The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 17, 1934, Page 6

Page 6 Daily . IWTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUNIST [OF THOMALD ‘America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 *UBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 13th ‘treet, New York, N. Y. Telephone: Algonquin 4-795 4 New York, N D. C. Te x h Wells St., Room 708, © ption Rates: and B WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1934 Communists and Scottsboro EYWOOD PATTERSON and Clarence two of the Scottsboro boys, from the death house at Kilby Montgomery, Alabama, have issued sworn the Interna- Norris, Prison, statements that they want tional Labor Defense and its lawyers exclusively to h le their defense. They decisively repudiate the. ctics of those who would wrest the frem the hands of the atements of Patterson and ed to death by the Alabama Jim- make it more the Negro Crow courts of the capitalist class, difficult Samuel _Lejbowitz, preacher -misleaders: to disrunt the Scottsboro Boys’ for and legal defense. Daily and were the first to call the attention of the masses to The the Communist Party Worker this. now The Communist Party saw at once that the nine Scottsboro boys were the in- nocent victims of a ne-up by the Southern lynch courts which -are controlled by the employing class and its lynch ‘gangs. The Communist Party since time and to sent moment, has exerted y effort’ to ms of toilers to the de- of these young cro boys. The mass cam- hed bythe Communist Party and car- Internaticnal Labor Defense, has of- the lynch courts for three while every agency of the Southern bourbons has cried out that the Scotts- boro -b must. burn. For three and one half years, the mass power of the working clats of the whole world has kept these innecent Negro boys alive. At every step in the case the Negro reformist misleaders, the Uncle Toms, who fawn for crumbs from the bosses’ table, unsuccessfully have tried to weaken and split the mass def which has so far saved the Scotts- boro boys from death. ‘These Negro . misleaders, Judases to their race, have tried to soft-peddle the mi defense and render the Scottsboro boys de- fenseless before the “mercy” of the lynch courts. They have attacked the Communist Party's leader- ship in the case, and tried to behead the defense through their “red scare.” « . . IODAY, in the midst of its election campaign, the the Communist Party emphasizes more strongly than ever, the need for rallying millions through- out the world to SAVE THE SCOTTSBORO BOYS. The Scottsboro case is a symbol of the oppres- sion by the employing class of the whole Negro famous. case. peopie. The capitalist cl rules and exploits the v , and maintains’ its state by splitting and dividing the workers; the canitalist government marks the “Negroes for’ the most brutal, ruthless supt or, discrimination and exploitation. The fight for freecom for the Scottsboro boys is the fight for the freedom of the whole Negro race from cppression by the capitalist class and its government The fight for the Scottsboro boys is a fight against the whole lynch terror against Negro toilers, the fight against Jim-Crow and dis- crimination, the fight for equal rights for Negroes. The Communist Party in the pzesent election cany as one of the seven major demands of its program, demands freedom for the Scottsboro boys; calls for a fight “AGAINST JIM-CROWISM AND LYNCHING; FOR EQUAL RIGHTS FOR THE NEGROES AND SELF-DETERMINATION FOR THE BLACK BELT;-FOR THE NEGRO. BILL OF RIGHTS.” The Communist Party's congressional election program is the program for the complete over- th: of the entire rotten capitalist state and sys- tem; for the setting up by the workers and farmers of their own government. The Communist Party knows shat, as the, con- gressional election platform states, when the workers have’ set up their own government, that this ‘revolutionary government “WOULD PROCEED AT ONCE TO THE COMPLETE LIBERATION OF THE NEGRO. PEOPLE FROM ALL OPPRESSION, SECURE THE. RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINA- TION OF THE BLACK BELT, AND WOULD SECURE UNCONDITIONAL ECONOMIC POLIT- ICAL AND SOCIAL EQUALITY.” In the Soviet: Union as soon as the workers. had carried through: their revolution, their own. workers’ Royernment ended. all discrimination against any race. The same revolutioriary path will ‘liberate the Negro “people in the United States. As an imvortant. part: of its election campaign the Communist Party calls upon all workers and farmers to FIGHT FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE SCOTTSBORO BOYS. FIGHT JIM-CROWISM. FIGHT LYNCHING, ‘BOTH LEGAL AND IL- LEGAL. FIGHT FOR EQUAL RIGHTS. FOR NEGROES AND FOR SELF-DETERMINATION FOR THE BLACK’ BELT. A. vote. for the Communist Party is