong. Acting @ part as a society lady in a comedy will not feed “eight or nine” hungry children. No real mother will accept such a substitute for food and clothing. You are defaming human nature. What is more, you are probably lying. “Comedy and comedy drama. with all marriage triangle-love elimi- nated, and no reference made to capital or labor, dominaté the themes of the program designed to combat Communism.” i The Marxian critics have done a great deal of theorizing on capital- ist art. But here is the concreté reality at last—this new dépression- art which is meant to supplement religion as the “opium of the people.” contributions received to the credit of Mike Gold in his Socialist competition with Jacob Burck, David Ramsey, Harry Gannes, In the Home, Del and the Medical Advisory Board, in the Daily Worker drive for $60,000. Quota—$500, Ben Y. Kapeton . Julia Harvan . 3 Buffalo Comrades .. Sam Rockson . House Party Coll. . A Friend—D. C. M. H. S, Taylor .. Previously rec’d . Total to date . Sinclair: ‘A Hercules Tr ying to Clean The Augean Stables With A Toothbrush’ DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1934 Karl Radek, Famous Soviet Critic, Analyses Upton |Bankruptcy for His Cam By KARL RADEK IN SINCLAIR, who recently received the Democratic nomi-| nation for Governor of California,| conducts his campaign under the modest slogan “End Poverty in Cali-| fornia.” Among large elements of the American petty bourgeoisie and backward workers this campaign is arousing enormous intefest. It is indeed significant not only of the fate of the most popular American | writer, but as a symptom of the ferment amid the petty-bourgeois| masses of the United States—a symptom of their utter lack of un- derstanding whither to go. | Upton Sinclair 1s well known to Russian workers. Ever since the appearance of his first book, The Jungle, published, I believe, in 1906, Russian workers have followed with the greatest interest all of Sinclair's | novels and pamphlets. In them they | found a vivid picture of the rule of | monopoly capital in America, a pic- | ture of inhuman exploitation of the | masses of the people, of corruption | of public officials, of arbitrary con- trol of the moneyed interests, com- | pletely disregarding the laws of the | Constitution, and of the venality of the press and the church, For this reason Sinclair’s books were revolutionary. They showed to the Russian workers, even in the Period of the bourgeois democratic revolution, the inadequacy of a bourgeois democratic revolution and the necessity of going further—to a socialist revolution. His novel, Jimmie Higgins, describing the fate of an American worker who had believed in the democratic aims of the war until he found himself in the American expeditionary force at Archangel, when he realized the true character of the war, was one | of the first books to show the So- | viet proletariat how this army, the army of working-class solidarity, was being forged. Singer of the Exploited Russian workers liked Sinclair, | the singer of the exploited and the exposer of the brutality of the} bourgeoisie. They liked him in| spite of the fact that his novels | possessed no great literary value. Indeed his characters always seemed somewhat primitive, over- simplified. Nevertheless the Rus- sian workers liked Sinclair, fully aware though they were of all the shortcomings in his ideology. De- picting bourgeois violence in his books, Sinclair himself, however, always preached against violence, trying to persuade the workers that | their emancipation could be achieved through the instruments of democracy. Sinclair had been a Socialist all his life, and a member of the So- Cialist Party. Since the war he has been sympathetic to the Soviet Union, frequently expressing great admiration for the achievements of the Five-Year Plan. In doing so, however, he never missed an op- portunity to emphasize that in Russia it was perhaps necessary to abolish bourgeois democracy in or- der to achieve the requisite condi- tions for building socialism, but that in the United States it was unnecessary. Joins Democratic Party So now, Sinclair, the exposer of both parties of the American bour- geoisie, is a candidate for Governor under the emblem of the Demo- cratic Party. A justification of his | defection from the Socialist Party is contained in his campaign pam- phiet “I, Governor of California.” In this pamphlet Sinclair professes to believe that under the pressure of mass discontent the Democratic Party, originally the party of slave owners and subsequently one of the parties of American capitalism, would become the party which would free the masses of the people from poverty and destitution. Sinclair's action has evoked strong protests from his former party comrades. His decision, how- ever, merely expresses the obvious fact that the Socialist Party, hav- ing renounced revolution, is sepa- rated from the bourgeois Demo- cratic Party by no serious