The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 2, 1934, Page 6

| | Page Six Daily,.QWorker GEWTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL) “America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. none: ALgonquin 4 -7954. Adar: Daiw OCTOBER 2, 1934 | OOOO TUESDAY, Mr. Green Reports! MHE report of the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. to its national conven- tion, continues the policy of co-operation with the employers; a policy which has lost the demands of the workers where- ever William Green and his lieutenants ve been able to put it into effect Green, in his report, includes many pages which describe miserable conditions, low wages, growth of company unions and long hours. These sections of the report “criticize” the c ‘ But these criticisms are a cover for the main- tenance of illusions that the ms of the work- ers can be solved within the N. R. A, machinery. The Green report proposes as a remedy for the rable conditions described, only further reli- ve on the N. R. A. boards, and on Roosevelt. The report tries to make the workers believe that they can win their demands by dropping their strike struggles and by relying on these government boards. It claims that the demands of the workers can be won by merely adding a few labor leaders to the N. R. A. boards. Green proposes, not the scrapping of the whole strike-breaking N. R. A. program, but a little tinkering with the N. R. A. Green claims that Roosevelt and the federal gov- ernment are impartially working in labor’s in- terests, and that the N. R. A. is being “violated” by a few “bad” employers. . facts are, of course, that the N. R. A. is ng the purpose for which the employers and overnment created it. The N. R. A., entirely in the hands of and a creature of the employers, is eping down wages while living costs soar; it is developing the company unions; lengthening increasing speedup, and is continuing a fas- terror against strikes and unemployed strug- The report of the Executive Council of the A. F. brazenly ignores the strike wave in which the ers are engaged. It comes out openly against federal unemployment insurance for which the 's are fighting. It pleads for co-operation the government, whose armed forces are mur- @ strikers on picket lines. It advocates “peace” mployers who are starving Masses of workers to death ‘ayal of the workers’ struggles. Green adyo- s arbitration. It was under this slogan that , together with Roosevelt, sold out the de- of the auto workers, the steel workers, the c ners and now the textile workers, Arbitra- tion has meant to the workers that they go back ‘ik before any of their demands are granted; hey agree beforehand to place their demands he hands of a government board which is con- tro"ed by the employers. ration is the slogan under which the textile ers are now suffering blacklist, speed-up, low s and long hours. The Roosevelt arbitration , agreed to by Green and company, are set for the express purpose of maintaining the profits of the employers and maintaining the mis- erable conditions of the workers, Arbitration is the only remedy which is proposed by Green and his Council. But the rank and file has another remedy. They demand a militant fight for the rights of the workers to organize, to strike, to meet and to picket. They demand an end to jovernment terror against strikers and unemployed. They demand the development of the strike wave in order to secure these eliminary rights, as well as higher wages and better conditions. The rank and file of the A. F. of L. opposes to Green’s employer-policy of no-fight the policy of militant struggle for all of the demands of the workers. The rank and file in every local and in every imion should take their union into their own hands, kk out the Greens and Gormans and all the be- 's, and institute a real fight for their demands. up The Statement of 41 QUNDAY’S declaration by forty-one mem- \) bers of the Socialist Party at the Second U.S. Congress Against War is a most im- portant statement. It is, actually, the voice of the membership of the Socialist Party, expressing the deep desire of the socialist workers for that united front between Communists and Socialists that will mark the be- ginning of an ever-widening unity of labor against developing fascism. Many more such expressions will be heard in the near future. This is the voice of the membership. But what can be said of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party, which was elected on the basis of a “left” platform and a struggle against the tight wing at the Detroit Convention? Not only did the N. E. C. of the Socialist Party refuse to join in the splendid united front being welded at the Chicago Congress but threats of expulsion have been made against those courageous Socialists who have insisted on joint action with Communists. What can one say of the developments in Mil- waukee? There Mrs. Victor Berger was threatened with expulsion for her decision to attend the Anti- War Congress, as was the Rev. Ralph M. Compere, another Socialist who is a supporter of united ac- tion. With whom was Mrs. Berger uniting when she went to Chicago? As the report of the credentials committee at the Congress indicates, there were trade unions, peace societies, churches and hun- dreds of other organizations