The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 3, 1934, Page 6

Page Six DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, Daily AUNTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECT “America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE , 50 E. 13th QWorker OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL) PUBLISHED DAILY, €OMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., treet, New York, N. ¥. Telephone: ALgonquin4-7954. 14th and F 5! Midwest Burea Telephone: De: 1 year, $6.00; U S. $9.00; WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1934 Seamen! Fight for Your Original Demands! ICTOR OLANDER, secretary of the In- ternational Seamen’s Union, and Lloyd Garrison, chairman of the National Labor Relations Board, moved yesterday to head off the seamen’s strike scheduled to be- gin next Monday. Without taking the matter before the rank and file, t gentleme session with the shipowners 4 the strike without winning any workers. The Joint Strike tee, which was elected nen to represent them, was not permitted to attend this meeting. But statements from Olander and Grarison, who in no way represent the opinions of the men on the ships, are not sufficient to halt the tremendous strike movement that sweeping along the entire Atlantic Coast. The rank and file will have the final word to say about this m: More than 000 seamen on ships touching At- lantic and Gulf ports are standing solidly behind the Joint Strike Preparations Committee, which has parations Commit- issued a call for the men to reject the Olander- Garrison betrayal and to strike the ships on Oc- tober 8. Thousands of members of the International Seamen’s Union have med strike pledge cards. ders of the IS.U. are attempting to scrap pledge to fight for better conditions; ng to divide the seamen, to keep them g in a solid united front behind the Joint Strike Preparations’ Committee. These misleaders are telling the sea they have won a victory without a strike. But wherein lies the victory? What has been won? Surely none of the demands that the men have edged to fight for have been granted. All that the agreement calls for is a discussion of the de- mands in round table conferences between shipown- ers and IS.U. officials. It was on this basis that A. F. of L. leaders betrayed the textile strike. Demands have been presented time and time n to the shipowners. The shipowners have re- to grant these demands. There is no time for discussion and round table conferences. ral Atlantic Coast maritime strike is the or- der of the day. The strike is the only thing that make the shipowners consider the demands. Vhen the seamen are on strike and when the s lie idle at the docks—that will be the time ” a conference with the shipowners, a conference where the seamen are represented by a rank and file committee elected by them and not by a few top leaders of the IS.U. The seamen are ready to strike. They must not allow themselves to be tricked and sidetracked away from the fight by the smooth statements of Olander, Brown and Artel. These men have proven themselves open agents of the shipowners, who are attempting to keep the seamen from winning their demands. men that Green on Fascism ILLIAM GREEN, in his “keynote” speech to the American Federation of Labor Convention, once more proposes to surrender all of the demands of the work- ers into the hands of the employer-con- trolled Federal Government boards. Green highly praised President Roosevelt's speech in which a no- strike “truce” is proposed. “Communism and fascism will never gain a hold in the United States,” William Green declared, claiming to be in favor of “liberty and democracy.” But William Green used his words against fascism, and his high-sounding phrases for the 30-hour week and against unemployment, as a cover for his deeds. The actions of William Green have, in reality, aided the development of fascism in the United States. How Green fights “fascism and Communism alike” can be judged from the fact that Green had, as an honored guest at the convention, Mayor Rossi of San Francisco, the fascist attacker of the San Francisco marine strikers. While Green was extolling the speech of the man whose police murdered strikers, he denied the platform to a delegate who wanted to report on a visit to the Soviet Union, the only land in the world where the workers rule. “You can’t preach Communism here,” Green said to Jack Geraghty, delegate from the Central Labor Union of Vallejo, Cal., who was sent by that body to the Soviet Union in a delegation. Green's false slogan of “liberty and democracy”; his mention of fascism in the same breath with Communism, is an attempt to cover up his strike- breaking tracks. What kind of “liberty” did Green advocate for the workers when he trounced the San Francisco general