differ- ences. Hence if circumstances compel Fifth Spivak Article On Anti-Semitism To Appear Tomorrow “Congressman McFadden, Jew- Baiter and Crook,” the fifth ar- ticle of the series by John L. Spivak called “Plotting the American Pogroms,” will appear in the Daily Worker tomorrow. These articles, exposing the ac- ‘vities of anti-semitic organiza- tions and individuals, appear weekly in the New Masses, shrough whose courtesy the Daily Worker has been given permis- sion to reprint them. Watch for {bourgeois tt BY GoLLY I'M GOING Yo GET AT —The Bottom OF His IN f HURRY / LEAD Me YOUR Parents nelair’s ‘Epic’ Program, Predicting paign and Showing That Sinclair Has Set Foot on the Path to Fascism | the latter party to advance a dem- agogic program of combatting big capital and grappling with poverty, the petty bourgeois masses are suf- ficiently gullible to fall for such Social demagogy, especially if its exponent is a man who is energetic and without the personal pecuniary ambitions of Roosevelt. If the So- cialist Party believes that poverty can be abolished without a revolu- tion, by democratic methods, why can’t the Democratic Party be re- formed, purged of its corruption and made a lever of great social reform? Consistent and Prudent Upton Sinclair is only more con- UPTON SINCLAIR sistent and more prudent than his former party comrades. In periods of acute class differences, the Men- sheviks in Russia, like their con- freres in other countries of Europe, merged with bourgeois democracy. Upton Sinclair merely anticipates this development. The Democratic Party in America, however, under- stands full well the usefulness of capitalizing the illusions of petty bourgeois democrats and utilizing the popularity which Sinclair had won among the masses by exposing the oligarchy of the American trusts. Old-fashioned reactionary Demo- crats try to frighten their party, warning it that Sinclair would use his popularity for revolutionary propaganda. But the more far- sighted representatives of the Dem- ocratic Party laugh up their sleeves. Indeed, where and when has the petty bourgeoisie ever used the big parties, historically formed and based upon a whole system of connections with capital- istic organizations? Whenever petty bourgeois democracy, in decisive historical moments, subserved to the big bourgeoisie, it did so ultimately only to betray democracy jointly. Upton Sinclair’s campaign to end poverty in California will end in one thing only—in demonstrating the ideological poverty of petty bourgeois political thought. The “American” Way But before this became obvious to | the broad masses of the people, who now hopefully listen to the bally- hoo raised about Sinclair’s under- taking, it is worth examining the ideological baggage with which Mr. Sinclair is setting forth. His pro- gram is outlined in twelve com- mandments, which properly begin with an invocation to god almighty who “created the natural wealth of the earth for the use of all men, not of a few,” and who “created men to seek their own welfare, not that of masters.” Having paid proper tribute to god, Mr. Sinclair affirms that when the means of production were simple their pri- vate ownership was a basis of free- dom, but that when they reached great development they became, KARL RADEK | | under private ownership, a basis of enslavement of the masses. Sinclair also affirms that “the present crisis is one of abundance, not of scarcity,” that “when some men live without working, other men are working without living.” The way out, he says, “is to give the workers access to the means of production.” “This change,” he Suggests, “can be brought about b: action of a majority of the people, and that is the American way.” How does Sinclair propose to car- Ty out this program? Very simply. Hundreds of thousands of ranchers in California are bankrupt. They abandoned their land, which is now idle. The banks holding this land do not know what to do with it. Enormous tracts of unused land are also held by realty speculators. The State of California could lease these Jands and turn them into land col- onies for unemployed agricultural workers. Similarly there are thou- Sands of idle factories in California, and millions of workers who are without work could produce all the necessities of life for the agricul- tural colonists, and vice versa. The State of California could lease all these factories and operate them. To raise funds necessary to finance these undertakings, the state would impose a tax of 50 per cent on all incomes exceeding fifty thousand dollars a year. This would be am- ple not only for operating these ag- | ricultural-industrial state enter- prises and for guaranteeing to its workers a cultural standard of liv- ing, but even for providing security for old age and sickness. Reactions of the Bourgeoisie What the relation would be of this | self-contained economy to the rest |of the capitalist economic system, Mr. Sinclair has not