represented. Does the National Executive Committee or the Milwaukee leadership of the Socialist Party oppose united action with these varied elements of the American Population who wish to fight against war and fas- tism? If Methodists, Republicans and Democrats do not object to working side by side with Com- munists in the struggle against the danger of a new Wall Street war, why can the S. P. leadership object? As for us, we repeat what we have said time & 4 cen epncne a ¥ LY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1934 | and again: We still jing of a united and fascism a’ cratic rights of The fight for th urge passionately the speedy ront in the struggle against fight for the elementary American workers. y we will not abandon. It is the burning need of the moment. Forty-one Socialist members have shown the way. Will the Socialist Party as a whole follow? We stand ready for such unity. R. JOSEPH P. Ryan, who rules the In- | ternational Longshoremen Association | by the law of the blackjack and the gun, is moving heaven and earth to prevent the longshoremen from walking out on strike together with the seamen. The dockers and the seamen are thus far work- | | ing militantly to defeat this agent of the shipping | interests. The building of a United Front Strike | | Preparations Committee, including members of three marine unions, has thrown the fear of strike into Ryan’s heart. Hence the new attack—the trotting out of the “Red scare,” the attempt to split the ranks of the workers—in order to defeat the growing movement for a strike. Further than that, Ryan has des- cended to provocation of the worst sort, uttering dark hints about “Communist efforts to take over the docks.” Against these efforts to split their ranks the marine workers must set their faces like flint. Ryan’s object in raising the “Red scare” at this time is precisely that of the shipping interests in the San Francisco strike—to behead the movement of its militant leadership, split and confuse the workers. “Yes,” the marine workers must answer, “there are Communists in our ranks—good, militant fight- ers. There are also workers who support the So- cialist, Democratic and Republican parties. But we are all united around one issue—the carrying on of our strike to a successful conclusion, Your red- baiting, Mr. Ryan, will not divide us.” A decisive answer to Ryan’s red-baiting is part of the fight to win the strike, to defeat the Ryan- Shipping Association-government maneuver of re- ferring everything to the Pacific Coast arbitration committee. From this fight against Ryan’s red- baiting the marine workers must not flinch. ‘American’ Relief Plans N “AMERICAN plan to end govern- ment aid to the unemployed” was projected Saturday by A. L. Deane, presi- dent of the General Motors Holding Cor- poration at the ‘1934 Mobilization for Human Needs,” the ballyhoo conference which has been called in Washington to outline the drive for Community Chest funds, The share-the-work scheme, another name for the stagger plan, projected by Deane as “job in- surance,” has as its central feature a wholesale Slash in wages with the express purpose of thrusting the burden of unemployment squarely on the backs of the workers. “Unemployment insurance and other Buropean relief schemes,” Deane said, “are based on class progress,” Deane’s plan in its essential points calls for the setting up of a board to determine the amount of hours for each worker in an industry over a weekly period. In determining the number of hours to be worked, the board would divide the many hours necessary to maintain the “needed produc- tion” by the number of workers, employed and unemployed, in the industry. The resulting figure would be the number of hours to be worked. ‘This would mean that the present 16,000,000 un- employed would be “absorbed” into industry by further reducing the hours of those now employed. . . . PEAKING at an earlier meeting of the same con- ference, President Roosevelt said: “It is right, I think, for us to emphasize that the American family must be the unit which engages our greatest interest and concern.” Roosevelt's preoccupation with the welfare of the - American (!) is no new thing. In his June 8 mes- Sage to Congress he spoke of “furthering the secur- ity of the citizen.”(!) “You and I know,” Roosevelt told two hundred social workers at the Friday session of the con- ference, “that it has been with reluctance and only because we have realized the imperative need for additional help that the Federal government has been compelled to undertake the task of supple- menting the more normal methods which have been used for many generations.” Roosevelt then went on to say what are “the more normal methods,” demanding that the indi- vidual citizen, and the city governments provide unemployment relief. . A year ago, Sept. 8, 1933, Roosevelt outlined the same proposals. Two years ago, however, can- didate Roosevelt, in his election campaign, said: “If starvation and dire need on the part of any of our citizens make necessary the appropriation of additional funds which would keep the budget out of balance, I would not hesitate to tell them the full truth and recommend to them the ex- penditure of this additional amount.” Newton Baker, war-time Secretary of War in ‘Wilson's cabinet and chairman of