strike and remained silent regarding the murders of National Guard rtoops who shot down these strikers? What kind of “liberty” for the workers did Green advocate when he surrendered in silence their right to strike, to picket and to meet, when he remained silent while government armed forces were shooting down strikers in To- ledo, Milwaukee, Alabama, and in the textile regions? Green watched the forces of the Roose- velt government tear these strikes to pieces with- out lifting a hand to mobilize the workers in sup- port of the strikers, It was “liberty and democracy” for company unions and for strikebreakers that Green furthered when he betrayed the steel, the auto and the tex- tile workers’ strikes to compulsory arbitration of the Roosevelt government. Green, together with the employers and the Roosevelt government, helped to found and became a part of the N.R.A. ma- chinery. During the last year and a half every strike “settled” by the N.R.A. boards “arbitration” has resulted in defeat for the demands of the workers for higher wages, against the speed-up and for Shorter hours and union recognition. Green aad 4 4 ible for these defeats. reased government con- He allows the armed ter- lines without protest. By the development of ined “red scare,” ng to drive all Communisis, all militant out of the trade unions. His red scare aims to spl unity of the workers’ ranks, mak- ing it eas’ the sam trade union president ‘ism to drive in its wedge. At Green attacks rank and file , he is proud to have his vice function as acting president of the eon agency, the Civic Federation, is doing its best to usher fascism into the that a cc rence in San Francisco under pices of the Rank and File Committee for Unemployment Insurance and Relief, calls on the A. F. of L. members to repudiate Green’s anti- labor policies. They call on the workers to accept a united front struggle for ali the elementary rights workers, to organize to strike and to picket— for the control of the trade unions by the rank and file—for a determined struggle for all the demands of the workers, and for the enactment of the Work- ers Unemployment Insurance Bill. Relief Tax Maneuvers YROPOSALS for a wage tax at the flat rate of one per cent on all incomes above $1,500 a year and a rent tax are “under consideration” by the New York Board of Aldermen for financing unemployment relief. By a tax on incomes, carrying as it does exemption for unearned income from bonds and securities, and, by the same “democratic” principle, a flat tax rate on rents, the main weight of unem- ployment relief is placed upon the workers and the lower middle class. Meanwhile, by carefully gauged newspaper prop- aganda a state of alarm is being created as a screen to force through the bankers’ demand for a subway tax. LaGuardia’s maneuvers behind the scenes and his more overt actions are schemed to loot the pockets of the workers and small taxpayer, the middle class and the small merchants. While maneuvering to gouge the workers, La- Guardia has consistently refused to endorse the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill. While mouthing words about the “financial dictators” and the “strangling Bankers’ Agreement,” he guaran- tees the bankers their loot, prepares to line their pockets with interest on new loans, taxes the work- ers and slashes relief. The Communist Uarty, in its election campaign and in the daily struggles of the employed and un- employed, demands the enactment of the Workers’ Bill. demands adequate unemployment relief and snfficien’ pyprovriations for Winter relief at the ~ese of the bankers and the wealthy. Answer LaGuardia at the polls as in the daily struggles— vote Communist! Fight for adequate relief at the expense of the rich! To the Active Fighters Against War and Fascism OU are candidates for membership in the Communist Party of the United States—if you are not yet a Party member. Not every opponent of war and fas- cism is a Communist. Many of them do not yet realize that only from the plat- form of Communism can one wage a con- sistent fight against war and fascism, a fight to the end, to the victory of the proletarian revolu- tion in the United States. But every active and leading worker in this struggle is ripe for mem- bership in the Party. Now is the time to join. The recruiting drive of the Communist Party, ini- tiated on October 1, raises this question with spe- cial acuteness. The Communist Party seeks to mobilize for the struggle against war and fascism the widest masses of workers, toiling farmers, youth, women, Negroes and intellectuals. Especially does the Party seek to build the strength of the League of Struggle Against War and Fascism among the workers in the shops of the basic industries. It is with this end in view that the Party participates in the League. The Second