yet decided. The question, would these public | enterprises also produce for the market after they had satisfied the needs of the unemployed, Mr. Sin- clair does not answer. He leaves this for the future to worry about. The bourgeots press, however, has answered the question. It says that it would be sheer “nonsense” for the state to burden its citizens with taxes in order to finance a public enterprise which could produce enough not only to satisfy the needs of its workers but also to sell to the market, thus competing with capitalist production. Also, by af- fording a human standard of liv- ing to its workers, the state system of production would become a revo- lutionary factor with respect to the workers employed in private capi- talist industries and the farmers who are suffering from the ¢x- ploitation of finance capital. Naturally, the bourgeois press is not enthusiastic about this plan. “All the better for the plan,” say the petty bourgeois, “because this only proves that the plan is in the interests of the masses of the peo- ple.” This might really be so if the objection of the capitalists were TUNING IN 1:30-WEAF—To Be Announced WOR—Sports Resume—Ford Frick WJZ—Amos 'n’ Andy—Sketch WABC—Myrt and Marge—Sketch 7:15-WEAF—Gene and Gleen—Sketch WOR—Front-Page Drama WJZ—Plantation Echoes; Mildred Bailey, Songs; Robinson Orchestra WABC—Just Plain Bill—Sketch 1:30-WEAF—Uncle Ezra—Sketch WOR—Mystery Sketch WdZ—Red Davis—Sketch WABC—Paul Keast, Baritone 1:45-WEAF—Frank Buck's Adventures WOR—Studio Music WJZ—Dangerous Paradise—Sketch WABC—Boake Carter, Commentator 8:00-WEAF—Bourdon Orchestra; Jessica Dragonette, Soprano; Male Quar- tet; Football—Grantiand Rice WOR—Lone Rangér—Skeich WJZ—Jewels of Enchantment—Sketch With Irene Rich, Actress WABC—Easy Aces—Sketch 8:15-WJZ—Grace Hayes, Songs WABC—Edwin C. Hill, Commentator 8:30-WOR—Katzman Orchestra; Lucille Peterson, Songs; Choristers Quartet W. an Orchestra; Dwig! Piske, Piano; Al Bowlly, Songs; Frances Langford, Contralto WABC—Court of Human Relations 9:00-" ian Orchestra; Frank fl) RisuT IN Ma Joun / Munn, Tenor; Vivienne Segal, Songs ‘WOR—Selvia Orchestra WJZ—Harris Orch.; Leah Ray, Songs WABC—March of Time—Drama 9:30-WEAF—Bonime Orchestra; Pic and Pat, Commedians ‘WOR—Lum and Abner—Sketch ‘WJZ—Phil Baker, Comedian; Martha Mears, Contralto; Belasco Orchestra ‘WABC—Hollywood Hotel—Sketch With Dick Powell, Rowene Williams; William O'Neal, Songs; El Brendel, Comedian, and Others; Interview With Edmund Lowe 9:45-WOR—Jack Arthur, Baritone 10:00-WEAF—Hare Brain Harry—Sketch WOR—Frank and Flo, Songs WJZ—Minstrel Show 10:15-WOR—Campaign Talks—Governor Lehman, Senator Royal 8S. Copeland, Former Governor Alfred E. From Rochester 10:30-WEAP—Gothic Choristers WJZ—To Be Announced WABC—Kate Smith, Songs 11:00-WEAF—George R. Holmes, Chief Washington Bureau I. N. 8, WOR—Moonbéams Trio WsZ—Davis Orchestra WABO—Nelson Orchestra 11:15-WEAF—Ferdinando Orchestra Smith, 11:30-WMCA—Dance Music (Also WEAF, WOR, WJZ, WABC, WEVD) Unite and Fight! confined to complaints in the news- papers. And here is where the crux lies. Capitalists are not acc tomed to bow to plans merely cause these plans happen to ex- press the illusions of the petty bourgeoisie Sinclair Begins to Retreat The bourgeois press of California has launched a campaign agai: Sinclair in which nothing of agi- | tational value is spared. Charges against him range from atheism to Communism. As soon as this on- jSlaught started Sinclair began to retreat. Answering charges that he |is a member of such an organiza- tion as the Civil Liberties Union, Sinclair swore that he did not know that this organization was secretly | supporting Communists. Alsu he | complained that radical elements frequently put his name on docu- ments which he had never read By defending himself in this manner, Sinclair overlooks the fact that if all he says is true it is a poor recommendation for a man | who promises to abolish poverty. For if the “radicals” can put some- | thing over on him, where is the guarantee that the businessmen who are slicker and shrewder, won't put it all over him? For the sake of winning his election, however, Sinclair resorts not only to wha \is known in polite parlance « | syecophancy, but he is alread: jabandoning part of his program |'Thus his security for old age and sickness has slowly disappeared. And this is before more powerful pressure has been invoked than newspaper ballyhoo. As the election campaign will gain in momentum, the reactionary terrorist organizations of California |strike fame will emerge. And what do you suppose they are going to |do—watch with equanimity how |Mr. Sinclair will proceed to expro- priate capital? On the Way to Fascism Mr. Sinclair swears that he has no such intentions, that he is ready to pay any amount to the capi- telists for leasing their property, |that he does not want anybody to be dissatisfied, because he is sure that the productivity of labor under his