a. demand for the release of the Scottsboro boys, a vote for freedom and equal rights for the- Negroes, VOTE COMMUNIST. : JOIN THE COMMUNIST PARTY AND STRENGTHEN THE FIGHT FOR NEGRO “RIGHTS. BUILD THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN ORDER TO STRENGTHEN THE FIGHT FOR ~REFQOM FOR THE SCOTTSBORO BOYS. AAA and Elections IDDING for election support of fhe im- poverished farmers in the coming elec- tions, Roosevelt's Secretary of Agriculture, Wallace, yesterday “criticized” the prac- tice of limiting industrial production and price-fixing as hurting the farmer. By this “criticism” Wallace wishes to appear before the millions of poverty-stricken farmers. as their spokesman and defender. But what Wallace is doing is a typical Roose- veltian trick. He is bidding for the election support, of the impoverished farmers, while the 4 woh and wealthiest ling the limiting with the plans who are at the 0 remove some their non-monopoly producers. fight against the small. Wallace offers the small, impoverished farmers nothing at all, He bluntly declares that the crim- inal A.A.A, crop-reducing program will continue destroying crops so that the big landlords and grain producers can reap huge profits at the expense of the small producer, who is being crushed to the wall, and the city workers, who must give new Plunder to the Wall Street monopolies, which market the country’s food. 'T IS only in the program of the Communist Party for the relief of the impoverished farmers that the millions of mortgage-ridden, drought-stricken small and middle farmers can find any relief from the burdens that oppress them. The Communist Party in this election fight, as in all its agrarian struggles, organizes for the ending of the hated A.A.A. program, for the cancellation of all mort- gage debts which chain the small farmers, for adequate government relief. This demand is expressed in the. farm plank of the Communist Party Congressional Platform: “For the repeal of the A.A.A.; for emergency relief to the impoverished and drought-stricken farmers without restriction by the government and the banks; exemption of impoverished farmers from taxation; cancellation of debts of poor farm- ers; for the Farmers’ Emergency Relief Bill.” Wallace's farm program is part and parcel of the ‘whole Reosevelt “New Deal,” with its infamous destruction of food amid the hunger of the masses, in order that a handful of wealthy landowners and monopoly middlemen can gather a harvest of in- creased profit. . . . 'HATEVER differences Wallace has with some of the practices of the N.R.A. are only differences reflecting the antagonism between the big Jand- owners and the Wall Street monopolies over the price of manufactured goods, the landowners being eager for lower prices of the things they have to buy. In the coming elections every Roosevelt agent, every capitalist candidate must be confronted with the aroused anger of the small farmer and city workers, who face pauperism as a result of the Waliace-Roosevelt N.R.A.-A.A.A. program. Place Communists in the legislative halls to ex- tend the fight against the rich landowners and the Wall Stre2t monopolies, against the mortgage sharks, and for an adequate relief program! Vote Com- munist against the Wallace crop-destroying pro- gram! The Dawson Case HE LaGuardia administration is pre- paring to slash the meagre relief handed out to the jobless of New York. This is the meaning of the recent at- tacks upon the employees within the Home Relief Bureau, the most glaring example of which is the discharge of Miss Sidonia Dawson about ten days ago. The facts are simple. Miss Sidonia Dawson, a supervisory aide at Precinct 18 of the Home Relief Bureau, expressed her objection to a brutal police attack upon a delegation of unemployed. The Grievance Commitiee, of which Miss Dawson is chairman, the next day expressed their solidarity with the unemployed by issuing a leaflet condemn- ing the police attack and demanding the removal of the supervisor if she were found responsible for the calling of the police. Miss Dawson was fired as a result of her pro- te, This discharge took place, it must be noted, at the hands of the “liberal” LaGuardia-Hodson- Corsi administration. The same administration which fired Miss Dawson for objecting to brutality against the jobless, said last January, through the mouth of Welfare Commissioner Hodson, that re- lief workers should “listen to the story of his [the jobless person’s—¥d.] problems with patience and kindly understanding.” The discharge of Miss Dawson is more than the dismissal of a courageous employee. It is an attack upon the unemployed. It, in particular, shows the deadly fear of the “liberal” administration that the relief employees will revolt against their continuous policy