the relief confer- ence, likewise speaks of putting “the entire burden of relief on local shoulders.” Coming at this time when his Federal Relief Administrator, Harry Hopkins, has declared that Federal funds would be withheld to cities and states which do not match Federal funds for relief, Roose- velt and Baker's statements are the official prelude to wholesale relief cuts, * * * | date force must be mobilized in the campaign for the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill, the bill initiated by the Communist Party and incorporated in the Communist Party election plat- form. Regional conferences of all groups sincerely desirous of obtaining genuine unemployment insur- ance must be held in preparation for the National Congress for Social Security to be held in Washing- tom on January 5, 6 and 7. The broadest possible mobilization of all forces for increased relief and the enactment of the Workers’ Bill must be the answer to the relief slashing pronouncements of Roosevelt, his relief administrator, and their masters, big business, — ag Join the Communist Party 35 EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. | mist Party. NAME | Defeat Ryan’s Red-Baiting! | | manent.” | labor and industry.” | jobless, his report states, |ers who conduct a fight for their 'AFL Report Shuns Strikes, Backs NRA’ | By CARL REEVE (Continued from Page 1) campaign was launched. . . . Threats | were carried to union members that | | they would better join the company | union. Discriminations began. In| layoffs, in rehiring, in many kinds | of preferment the union member | | was at a disadvantage.” But the A. F. of L, executive council’s report clearly seeks to| maintain the illusions of the work- | ers in the N. R, A. and the Roose- | velt government. The conclusion of the report is—“The decisions of Labor Boards reassure the rights written into the National Recovery Act.” The Roosevelt government, which mobilized federal troops in New England ready te back up National Guards, if needed, which urged the workers to return to work under Gorman’s betrayal, which sent the auto and steel workers and coal miners back to work defeated—this federal gov- ernment, which has launched strike-breaking terror from San Francisco to Maine, and which refused unemployment insurance to the jobless—Green tells us to trust implicitly, The federal gov- ernment, whose boards have fos- tered company unions and black- listed thousands, we are told, is the sole agency to which should be entrusted the demands of the workers, The N.R.A.,the machinery cre- ated by the employers’ government with which to place all of the | burdens of the crisis on the backs of the workers, we are told must be extended and made “per- The N. R. A, which the employers dominate from top to bottom and which they cre- ated, is characterized as “a gigan- tic attempt to restore prosperity to this country,” which is being carried on by “the government, Deserts Jobless The same abject desertion of the workers’ struggles is seen on the unemployed front as well as in the | field of strikes. The report of Green paints a heart-rending pic- | ture of the plight of the unem- ployed. More than 10,000,000 are Relief is inadequate. But what about the struggle of the workers for unemployment in- surance? What about the demands of the thousands of A. F. of L. members and the unorganized | workers for the passage of the | Workers’ Unemployment Insurance | Bill. What of the campaign to| force the federal government to make good its campaign promises | and grant security to the jobless? | Here is Green’s answer: “It is definitely understood that Congress cannot enact a federal unemploy- ment insurance law.” | “©... WE’RE MARCHING TOWARD THE MORNING!” a eles (PRO easy) By a vote of seven for and four against, with one abstention. L. Valgo, militant textile worker, was expelled from the Executive Board of the Plain-Goods Department of the American Federation of Silk Workers, Eli Keller, general manager of the union and a leading Loveston- ite, is resorting to a drive of ex- pulsion of militants in an attempt to behead the movement of revolt of the masses of members against The Executive Council of the A. \F. of L. then endorses the Wagner- | Lewis unemployment reserves bill, | and calls for state “unemployment | | compensation measures.” The Green | administration says not a word re- | garding the Workers’ Unemploy- ment and Social Insurance Bill, | which is has fought consistently. Contempt for Workers The utter contempt with which Green and his Council regard work- rights and their demands, creeps into the report when the question of organization is taken up, The report regarding the auto industry is here taken as an example. Of course, in this section not a single word is said about the way in which Green and the Roosevelt govern- ment sold out the auto workers strike, set up an employer controlled “arbitration” board, and through this Auto Labor Board rejected every demand of the auto workers and brought forward the company unions. Instead the auto workers are con- | demned because they are militant | enough to protest against the Green-Roosevelt sell-out. Here is what Green’s report says regarding the auto workers: “They are highly nervous and suspicious, entirely un- | disciplined, completely inexperi- enced in