plan would be so high that it could easily bear any cost. How- ever, even if the capitalists be- lieved these splendid prospects of Mr. Sinclair, they are not likely to with industry and agriculture in their control, would want to raise the productivity of labor, not for the purpose of improving their liv- ing conditions but to keep up the pleasant. disposition of the capital- ists. The same California capital- ists who set into motion all the State forces of violerice in order to crush a simple strike, have suffi- cient means to prevent the election of a legislature which would be prepared to carry out a program to end poverty. But even if Sin- clair succeeded in winning the governorship and in obtaining a majority in the legislature to sup- port his plan, there would still re- main all the means by which capi- tal is able to influence the minds of the “popular electors,” through whom it could déprive of finances a State power which would attempt @ policy inimical to its interests. Sinclair's campaign to abolish poverty by the ballot will end only in bankruptcy. But it may have also very positive results from the standpoint of the further develop- ment of the United States, because it will serve as an object lesson to the masses. It will show them the true forces and the true ways of history. The legendary Hercules, according to tradition, was stronger than Sinclair, but when he cleaned the Augean stables he did not use a tooth-brush. ‘The true nature of things, how- ever, is far deeper. Mr. Sinclair says he abhors fascism. In reality, however, he is already stepping along the path of “barren fascism” —its “barrenness” is a transient phenomenon. Socialist workers — workers in the A. F. of L.—we must unite our ranks, The Roosevelt New Deal is hunger and war deal. Show your color—stand with your Join the class. Vote Communist! Communist Party! Contributions received to the credit of Del in his Socialist competition with Mike Gold, © Harry Gannes, the Medical Advisory Board, In the Home, j Jacob Burck and David Ramsey in the Daily Worker drive for | $60,000. Quota—$500. $ 25 2.50 1.00 1.00 11.85 Total to date .........$16.60 believe that the American workers, | Page 7 —— The Story of Pettis Perry, Candidate for of California Lieut. Gov. By PETTIS PERRY WAS born in 1897, January in Marion. labama (Co seat of Perry Co M small town of 7,000 popul: tenant farmers. I farm when I was very } 7 years of age I began to see the in cution of the Neg a boy of ten. {my uncle and I wi town of Marion Ju about ten miles or so We were there to gin some Seeing that there was a lot of ton already waiting to be realized that we would be q PETTIS PERRY few hours waiting our turn. I de- cided to go walking all alone. I walked about three or four mil out of town. There I found a bunct of prisoners on the Dallas County chain gang. One of the prisoners was not working to suit the chain gang bo. He ordered this man’s clothes stripped off and began beating He was beaten until the blood ran from him like water runs down- stream. The boss then remarked to one of the prisoners, who I learned was a trusty, that this man should be taken and “salted down.” I later inquired as to the meaning of such |a statement and was informed that when one of the prisoners was lazy and had to be beaten, it was cus- tomary to rub salt into the inflicted wounds in order to “teach him a lesson,” I was horrified at such brutal: against a human being. Of course, I dared not mention this to my uncle. I knew that it was dan- gerous to visit prisoners that were on the gangs because very often there was an escape and guards started firing and there was danger of one being shot. I tried to figure out the reason anyone should he treated like this. INE day my uncle, who was deputy sheriff of Perry County, informed me that Bill George Shelly, who was one time Warden of the State Penitentiary of Alabama, had a ruling that when prisoners were unable to fulfill their task and had to be punished as much as two or |three times and still couldn’t come up to the task, they would then be | stretched out on a blanket and |“hospitaled.” This meant that his shirt would be stripped off, he would be stretched out on a blanket and given three licks under the arm with a real heavy strap. No one was ever known to survive this treatment. I was told by my uncle that the warden’s wife left him and threatened to get her divorce on these grounds (his brutality), and he resigned rather than lose his wife. Whether this same brutality existed afterwards I do not know; however, I don’t think it was broken up. After seeing and hearing such things in my own native state, I began to question whether or not there were better places in the world for Negroes. I was informed by my uncle, who raised me, and in whom I had a lot of confidence, that certain sections of the coun~- try were better. Before leaving the State of Alabama, I began to ob- serve other things; such as, the