of. police brutality against the jobless. It is, furthermore, an attack upon the or- ganization of the Home Relief Bureau employees, With a cowed and intimidated group of Home Relief Bureau Employ: the Administration will feel that any hindrance it may have within its own Bureaus to its policy of battering down the stand- ards of the unemployed is destroyed. It will feel that much freer to conduct an unrestrained policy of terror against the relief clients. This is the basic idea behind the discharge of Miss Sidonia Daw- son. The fight fer the reinstatement of this relief worker is a fight, fundamentally, against the at- tack upon the jobless, and deserves the support of all organizations of the unemployed, all labor and white collar organizations, ‘Vote Communist to Fight Hunger HE. services of the Roosevelt administra- tion to the ‘capitalist class ‘is ‘clearly shown in the announcement by Jesse Jones, chairman of the Reconstruction. Finance Corporation, that the so-called loans of the R.F.C. to. the big. banks and corporations will -be extended by the government for as much as five years from Jan. 31, 1935. Thus the six billions that the R. P. C. has given to big business ‘will probably ty to the capitalists is in vivid con- trast to the brutal treatment meted out to the unemployed, to the slashing of wages, to the fore- closure of small homes and farms. To vote for Roosevelt means to aoprove the continuance of a policy haf favors only the cépitalists. “To vote Communist means to strike a blow at the hunger policies. of the new deal. It means to advance the fight. of the 1 s for their own needs, for their own class. interests. * Join the Communist Party “35 EAST 12TH STRECT, NEW YORK, N. Y. Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party. Party Life Must Speed Election Campaign Work In All Sections of Party | ee | By ALEX VOROS WROUGEZ, | Ohio State Eiccison .Campaig2 Manager Hardly three weeks separate us |from election day, Nov. 6. Barely twenty-one days are at our dis- | posal to popularize our election | Platform, bring our program to the | | widest strata of the workers through | mass agi‘ation and propaganda, in- fusing every struggle with the Com- munist Election Campaign. | | On the basis of our experiences | in Cleveland and Cuyahoga County jes a whole a few very interesting conclusions can be drawn in this | respect 1, Wherever the candidates or the Party made+an organized and | systematic effor: to carry on the | |campaign, they were met with a more than ready response on the | part of the workers whom we had been able to reach before. | | 2. Most of the sections, units, | mass organizations and even some | | leading Party functionaries who are | candida‘es are lagging behind, and | {in some instances have failed to | |carry out the most elementary be- | | ginnings. | | 3. Unless this realization that the | Election Campaign must. become the | central campaign which unifies all | others permeates the entire Party— unless the entire Party member- ship is both ideologically and polit- | ically mobilized to bring forward | the election campaign in every ac- tivity—unless the tempo of our ac- tivities is increased to a pitch that not only matches but surpasses those of the capitalist parties in the coming weeks—we are going to let this favorable period slip by with- out utilizing it fully. Recruiting, Finances Those of our candidates who have ; taken the campaign seriously, gave leadership. to it, organized a com- | mittee around themselves of non- | Party workers and began working systematically are definitely forging |to the head of the ticket. | Comrade Ye‘ta Land, for instance, | candidate for State Attorney Gen- | eral, is beginning to gain real mass | support in the Italian Mayfield and | | Negro Scovill territory (the tradi- | | tional stronghold of the Republican | Party), no to mention other locali- | ties where she is also becoming more and more known to the | masses through her committees. | |The house meetings arranged for | her are increasing both in number | and attendance day by day—so that it is becoming impossible for her to H cover them-all, and other candi- | da‘es are pressed into service. Out of these house meetings in one week | she recruited 15 workers to the | Party and Y. C. L. | | Comrade N. D. Davis, attorney to | |the Small Home and Landowners, candidate for County Prosecutor, is | | also reaching out to an ever larger | circle of workers. His committees | set up in different neighborhoods | |are growing phenomenally. Mem- | | bers of six of his committees in dif- | | ferent localities now total over 145, | | To illustrate the work of his com- mittees, one of them arranged a | | Street. meeting in a neighborhood | | not previously invaded by us. Leaf- | lets were ‘distributed, not by stick- | ing them under the door or throw- | ing them on the porch, but by giving them into the hands of the workers. | From three streets 200 people came | to the s reet meeting. | Although Davis’ committees were | organized mostly in the pas: two weeks, they collected and turned in | over $140, with the majority of | collection lists still out. And here we can state definitely that ihe raising of finances for the election | campaign—just as for all other | Party campaigns—is always an in- |dication of the political activity | developed. | Through these and other house |Mee‘ings we are constantly secur- | ing new shop contacts and drawing in new elements. A worker of the | McKinney - Corrigan concentration steel factory happened to drop in by chance to one of these meetings and asked for a collection: list to circularize in his shop. To use an- other illustra‘ion, five Negro preachers in’ our different commit- tees have put their pulpits at the disposal. of our candidates and are even arranging house meetings for them. In contrast to the above the | | the election campaign. House meetings, street meetings and even mass meetings are held by the candidates and their .com- mittees without the units and sec- tions participating in them. In consequence thereof nei her Party recruiting nor the sale of the Daily Worker are pushed sufficiently— | tacts utilized. Since a candidate’ | | Can only spend ten or fifteen min- | utes. at the .mosi at one house meeting, and since most of the workers on the committee are non- |Party, in the absenc& of Party \members there is nobody to engage the workers in conversation, do the recruiting and see that the Daily | Worker is sold at the meeting. | Votes and Results | The recruiting and the sale of the Daily Worker is still our weak- | est point, owing to the neglect: of | the Sections and Units. A sharp | turn must be made immediatelysin |this respect. We must emphasize | that the units and sections must | take leadership of all election ac- | tivity in their territory and see to | it that Party members are assigned to every committee and fractions are built in them, | The criterion -of the election | campaign activity wilr be found not |enly in how-many votes we shall |have received, but particularly in how far we shall have succeeded in carrying out our control tasks. The election campaign is no: a substitute for the other mass ac- tivities of the Party. Nevertheless it is the task of every Communist to jor forward the poli ical platform of the Party in the course of all other activites. It is only in this | way that the election campaign can “DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, OCTORER 17. 1934 by Burck Know With ‘What’ It Is Uniting ?| By ALEX BITTELMAN A. J. Muste is leading the Amer- ican Workers Party into “organic unity” with the Trotzkyists. The stumbling block, as was. already pointed out in these columns,. is the Trotzkyist “Fourth Interna- tional” (a bridge to the Second In- ternational), and its counter-revo- lutionary position to the Soviet Union, two things to which the membership of the A. W. P. is op- posed and which even Muste cannot swallow in the raw as it is served | by Cannon-Shachtman and Co. Hence, the painful efforts of the leaders of the two groups to find a “formula.” which would hide from | the membership of the two groups the outstanding fact that Muste is violating the will of the member- ship of the A. W. P. to remain loyal to the Soviet Union and that Cannon-Shachtman are back to the Second International— to the Socialist Party—by way of “organic unity” with Muste. A Few Questions to the A. W. P. Do you know, comrades of the A. W. P., with what you are uniting? Do you know that you are led to merge wiih a counter-revolutionary sect that is decaying and. disin- tegrating? Do you know that the leaders of this decaying sect (Can- non-Shachtman-Swabeck) .view the merger with the A. W. P. as a tran- sition to the Socialist Party, as a means of bringing the A. W. P. also into the fold of the Socialist Party? The leaders of the American Trot- zkyists wish to emulate the example of the French Trotzkyists, who have gone back to the Socialist Party. Only Cannon wants to take the A. W. P. along with him. He is an ambitious fellow, you know. There is no doubt that A. J. Muste has certain inklings about Cannon’s plans but does not speak of them, although he argues mildly against joining the Socialist Party. The thing, however, must be brought out into the open. It is a fact that Cannon peddles around the idea of the “reform of the Sec- ond International” by way of pre- paring the ground for bringing the Trotzky group and the A. W. P. into the Socialist Party. The Trotzkyist rank and file is terrified at the idea while some ,of