the trade union movement. They have been driven so long in the terriffic speed-up of the indus- try and forced to live so long under unfavorable conditions, that they present special problems to organiz- ers and to union officials.” Nor can we expect to find in Green’s report mention of the prob- lems of the steel workers—of the fact that Green called off the steel workers’ strike, left their demands in the hands of a Roosevelt Board, and thus kept them from winning a single one of their demands. The vital demands and problems of the rank and file find no reflec- tion in this document. The fight for the right to strike, to organize, to meet and to assemble, a strug- gle which is as old as the working class itself, is not mentioned in the report. The fight against the terror of government police, of national guard troops, of all the strikebreak- ing agencies of the government, which are driving towards fas- cism, are not dealt with by Green. Th fight for rank and file control of the unions, the fight against racketeering and gangsterism, is passed by in silence. The demands for the Negro workers are not raised, The rank and file will have to carry on this fight in the conven- tion and in every local union, On the basis of a program of class struggle, of developing and strength- ening the strike wave and the fight for federal unemployment insur- ance, the rank and file can win bet- ter conditions. The rotten A, F. of L. officialdom, with its employers’ program, must be driven out and the rank and file themselves take into their own hands every local and every union. CORRECTION Yesterday's Daily Worker er- roneously reported that the mot-on adopted by local 808 of the Inter- national Longshoremen’s Associa- tion called for strike action on October 8, It should have stated his participation in the betrayal of the general textile strike. Keller, the Lovestonite, is quick to carry out the Green expulsion policy of militants and Communists. The Lovestonite Zimmerman in the needle trades a long time ago be- gan such a policy. This is how the Lovestonites fight for the “unity of the workers. They are every- where, in the unions, part and par- cel of the trade union bureaucracy. What “crimes” did Valgo commit? 1, When the strike-call was read to a joint meeting of the executive boards of the various departments, known as the Strike Committee, L. | Valgo made a motion calling upon such a body to send a resolution to the Dyers Federation, appealing for the calling of the Dye Work- ers on strike immediately. Eli Kel- ler refused to entertain the motion, declaring that all motions were out of order, and that we merely had to follow “instructions” of Gorman from Washington. Wanted Militant Action 2. Throughout the period of the strike, L. Valgo fought for the elec- Lovenishetios Carry Out Green’s Policy of Expulsions a= in Paterson relief apparatus, for the systematic organization of mass picketing, for the popularization of the strike de- mands, and consistently brought pressure for the calling of the Dye Workers on strike. Eli Keller and his machine fought against and practically killed all of these proposals, with the result that a strike committee was never elect- ed, the strike demands were not discussed and made known to the masses of strikers, no relief was provided, and the dyers never called on strike. ‘When the betrayal of the general strike was reported at a mass meet- ing on Sunday morning, Sept. 23, L. Valgo, together with other militant members of the union, rallied the workers for the continuation of the strike, and brought pressure for the calling of a membership meeting, so that the workers could discuss and decide on the necessary steps. Keller and Co. refused to call any more mass meetings and delayed the membership meeting, with the result that the workers returned to the shops confused and demoralized. Bosses Cut Wages Immediately the bosses took ad- vantage of this and began a wave of wage-cuts and discrimination against militant workers. A com- mittee of 25, elected at a mass meeting called by the workers over the head of Keller, began to carry on an independent struggle against the attacks of the bosses and gave guidance to the workers on their re- turn to work. tion of a large representative strike committee, for the setting up of a A series of mass meetings were called by the committee of 25, and Valgo, a member of this committee, took a leading part in such activi- ties. Through such independent actions, a serious disintegration of the ranks of the union has been temporarily checked. A new spirit of militant struggle against the mis- erable conditions (made worse by the betrayal of the strike) has de- veloped. ‘The masses of members, however, are convinced by a costly experi- ence that the Keller leadership must be replaced without delay by est, intelligent and militant work- ers might be placed to head the union to successful struggles. Immediate Needs of Union The immediate needs of the union may be summarized as follows: 1. Struggle against wage-cuts and discrimination! 2, Democracy in the union! 