share-croppers, wage workers and tenant farmers. The wage workers usually were promised $12.00 a month, but at the end of each month the majority of the land- lords would have other business to attend to. This would go on until about the last of the year. Any money received by the wage workers during this time would seldom be in the form of back pay, but only as a loan. The result was that they would be continually in debt. My hate for Alabama then grew greater than ever before, but after leaving that state I could still feel the strong arm of oppression. URING the World War I worked at Hampton Roads, Virginia, U. 3. Navy Base. Even in the Navy I noticed great discrimination. I uestioned many of the sailors as 2 why they should fight for a gov- Howoy! I've HEARD ALL ABOUT ~this eviction BUSINESS N'I'VE COME “to HELP by del 6rerr!! 1 FEEL 100 % BETTER aLReavy/ You Figur i1/ tions, but However, able to ship i n a good many him that f would have no job after Two days lat bunch of s ys him. He fired a few shots and one of the strikers, and, of cours because the law was protec vate property, had the fu tion of the law. This, of course, in- flamed the worst kind of race “\hatred throughout San Bernardino County. After the strike was brok as usual, the Negro workers beg; to find themselves back in the ranks jof the unemployed FTER leaving Colton San Diego and I began rr the Pacific Cotton Oil Company. .| This is seasonal work, usually fall and winter. Every spring and sum- mer from 1924 to 1930 I was in Im= perial Valli king in the water- melons, hay, etc. Until this period I had no hopes jthat labor, white and black, would ever get together as a class. Just | before the Imperial Valley raids and arrests, I did a little work in con- nection with the Cannery and Agri- cultural Workers Industrial Union, I was not a member. had never been asked to join. Nevertheless, I saw the good work they were do- ing for the Filipinos and Mexicans, who suffered a lot under the most miserable conditions. This expres- |sion of solidarity gave me great |hopes for the future. Then the Scottsboro boys were ar- rested and the International Labor | Defense came into the fight. I could see that there were great hopes for jthe future liberation of the Negro people, I recognized throughout the whole struggle that the Com- munist Party was the only political |party that mobilized its entire mem- bership for the struggle for the lib- eration not only of the Scottsboro boys but of the whole working class, while the Republicans, Democrats, |Socialists, etc. were suppressing every expression of struggle in the name of law and order. I became active in the Scottsboro |Action Committee, later as a mem- jber of the Executive Committee of the Unemployed Council, after which I became Section Organizer, Section 2, International Labor De- |fense. I was instrumental in form- jing the first L. S. N. R. branch jin ‘Los Angeles. At present, I am District Organizer, District 14, In- ternational Labor Defense. \(\N THE basis of these experiences, I feel that if elected to office, I am more capable of fighting for the needs of the working class than any of my opponents. However, during the campaign, I shall make it clear that a vote for me is not |for an individual, but a vote for the only Party fighting in the in- terests of the working class—the Communist Party. A vote for the Communist Party is a vote against wage cuts, a vote against discrimination, a vote against deportations, a vote against jthe C. S. law, a vote for unemploy- |ment insurance, a vote for economic, political and social equality and for the right of self-determination for the Negro people in the Black Belt. It is a vote against war and against fascism. It means a vote for the freedom of Tom Mooney, the Scottsboro boys, Angelo Hern- don, and all class war prisoners, a vote against vigilante terror and finally a vote against the whole sys- tem of capitalist oppression. Vote Communist! Join the Com- munist Party! |Courses in Applied Art Started by W.LR. NEW YORK.—The Cultural De- partment of the Workers Interna tional Relief announces the begins ning of a series of courses in ap- plied art. The object of these courses is to fill the need in work- ers’ organizations for posters, bane ners, shop papers (layouts), care toons, etc. No previous training is necessary. The following courses will be given: 1) Elementary Drawing. | 2) Posters. 3) Lettering. 4) Layouts. Those showing ability will be given an opportunity to apply their’traine ing in the various neighborhood sec tions of the W.LR. as well as on the various advanced projects, such as the Workers’ Animated Film, the Theatre, and the W.LR. publica=- tions. . Registration will take place on Monday, from 7:30 to 9 p.m. at W.1.R., 870 Broadway, New York City. $60,000 drive means a better, larger newspaper. Donate and get dona- tions today. Send the money ime mediately to the “Daily,” The success of the Daily Worker -