Congress of the League held in Chicago, September 28-30, shows that the mobili- zation of the masses is making serious progress. Considerable numbers of capable and militant workers have come up from among the masses to take an active and leading role in the struggle against war and fascism. These non-Party actives in and around the local organizations of the League have seen for themselves the leading role of the Party in the League. They have seen the truth of the words of Dr. Harry F. Ward, National Chair- man of the League, himself not a Party member, who said: “The group which can offer to this movement the most valuable suggestions concerning the pro- gram and tactics, which can offer the most dyna- mic active forces for carrying it out, will gain political activity out of it in this League, and they are entitled to do so.” This is the recognition of the role of the Com- munist Party from a man who has seen the Party at work and is therefore able to appreciate its value and significance. In the leading role of the Party lies the reason why the active and leading elements in this move- ment should join the Party, and join it at once. These active elements must reflect upon the reason why the Communists are able to render such ser- vice and leadership to the movement. It is be- cause the Communists are organized into a Party; because this Party is guided by the theory of Marx- ism-Leninism; because this Party is the American Section of the Communist International, led by Stalin. In short, the strength and value of the in- dividual Communists in the mass movements of the workers and in the League of Struggle Against War and Fascism lies in their Party. Workers! Actives in the anti-war movement! Answer the present recruiting drive of the Party by joining it. 7 Members of the Party—those who are engaged in the work of the League of Struggle Against War and Fascism! Recruit your best co-workers and collaborators in this field of work into the Party. Je baal . 7 : |Join the Communist Party 35 EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. Please send me more information on the Comme- nist Party, | the new paper. | has been assigned to police head- | quarters, /FormerKulaks Prove Loyalty, Are Given Vote MOSCOW, Oct. 2—In tion for the coming elections to the Seventh All-Union Co s of So- viets and to secure tne widest pos- sible democracy in the election of delegates a decree has been issued |by the Soviet Central Executive {Committee automatically enfran- chising former Kulaks and their |children who are now working loy- jally for the Soviet Union. | The decree restores the vote to ‘Kulaks who have been exiled from villages in which they formerly re- led for anti-Soviet and anti-col- jlective farm activities but who in jtheir new colonies have shown |themselves to be absolutely honor- able in supporting the Soviet gov- | ernment.” | “Restoration of voting privileges |to the head of a family,” the de- cree adds, “covers all members of |said family unless there is some | special reason for depriving them of | privileges.” The significance of this declara- tion is evident in the fact that 10,000,000 voters, mostly sons and daughters of kulaks, will be added to the 90,000,000 participating in the elections. Thus, while throughout the world of capitalist countries democratic rights are being filched from the masses, in the Soviet Union in pro- portion as the proletarian dictator- ship eliminates the last remnants |of capitalism, rights and privileges are granted even to those who once opposed but who are now actively aiding in the construction of So- cialism, ‘Mass Rally to Hail First N.Y. ‘Daily’ (Continued from Page 1) prepara- new member of the staff will spe- clalize in city politics, covering City Hall regularly, attending meetings of the Board of Estimate and Board of Aldermen. An unprecedented eflort will be made to cover the entire political life of the city, More Features But it is not only the political and trade union problems of New York which will be dealt with in A third writer through which he will follow up occurrences in every sec- tion of New York, uncovering little-known aspects of the suffer- ing of the city’s masses, aiding the Daily Worker to present the prob- lems of the jobless and homeless. He will in this way instil a human- interest note, which lack of space has largely kept out of the Daily Worker in the past. Children (and their parents and relatives as well) who protested against the discontinuation of the last comic strip. last year, will be overjoyed to find a new daily comic drawn by Del. In addition. com- plete news and reviews of theatre and movie shows are planned. These, together with “In the Home,” a new sports section, and the “Change the World” column, the writing of which has again been assumed by Mike Gold