3. No expulsion of militant mem- bers! 4. Keller and his clique must go! Prepare to restrike for the win- ning of the demands adopted at the National Convention of the U.T.W.! The workers throughout the county must be shown the true role of the Lovestone renegades who were five years ago expelled from | the Communist Party because they began to travel on the road which has now landed them in the camp | of the most reactionary labor bu- reaucrats, Keller defends Gorman, | Zimmerman defends Dubinsky— |; these are not isolated accidental facts. It is but an expression of the policies of the Lovestone group. S.P. Members Call For United Action By JOSEPH NORTH (Continued from Page 1) came to Chicago I went to the na- tional office and saw Comrade Clarence Senior. I asked him why we didn’t have a united front, and Comrade Senior said that the reason was that the majority of the members of the Socialist Party did not want a united front. Those of us who are here, feel that we do represent the majority, and we are going out strong to make the lead- ers realize that it is the majority who wanted the united front, and we are going to get it.” Trade Unionists Organize Perhaps the most important and stirring of all the sub-commission meetings was that of the trade unions; the central emphasis this year. Their discussion centered around the problem of involving the membership of A. F. of L. unions, and the result of the meeting are the following two plans for solving it: First: The creation and election of a national trade union commit- tee to work directly with the na- tional bureau of the American League Against War and Fascism. This structural form is to be re- produced all the way down the line. There will be city trade union committees to co-operate with American League local branches. Secondly: A feasible and simpie plan for gaining admittance into A. F. of L. and other important trade union bodies. The league is print- ing hundreds of thousands—millions NEW YORK.—The work on the construction of two destroyers for the United States Navy has been completely stopped by the strike of 118 welders, members of Local 13 of the International Association of Mechanics and Welders, employed at the United Dry Docks, Inc., Mar- iners’ Harbor, Staten Island. The strike is solid in its second week, according to a report yesterday. The demands of the striking welders are for $1.50 for new work, $1.62 for repair work, proportionate increase for all apprentices, instal- lation of suction blowers on gal- vanizing work, and no discrimina- tion in reemployment after the Strike. Attempts of the company to break the morale of the strikers as well as the efforts of Lewis Sudhoff, Philadelphia organizer of the union, and George Murphy, general secre- tary of the Executive Lodge of the I.A.M.W., to divide the men by rais- dorsing of the arbitration efforts of United States Conciliator Lille, have failed completely. The Executive Board of Local 13 met Sunday and worked out a de- tailed program for strike relief, de- termined to continue the strike un- ing the “red scare” and the en- til the demands are won, The ccm} mittee has called a conference of all labor organizations in Staten Is- Welders’ Strike Stops Work On Two U.S. Navy Destroyers; Picket Line Keeps Out Scabs land for Thursday, Oct. 4, at 8 p.m. at 3030 Richmond Terrace, Mariners Harbor, in an effort to raise funds to aid the strikers. The Shipyard Workers Local 307 of the Steel and Metal Workers In- dustrial Union, the first to respond to the call for support to the strike, agreed to attend the conference. The agreement of J. Paul, presi- dent of the United, to meet the union committee last Friday, was postponed for some time this week. The committee views this postpone- ment as a conscious stall by the management in the hope that this will weaken the now excellent morale of the strike committee and picket line. An office set up for hiring scabs to replace the striking welders at room 3735, 70 E. 45th St., New York, has been placing blind advertise- ments in the New York American. Without a name on the door or letterhead or signature on its mail, this office is making efforts to get seabs, The office is managed by a former member of Local 200 of the International Brotherhood of Boiler- makers, Shipbuilders and Helpers, | A. F. of L., the president of which, | Fred Sinay, declared the strike “out- |lew.” The man refused to give his name, No scabs have been brought in ino the yard to date. if necessary—of questionnaires for reference to union locals and for distribution in shops. This ques- tionnaire asks quite simply whether the group or the individual would; join in a national protest in the event of impending war? Of im- pending Fascism? Of those engaged in the transport or manufacture of war materials it asks whethcr they or their union would register dis- approval of impending war by re- that the proposed date was Oct, 5. fusal to continue work, ‘ ‘Revoluiionary Fight’; Ci HAVANA, Oct. 1—Declaring the strike of taxicad drivers and omni- bus workers in Havana is a “revo- lutionary outbreak,” the Mendieta government today suspended civil | Suspends rights in Havana and Oriente prov- Mendieta Calls Strike il Righis inces and ordered the wholesale ar- | rests of Communists. All trucks and auto drivers in ‘Santa Clara are out on strike. The auto strike was called in protest /against the high price of gasoline. Other transportation workers are expected to join the strike. Seven taxicab drivers were ar- rested in Havana. Orders were also issued for