the other leaders of the Trotzky group pretend not. to understand it. Through the good services of a | Party as a whole is still content | Tiotzkyist, evidently disgusted and | with the most formal approach -to | demoralized by these maneuvers of Cannon-Shachtman-Swabeck, we came into possession of a number of letters which throw a glaring and lurid light upon the decay and break-up of the Trotzky group. These letters should serve as an eye-opener to the membership of the two groups but especially to the members of the American neither are the excellent shop con- | Workers Party. Writing to Martin Abern, Sept. 28, Maurice Specior Says: “Cannon’s reported remark on the ‘reform of the Second Inter- national’ seems wholly unintelli- gible. Why it is so “unintelligible”? On the contrary, ii is perfecly clear that Cannon is pulling his followers (and the A. W. P.) into the Social- |ist Party. The members of the New | York Trotzky group seem to have |gotten the idea of Cannon straight. This is seen from another }~*"-> (signed “Rae” and addressed to “Al,” presumably Glotzer), dated October 9, which says: “The whole N. Y. C. voted against proposal for entry into Y. P. S. L. and when the rank and file heard of that proposal, they were hor- rified.” They naturally would be horrified. Bus that does not stop Cannon and Swabeck irom maneuvering their |membership into the Socialist Par- ty, if need be, by way of the A. W. P. Speaking of the state of mind of the membership, the “younger generation” and the “older one,” the same correspondent (Rae) says: “They are low in spirits, feel themselves leaderless, and attend to League functions as if they were factory routine jobs... . Now ; that we are practically sewed up in the A. W. P., what is there to fayo” on become the central unifying cam- paign of the next three weeks Leaderiess, low in spirits, looking iupon their organization as if it were moving | leaders as bosses, Thus can speak | people who have been badly de-! ceived, who feel themselves in aj trap with no way out. This is what Trotzkyism has accomplished for them. This is what Cannon- Shachtman-Swabeck have produced. | And it is with this decaying and) demoralized counter - revolutionary sect that A. J. Muste wants to unite “organically,” not plainly, the Amer- ican Workers Party.. What do the healthy, worsing class elements of the A. W. P. say to this? And, please, think of it: The Communist |Party, section of the Communist |International, was not “good enough” for Muste even to make a united front with on specific issues. He broke the. understanding for united action against unemploy- ment, on the trade union field and ‘in the League Against War and Fascism. But with the decaying (counter-revolutionary Trotzkyist jsect, Muste seeks “organic unity,” nothing less. How shall this be qualified? Muste argues against. joining the Socialist Party and the Second International. Muste, you see, is rejecting “equally” both the Second International and the Com- | munist International. But at the Same time he proposes that the A. W. P. should merge with Cannon- Shachtman-Swabeck who are ma-/| |meuvering for joining the Socialist Party and the Second International. How shall this be qualified? You [the members of the A.W.P.] have heard a good deal of slander about the “non-democratic” regime in the Communist Party. and in the Comintern. You have heard this slander from the Trotzkyists; from Lovestone, the expert in Tammany methods; and also from the leaders of the A. W. P., especially from the renegades in your midst (Salutzky, Lore, etc.). Muste, too, repeats this slander. Now, see what Maurice Spector writes about the “demo- cratic” regime in the Trotzky grotp. He writes: “The Resident Comm., as it is, is already guilty of enough usur- pation by virtue of the frequent failure (frequent? total) to hold a plenum or conferesce at im- portant turning points.” And when Spector dares to raise the question, he is threatened by Cannon with dire consequences, Of these threats, Spector writes: | “Cannon threats don’t worry me at all. He would ‘seem to display a singular lack of dis- | cretion if he started one of hi famous offensives. Hel end bj getting a political trouncing he will not soon forget.” How do you like this, as a sample of Trotzkyist “inner-party democracy?” Cannon and Swabeck decide to move into the Socialist Party (by way of Muste) without asking even their ow: Executive Committee. Poor Spector is again forced to complain but without re- sults. He writes: “Mac and I are a unit in ob- jecting to the indecent haste with which Schachtman and Cannon are seeking to bury the League. The membership is being treated like a pack of children,” Indecent haste . . . Bury the League .. . Membership treated like a pack of children . . . This is Tretzkyist democracy in their own. organization. And these are the “fighters” for “democratizing” the Soviet Union by way of overthrow- ing the dictatorship of the prole- tariat. And these were the fighters for “democratizing’ the Commu- nist Party. Now, if the “organic” unity is achieved, they will simi- larly “democratize” the American Workers Party. There are really no grounds to believe that Cannon- Schachtman-Swabeck will behave in the merged organization differ- ently. The membershin ‘of the A.W.P. must be ready to become the object of Cannon’s inner-party “democracy.” _ They must be aware of the fact that they are being used fcr dishonest and unorincipled maneuvers to steer the A.W.P, into the Second International and the Socialist Party by means of Can- non-democracy. Maurice Spector, who drank this @ capitalist factory and upon their | thing more to say on this. Writing | | the Trotzkyist National Committee. | “democracy” to the full, has some- Officially to “Dear Comrade Swa- beck” on October 7, he says: “So long as our membership will be confronted with accomplished facts and ready-made turns, it will not be educated into political adult- hood.” { Spector forgets to add that “edu- | cation” in Trotzkyism is education | in counter-revolution. But we are | now interested in Cannon-demo- | cracy. As is known, the Trotzkyists | (Cannon-Schachtman & Co.) have | especially “distinguished” them- | selves by their collaboration with! the reactionary bureaucracy of the | A. F. of L. in Minneapolis, with the | farmer-labor politicians and Goy- | ernor Olsen, in leading the workers | to defeat. It is also known that the Trotzkyists in Minneapolis | have gotten for the workers the! same sort of “victory” as Gorman | did for the textile workers, The | truth of this is beginning to pene- | trate also into the demoralized | ranks of the Trotzkyists. And} Spector reflects this uneasiness | about Minneapolis in his letter to Swabeck. Respectfully and polite- ly, Spector asks: “May I take this opportunity of pointing out that though I | have the proud honor (ironical, | is it?—A, B.) to be a member of the . Iam completely at a loss to give an intelligent account of the role, the measures, the strategy, and the political bal- | ance of our leading representa- | tives in the Minneapolis strike?” | Spector, a “proud” member of the Trotzkyist National Commiitee, | does not criticize. No, he humbly | begs for information and enlighten- ment. But he injects a bit of irony | into the situation when he says: “The Minneapolis strike may have been, as you claim, ‘magnifi- cently conducted’; I am open to conviction but cannot accept on simple, animal faith. I propose | that something be done to give | an adequate report on this strug- | gle before it passes into the limbo of forgotten things and turns into | a legend.” | Spector does net want much: just | explain to him what it was all} about; just save his dignity so he! does not have to accept the dictum | World Front || By HARRY GANNES | Hungary, the U.S.S.R. and Elections in the U.S, Recent Reports HE self-entombment of the 1,200 miners in Hungary ;Was a terrible and dramati ;symbol of the position of the workers under capitalism in ithe present crisis. Starvation is the lot of the |proletariat in capitalist lands, and | where fascism rules their situation jis desperate beyond all doubt, Continued existence of capitalism means endangering the lives.of mile jlions of toi through starvation, jthrough suicides, through fascist terror, and through war, We know that the American cape italist press, in harmony with Hit ler, have striven hard to make tt workers believe that the conc tions of the toilers in the Sov Union are bed. This was a sort defense to the undeniable miserab. |conditions of the workers in all \capitalist lands. ROLD DENNY, a New York Times correspondent, has just jmade a trip to Soviet regions |which were badly affected by the’ drought. They are comparable to |those states in the U. S. where the cattle and the farmers. this sum- mer were gaunt and hungry. We remember photographs and movies jof these drought areas |United States. Farmers with their cheeks sunken, cattle with every rib showing. Starvation threatening hundreds of thousands; the future black and miserable. in the Now let us see what this capital- | ist correspondent has to report about the drought areas n the So- viet Union. “On this journey,” he writes, “the correspondent deliberately sought the sections where the worst conditions had been re- ported in the outside world...” What did he find? “Nowhere was famine found, Nowhere even fear of it. “There is food, including bread, in the lecal open markets. The peasants were smiling, too, and generous with their foodstuffs.” ee, Ge IN TODAY'S