after a three-month leave of absence, will Provide treatment the cultural and recreational needs of the masses of New York. Delegations at the Sunday night mass rally will be able to see the first of the new Daily Worker edi- tions themselves. The first eight- page Daily Worker, including all of the new features, will be on the streets late Sunday afternoon. The second, midnight edition will greet, the delegations when the meeting ends. Delegations Invited Every single group has been urged to send such delegations. Trade union locals, Communist Party and Young Communist League units, mass organization branches, workers’ clubs and cul- tural and youth groups, women’s councils—~all have been invited to send representatives to the Central Opera House on Sunday night. These representatives should come prepared to contribute from their organization’s funds to the support of the New York Daily worker. By doing this, they will be boosting New York’s total in the present financial drive — a total which should reach the distrct’s $30,000 goal rapidly if the many im- provements planned by the paper are to be maintained. They will also show by their contributions that they mean to challenge seri- ously the lead which the out-of- town districts have piled up in the drive for $60,000. The New York District of the Communist Party has issued a final call to working-class organizations to determine the amount of their contributions on Sunday night and to elect delegates who will report back to the members the plans which the Daily Worker has made to offer all workers of this city the most complete and improved Daily Worker ever issued. 10,000 Line Streets As United Anti-Fascist Groups Picket Theatre NEW YORK. — Ten thousand workers lined the streets and rallied at mass meetings Monday night as members of the Young People’s So- cialist League, Young Communist League, Italian Workers Club, Italian Socialist organizations, the Communist Party, the American League Against War and Fascism, veterans and other organizations picketed the Academy of Music where Mussolini’s black shirt band ended a four-day engagement. In a strongly welded united front the workers marched before the theatre in the face of police terror, reforming their ranks after each brutal onslaught of the mounted Police. While 10,000 persons lined the streets and cheered, the pickets again formed their lines at 8 o'clock. Within half-en-hour the police again charged. Immediately the workers mobilized a mass meeting. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1934 ! A DELEGATE TO THE A. F, OF L. CONVENTION Muste and By. ALEX BITTELMAN The lcaders of the “American | Workers’ Party” and the Trotzkyists are seeking to achieve what they call “organic unity.” This is not surprising. Despite the differences between the leaders of these two groups, differences relating mainly to phraseology, their respective posi- tions on the fundamental questions } of the class struggle are practically | the same. This being the case, there really are no insurmountable ob- stacles to the “organic unity” be- tween the leaders of the Muste group and the Trotzkyists, There is also a practical incentive that urges the generals of the two groups to seek unity. It is, namely, the hope that, having failed to secure a mass following separately, they may per- haps achieve this end collectively; for it is clear that despite the grandiose, gestures and claims of the Musteites and Trotzkyists re- spectively, both thus far have re- mained, and we must see to it that they continue to remain, small sects, especially the Trotzkyists. There is, however, a serious diffi- culty confronting the leaders of the two groups in their plans for unity. This difficulty lies in the rank and file following of the two groups; especially does this difficulty lie in the rank and file followers of the Muste group. The protracted unity negotiations between the leaders of the two groups is explained by the inability of the Musteite and Trotzkyite leaders to overcome this difficulty, It will be recalled that the Trotzkyists have been seeking all through the unity negotiations with the Muste group to get the latter to modify its attitude on the ques- tion of internal affiliation. What did the Trotzkyists seek on this question? Two things—(1) to get the Musieites to accept the proposi- tion in favor of a fourth interna- tional; and (2) to get the Muste group to manifest “a greater degree” of internationalism than they did in the first draft of their program. The second point was for the Trotzkyists, in a sense, even more important than the first. The Trotzkyists couldn’t fail to see that their unity negotiations with the Muste group will tend to expose the fraud of the Trotzkyists’ claim to being the “only true international- ists.” r They knew that the