the new elections, so that proven, hon- | egainst taxes on motor vehicles and | On the | World Front By HARRY GANNES Struggle on Japan’s Docks “Now It Can Be Told” Sweden’s Elections 'HE San Francisco marine and general strike, as well as the Struggles of the American dock workers and seamen elsewhere, are having their repercussions in Japan, In an effort to avoid a general strike of the Japanese Seamen’s ‘Union, involving 100,000 workers, the Japenese shipowners are offer ing meagre concessions to the work« ers. The seamen are the best organ- ized of the Japanese workers. Water | transportation is a strategic indus try for the Japanese bosses, prepar- ing war. Every Japenese ship ar= rives in port with war material. Faced with a general strike, they | are doing everything possible to Stop it—terror against the reyo.j1- tionary opposition, promises, smal concessions, and military prepara}- tions to crush the workers. The seamen have already enlisted the support of the Tokio Municipal street car workers in support of any sirike action they may take for higher wages. Our solidarity, our hopes, and our action whereyer possible should be with our Jap- anese brothers of the sea and water front in their fight against their brutal masters, asia. we IN Gdynia, Polish naval base and port, 2,500 dockers are on strike against wage cuts, for hiring of labor without discrimination (some- what like the fight against Fink Halls in San Francisco,) and against Fascist methods of the em- ployers and the government. The Pilsudski government has in< stituted martial law, declaring a state of siege exists at the port. ‘Troops and Fascist gangsters have been mobilized against the dockers, The International of Seamen and Harbor Workers has issued an ap- peal: “Dockers everywhere: Boycott all ships coming from Gdynia. Refuse to discharge them, load them again or transport cargo coming from or destined to Gdynia.” ai ere Se E now have some more complete figures on the recent Swedish county council and municipal elec- tions. The Communists gained 112 mew mandates in the Municipal elections. At Kiruna, largest min- ing center of Norrbotten, they re- ceived 40 per cent of the vote; at Malberget, second mining center, they got more than 50 per cent of the vote, The Social-democrats won 100,000 votes and 50 mandates; the fer ers’ federation, 51,000 votes, the Communist Party increased its vote cast from 17,000 in the last election to 43,000, though not all returns were in at the time we received the report of the elections. * 8 @ 'VEN these votes, however, are not the real expression of Commu- nist influence. The reactionary clec« tion laws disfranchise many Com- munist sympathizers. The poorest voters are denied the ballot be- cause they cannot pay taxes, and 40,000 migatory workers, among whom there is a great Communist influence, were denied voting rights. “Ny Dag,” (New Day), cenit ‘al organ of the Communist Pai writes on these election results; “The election results are a signifi- cant success for our Party. The figures of the votes cast for it are much higher everywhere. In nu- merous important constituencies, the figures were even higher than at the Reichstag elections, althougn the connection of the franchise with the pay of taxes and the pre- vented pourney of migratory work- ers prevented them from voting in their home towns. The Communist Party of Sweden is able to record a greater increase in votes than any other Party.” * ‘THE revolutionary deeds of the it can be told!” We reprint some of the facts, not so that it can be told, but so that it can serve as & guide, an inspiration, should the ploodsucking bosses succeed in starting a new criminal war, so that instead of meeting with defeat, it should lead on to the victory of the civil war against the war-makers. We take the following from the N. Y. Times feature: “Inside War Stories Are Still To Be Told,” by Clair Price: “We know that 115 UNITS IN THE FRENCH ARMY WERE AF- FECTED and that all that stopped it were the wholesale executions which followed the RAISING OF THE RED FLAG BY A REGI- MENT AT THE COEUVRES DE- POT. For that one day’s mutiny one mutineer out of every five was chosen by lot for execution. Of the hundreds of men who thus died at the hands of their own countrymen, practically every man faced his end as if it no longer mattered to him whether he died at a French firing post or on Ger- man barbed wire. Incidentally, there is a curious sidelight on the French poilu which is worth re- calling in this connection, in the fact that long after the Tiger had come in and the French had been pulled out of defeat and were being driven to victery, indeed right to the end of the war, French troops could be heard going up to the line singing the ‘Internationale,’ the song of mutiny.” Contributions received to the credit of Harry Gannes in his Socialist competition with “Change the World” and the Medical Advisory Board in the Daily Worker $60,000 drive Quota ........ Total to date arvest of followers of Antonio Guiteres, Secretary of the Interior _in the Grau San Martin regime. Dispatches from Camaguey state that serious fighting broke out there; three persons were killed and many were wounded at a demons stration of the Grau forces. - 140 French soldiers in the last world / war, the capitalist press says: “Now |