Daily Worker we also publish a radiogram from Mos- cow reporting the visit of two mem- bers of the General Council of British trade unions, Hicks and MacLeen. We quote here only a few lines from Hicks’ statement: “I made a long trip through the Soviet Union but didn’t see any- where the things which part of the foreign press talks of. I didn’t see either poverty or famine, or even signs of these. On the con- trary, in the course of visits to Soviet towns and industrial en- terprises, collective farms and government institutions, I no- ticed all administrative bodies and chiefs strive to place the in- terests of the workers and their families first. Everywhere I saw happy, laughing faces in the streets, theatres, stadiums, where thousands of yeung people en- gage in all kinds of sport. The Soviet youth looks to their fu- ture confidently, firmly, fear- lessly.” No member of the British Trade Union Council can be called a So- vies agent. These gentlemen are primarily labor lieutenants of Brit- ish imperialism and only with the greatest reluctance talk of the youth of the proletarian dictator- iship looking to the “future confi- dently, firmly, fearlessly.” 'VERY worker in the U. S. must ask himself what is the future for him under capitalism? We are at. present faced with elect:ons throughout the country, with the capitalists striving to win a vote of confidence in their hunger sys- tem. The capitalist world is on the brink of war. Every day reveals new dangers, new crimes of the ex- ploiters. New Sarajevos explode on the world rapidly. Over 1,200 fel- low workers in Hungary inflict the of Cannon-Swabeck on “animal|Most horrible tortures on them- faith.”. This—from a member of | The democratic centralism of the Communist Party enough for A. J. Muste; it is too “dictatorial.” Picking up the coun- ter-revolutionary inventions of Canton & Co. Muste tells the membership of the A.W.P. that the | membership of the Communist Party is not allowed to participate in the discussion of party policies, This is not true and every worker can find out the truth first-hand by coming closer to the Commu- nist Party. But what does Muste think of the Trotzkyist inner “democracy?” Is that the sort of party democracy Muste seeks to in- stall in the A.W.P. through the “organic unity” with Cannon - Schachtman-Swabeck? The mem- bership of the A.W.P. will hardly cherish such prospects. The big question for the A.WP. members to decide is: do they want to become a tool for 2 counter-| revolutionary struggle against the Soviet Union? Do they want to be maneuvered into going to the Second International and the So- cialist Party? This is the meaning of the “organic unity” with the Trotzkyists. At the same time, the A.W.P. must consider ancther ques- tion: Is it not a fact that the pro- Posal for “organic unity” with the | decaying Troizkyist sect followed | inevitably from the rejection of the united front with the Com- munist Party? The issue is drawn squarely: With . the Communist Party for united front struggle against capitalism or with the de- caying Trotzkyists into the Second International for a struggle against the revolutionary movemert and the Socialist Fatherland. This is the question that now cvnfronts the A.W.P, and every one of its selves rather than continue to live under their present conditions. Ir the U. S. over 16,000,000 unem i {ployed, with starvation as the on sia wood | certainity in the future. The Ne Deal has brought greater hung to the toilers and farmers. The conditions of the Southern textile workers under the N.R.A. are very little better than those of the Hun- garian minezs under capitalism. The Communist Party in its elec- tion: program in this country puts forward immediate demands for struggle to fight against the work- ers being forced into the position of their Hungarian brothers; but it also- points cub that these condi- tions ean be ended only by the methods of the workers in the So- vies Un'on. Capitalism must | ended once and for all. Soviet power, the establishment of work~ ers’ rule, which is the main goal of the Communist. Party, towards which all its struggles lead, is the only means which can prevent wholesale starvation, war, fascism. A vote for the Communist Party is a voice raised for Soviet power for a struggle against the New Dez... starvation, against fascism, for th jouilding of a party which will mai impossible any such crimes as 1 lungarian miners are now suff, | ing from. 3 Contributions recelved to th” credit of Harry Gannes in his Sc _ cialist competition with Del, Mi Gold, the Medical Advisory Boarc Helen Luxe, Jaco Burek and Davis Ramsey, in the Daily Worker driv for $60,000. Quota—$500. A. K. Sam Ranks Anenymeus | Anenymeus Previcusiy received .. members. Total to date ...sseseee++ $1015 *