question would be raised, as it actually was by the few working class followers of the Trotzkyists: how can inter- nationalists merge with a group— the Muste group—which made “Americanism,” even though clothed in radical phrases, one of the main planks of its platform? This ques- tion the Trotzkyists couldn’t an- swer, The fact that the Trotzkyists initiated unity negotiations with the Muste group, whose leadership is not always able to hide its bourgeois nationalism, was bound to expose the hollowness and fraud of the Trotzkyists’ “internationalism.” The few workers who still follow Trotzky couldn’t help but ask: you told us to fight against the Communist In- ternational and its American sec- tion because they were not inter- national enough, because they were “national Communists.” We believed you. Now you propose to unite with the Muste group whose leadership specializes in combatting interna- tionalism among the American workers and in cultivating among them national prejudices. Is not this a fraud? Anticipating the possibility of such unanswerable questions, the leadership of the Trotzky group, de- termined to unite with Muste in the hope of thus expanding its counter- revolutionary activities, therefore sought to get the Muste leadership to tone down its propaganda against international affiliations, The leadership of the Muste group, which was favorably inclined to unity with the Trotzkyists, was confronted with similar difficulties. The working class followers of Trotzkyists Geek ‘Unity’ Muste, although still prejudiced against the Communist Party, yet had very definite feelings and opin- ions about their class obligations to the Soviet Union. They understand, if not always clearly, that the So- viet Union is the Socialist Father- lanu of the workers of all countries, that the defense of the Soviet Union is, therefore, the duty of all class conscious workers. Naturally, the Muste leadership had to adopt a position generally favorable to the Soviet Union and for its defense. However, in begnnning negotiations for “organic unity” with the Trot- zkyists, the Muste eaders have com- pelled their working class followers to raise questions. They wanted to know how it was possible to unite wit hthe Trotzkyists and still remain loyal to the Soviet Union The fol- lowers of Muste know that the Trot- zkyists wage a systematic and slan- derous campaign against the Soviet Union. They may not as yet fully egree with our characterization of Trotzkyism as the vanguard of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie against the Soviet Union. They will in time come to see the truth of this characterization. But one thing they know, and that is that Trotzky and the Trotzkyists are precisely the group that supplies the enemies of the Soviet Union with ammuni- tion against the Socialist Father- land and, being friends of the So- viet Union, adherents of its defense against all enemies, they naturally couldn’t accept without serious doubts and misgivings the proposal for “organic unity” with these en- emies of the Soviet Union. That is why the leaders of the Muste group felt compelled to “demand” of the Trotzkyists certain modifica- tions in their counter-revolutionary stand on the Soviet Union. The foregoing shows the charac- | ter of the difficulties which the Jeaders of the two groups are en- countering in bringing about the proposed merger. This proposed merger has an important signifi- cance. Regardless of what the out- come of the unity negotiations may be, these have already served to ex- pose before the eyes of the work- ers the character of the two groups. The “internationalism” of the Trot- zkyists has been shown in these ne- gotiations to be a lie and a fraud, precisely what the Communists have been saying right along. Trotaky’s fourth internatioal has never been intended as anything else than a weapon of struggle against the in- ternational revolutionary movement, as a shield for the second interna- tional and a bridge to it. In un- dertaking to unite with the Muste group, the American Trotzkyists are confirming the correctness of our analysis of the fraud of their “in- ternationalism.” They, the Trot- zkyists, are trying to unite with a group whose leadership—Muste and Co—have placed on their banner bourgeois nationalism as against proletarian internationalism. The counter-revolutionary nature of Trotzkyism is once more clearly demonstrated. Similarly with the leadership of the Muste group. Since the incep- tion of this group, the Communist Party has maintained that Muste’s professions of loyalty to the Soviet Union were not seriously meant. We maintained that Muste was dra himself in the clothes of friendship for the Soviet Union in order to win the ear of the radicalized but as yet non-Communist workers. Now the truth of our characteriza- tion should be obvious to everyone. Muste seeks unity with Trotzky. The fact that Muste is trying to “soften” the attacks of the Trot- zkyists against the Soviet Union only proves Muste’s fear of his rank and file, his desire to find a diplo- matic formulation couched in such words that would pacify his mem- bership and allay the doubts and misgivings of his. membership on the question of unity with Trotaky. Essentially there is no serious dif- ference of opinion between the leaders of these two groups on the important questions of the class struggle, This finds the clearest ex- pression in the field of trade union work, As a matter of fact, the lead- ers of the Trotzkyist and Muste groups are already collaborating in this very important field and this becomes possible because both— Trotzkyists and the Muste group— are following the same policy of shielding the reactionary trade union bureaucracy from the revo- lutionary and militant elements in the trade union movement. In Toledo and Minneapolis, in the course of this year, we have had a convincing demonstration of the opportunist and reformist policies of the two groups. What was es- sentially the role of Muste and Co, in Toledo? It was a policy of stifling the growing strike movement of the masses, Muste and Budenz bear chief responsibility for the fact that the incipient general strike move- ment in Toledo did not materialize. Muste and Budenz willingly allowed themselves to be used by the re- actionary A. F. of L. bureaucrats in Toledo. When the reactionaries could no longer face the radicalized and fighting masses in Toledo, Muste and Budenz appeared on the scene. They mouthed revolutionary phrases, to be sure, in order to gain a sympathetic ear among the work- er, and for what purpose? For the purpose of dissipating the strike movement, for the purpose of steer- ing the masses back into the chan- nels of peace with the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. It is in Toledo that we had a practical demonstration of the meaning of Muste’s reformist proposition that we must let the A. F. of L. bureaucracy expose it- self. Toledo has proved that this thesis means acquiescence in the betrayals of the A. F. of L. bureau- cracy, that it means surrender and collaboration with this bureaucracy against the workers. Trotzkyists’ Role in Minneapolis And what was the role or the Trotzkyists in Minneapolis? Raised on top of the strike struggle by a powerful spontaneous movement of the masses, the Trotzkyisis have tried consistently to squelch the movement, to send the workers back to work under the most unfavorable conditions. This they did twice. In Minneapolis, similarly to Toledo, we had a powerful urge among the workers for a general strike. The} policy of the Trotzkyists was to kill this urge of the masses, to prevent the growth and spreading of the strike movement. To achieve this aim, they worked hand in hand with the reactionary officials of the A. F. of L., with the corrupt politicians of the Farmer-Labor Party in Min- neapolis and with their chief, Gov- ernor Olsen. The similarity in the tactics and policies of the Muste group and the Trotzkyists in Toledo and Minnea- polis is very striking. It shows that the leadership of both of these groups are fully agreed on the trade union question. Their common plet- form is the platform of stifling the strike struggles of the workers, com- batting the revolutionary initiative of the masses, and collaborating with the A. F. of L. bureaucracy and the Farmer-Labor politicians in achieving this end. It is this op- portunist platform that unites the Ping | leaders of the Muste and Trotzky groups in their slanderous attacks against the Communist Party and the Communist International. It is this opportunist platform that makes possible the negotiations for “organic unity” between the lead- ers of these two groups. The working class followers of the Muste and Trotzkyist leaders may not yet fully realize the damage that the Trotzky-Muste policies are bringing to the revolutionary work- ing class movement in the United States, but they will soon learn be- cause the sharpening class struggle in the United States, among other things, shows in true light every organization and group in society. But one thing should already be obvious to the working class follow- ers of Muste, as well as to the few remaining workers who follow the Trotakyists. It is this: the “organic by Burck | werking class to disturb Englan? , quiet streets with howls and u |seemly shouts against the fascists |can be considered by these gentlc- }men who have worn his Majesty's | On the | | World Front iH——— By HARRY GANN “Fighting” Fascism By Expulsion of The Enemies of Fascism S Britannic Majesty’s of- \4% ficial labor opposition jleaders have their own pecu- jliar way of “fighting” fas- jcism. None of your rowdy, jmass tactics, none of your ‘crude mobilization of the 3 livery. At the 34th annual conference of | the British Labor Party, just opened at Southport, a parer resolution against fascism (in the hypocritical style of the British labor leaders) was passed, and then the confer- ence went into action. Those forbes in the Labor Party who were pri inent in the actual fight ageinst, fascism were brought up for ex- pulsion. The convention authorized the party executive to take discip- linary action against Lord Marley and Ellen Wilkinson, former mem- ber of Parliament, on the ground that they favored the united front with the Communists in the fight against fascism. CC nar ‘HEIR. worst crime, in the eyes of the lickspittles of his Imperial Majesty, was that they actively worked on the Committee for the Relief of German and Austrian Victims of Fascism, and thereby’ embarrassed Hitler and Schnush< nigg. The Labor Lord quite correctly denied that he had any affiliations with the Communists, pointing out that as a representative of British labor he favored a united struggle against the fascist menace every- where, rah aes OW let's return to the literary war of the Labor Party confer- ence against fascism and estimate its meaning. “The area of the black plague of fascism,” said W. R, Smith, the party’s chairman, “has been extended with consummation of a dictatorship in Austria. Des spite its outfit of shirts, slogans and salutes, we recognize fascism for what it is—old deadly reaction, his- toric enemy of workers.” No new situation confronts these gentlemen who consider the British empire as imperishable as the sun which never sets on it. Fascism is not for them a manifestation of the exploiters driven to frenzy in this period of the growing general czisis of capitalism against the proletariat moving for the overthrow of a sys~ tem becoming unbearable to life itself. Just the “old deadly reaction” which requires no united front cf the whole working class but only beautifully worded resolutions. Passing to the question of war, Mr. Smith, shielding of the r of the British imperialists, dec’ Hy “If war is in the air’—ca’ fellow this Mr. Smith, with his “if’—~ “it is primarily the result of hesc- strong, grasping imperialism in the Far East and the barbarous, brutal- izing fascism of Europe.” ype ik oof UT the peace-loving lion of Brit- ish capitalism, with its support to both Japan and Fascist Germany, of course, works only for peace. That accounts for the tremendous increase in British armaments, especially in its air and naval forces. That accounts for its maneuvers in Japan and Manchuria. No, there mus! be no struggle against British fascism and British war preparations, in the opinion of the British Labor Party leaders. And woe to him who tries to step out of these bounds as did Lord Marley and Ellen Wilkinson. That the issue of fascism came up so prominently at all is due to the tremendous anti-fascist activi- ties of the Communist Party of Great Britain. This action culmin- ated on Sept. 9 in a demonstration of 150,000 workers in Hyde Park, London, against Sir Oswald Mos- ley’s fascist concentration, which mobilized at most 5,000 of his fol- lowers. Bie Mn, OOSEVELT’S reciprocity trade treaty with Cuba, which was to have spread oil on the troubled political waters of that country, has in no way allayed the rising revo- lutionary storm. The Mendieta government is entering the worst crisis in its history. Revolutionary struggles have been going on inces- santly among the workers and peasants in Oriente Province, where the majority of the population are oppressed Negroes. Now the fight against the Men- dieta regime has spread to the ex~ treme western province of Pinar del Rio, with a general motor trans- portation s'rike gripping the whole country. Mendieta’s answer, quite in keeping with the deeds of h's master, Roosevelt, is to suspend civil rights in the provinces of Ha- vana and Oriente, and an order for the arrest of all Communists, as well as followers of Antonio Gui- teras, leader of the “left” Au ene ticos, a splinter off the old Grau Sen Martin block. The strike of the chauffeurs is supported by the petty-bourgecisie, who are bitter against the heavy gasoline tax, through which Men- dieta and the Standard Oil Co. reap heavy profits at their expense. A new wave of strike and revolu- tionary battles are impending in Cuba, and it is our duty now to mobilize our forces to help our Cuban brothers. unity” between Muste and Trotzky can and will be nothing else but a unity against the Soviet Union, against the Socialist fatherland. No honest worker in the ranks of these two groups, whatever his opinions may be on the other questions in dispute, can fail to see the counter revolutionary nature of the pro= posed “organic unity.”