The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 28, 1934, Page 8

\ 4 Page Eight _Daily<.Worker “America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper’ FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. Telephone: ALgonquin 4-7954. Cable Address: “Daiwork,” New York, N. ¥. Washington Bureau: Room 954, National Press Building 44th and F St., Wa: D. C. Telephone’ National 7910. Midwest Bureau: 1 Wells St, Room 765, Cheago, I! Telephone: Dea: Subscription Rates: (except hettan and Bronx), 1 6.00. $3.50; 3 months, $2.00; 1 month, 0.75 cents Manhattan, Bronx, Foreign and Canada: 1 year, $9.00 6 months, $5.00; 3 months, $3.00. By Carrier: Weekly, 18 cents; monthly, 76 cents. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1934 How to Fight Blacklisting a feelings of resentment and strug- gle against Gorman’s sell-out of the textile strike are driving forward the re- strike movement against discrimination, blacklistings and wage cuts. In Easton, Pa., in Paterson, in the South and New England, the textile workers are beginning to see how Gorman’s break- ing of the strike and Roosevelt's appointment of a new Textile Board: is bringing them. the worst type of oppression, and a prolongation of the mis- erable conditions against which they fought so brevely. What can the textile workers expect from Roose- yelt’s Textile Labor Relation’s Board? In the steel, auto and marine industry similar boards worked hand in glove with the employers, aided by the A. F. of L. top leaders. They helped the company unions. They worked to fasten on the workers the oppressive N.R.A. codes, Thousands of workers were fired for belonging to trade unions. Roosevelt is following the old tricks of Hoover. On every issue, Hoover used to appoint a commis- sion. Now Roosevelt appoints boards. The main aim of the board is to drag and drag on the dis- cussions, to permit the employers to weed out mili- tant workers, to strengthen the fight against the trade unions—and above all, to preserve the basic, existing rotten conditions in the industry in order to defeat the just demands of the textile workers. OW shall the fight be conducted against the discriminations, black-listings, yellow dog con- tracts, and attempts to smash the union? Easton and Reading have shown the way. The workers at the Bancroft Mill in Reading voted unanimously to remain out on strike against discriminations. ‘They sent telegrams of protest to Gorman. They are voicing their protest to the Textile Board. Textile workers! To fight against discrimination there must be a re-strike movement, involving not only those out now, but every worker in those mills where the employers are black-listing strikers. In Easton, Pa., where the National Textile Work- ers Union formed a united front with the United Textile Workers, a militant strike was conducted. Look what these workers did and what they gained! Instead of obeying Gorman’s orders to go back to work Monday morning, the workers met at huge mass meetings. Rank and file committees were elected in each shop. The workers marched to the mills and demanded of each employer recognition of the shop committee, no black-listing, and an end to the wage cuts. All the demands were granted by the militant united front fight of the rank and file. In Paterson, against the wishes of the leaders, the black-listed wrokers elected a rank and file committee of 25 to lead a re-strike movement against discrimination, and are rallying all workers, those in or ousted from the mills, to unite their forces against the black-list. More than that. In every local of the U.T.W. the fight must be taken up to oust the rotten treacherous leaders who took part in the sell-out. ‘There can be no effective struggle now unless the fight is directed against these labor lieutenants of the employers in the ranks of the U.T.W. To fight discrimination, rank and file grievance committees should be elected in every mill. These committees Should take up the fight for reinstatement, should make their protest heard in Washington. Gorman and his gang cannot be trusted. They will not do it. They were interested only in stopping the strug- gle before it gained a victory. They now want to clamp dewn on the rank and file fight against the sell-out, against discrimination. These leaders, and all who aid them, must go! They must be driven from the U.T.W.; out of the ranks of the labor movements. A militant rank and file leadership must be elected to conduct the fight against discrimination, against all grievances, for the workers’ demands and to make such betrayals impossible. The C. P. Fight fer Civil Rights THIN the last week our readers were informed of the fact that the Social- ist Party and the Socialist Labor Party of Illinois were excluded from the ballot of that state. The Communist Party of Illinois promptly issued a statement de- manding that both parties be placed on the ballot. This statement was an expression of the fight the Communist Party carries on for the elementary democratic rights of the workers. While the Communist Party is politically opposed to the principles of the S. P. and the S. L. P., we under- Stand clearly that both of these parties contain workers whose aim is the overthrow of the capitalist System and the building of a socialist society. We understand that an attempt to keep these parties off the ballot is a part of the general drive of fascist reaction against labor and as such our Party, the leader in the fight for the civil rights of labor, fought it. ‘Today's news informs us that the capitalist poli- ticians of Illinois are trying to keep the Communist Party off the ballot, while permitting the S. P. and 8. L. P. to appear, despite the fact that the ©. P. has at least 10,000 more signatures than is legally required. This attack on the Communist Party is a stroke of fascist reaction. Every member of the Socialist Party, of the S. L. P,, must rally to the defense e Rit” ob sateen 4 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1934 of the right of the Communist Party to appear on the Illinois ballot. The Communist Party places in the forefront its election campaign the fight against capitalist r, the fight for workers’ rights—the right to organize, strike and picket, the right of assemblage, the right of free speech a free press, the right to appear on the ba The Communist Party urges the broadest united front in the struggle for these rights. American labor must not relinquish one single democratic right that it has won through years of bitter struggle! of jot Workers who wish to fight for their rights will not only fight for the right of the Communist Party to appear on the ballot but will vote Com- munist. Vote the Hammer and Sickle! Vote Communist! “South of Union Square” F ONE were to believe Mayor LaGuar- dia he is a friend of the workers of New York City—even after election day. This impression he studiously at- tempted to broadcast in the publicity at- tendant upon the resignation of former Police Commissioner General O’Ryan. The mayor would have it appear that he is a staunch friend of labor and its right to organize, strike, picket, meet and petition for redress of grievances. Under the “liberal” LaGuardia regime unem- ployed workers and strikers have been visited by a reign of terror that finds few parallels in previous administrations. Combined with the typical La- Guardia use of fine phrases toward labor, there has been a ruthless use of the club, black-jack, and third degree against strikers, It was this friend of labor who snarled the famous epithet “Yellow Dog” at James Gaynor, a leader of the unemployed. It was this petty despot who called a conference of city editors—with the honorable exception of the one from the Daily Worker—and announced his plans of blood and ter- ror against the fighting jobless, a plan which the Daily Worker promptly exposed. It is this LaGuardia who attempts to come forth in the shining armor of a knight of the people now that O’Ryan has been removed. * . . Noe will Police Commissioner Valentine’s policy on the civil rights of the masses of New York be any different than that of his predecessor. On the contrary, LaGuardia and Valentine have already cooked up an infamous scheme whereby there will be no mass meetings south of 14th Street. This section of New York evidently is beyond the reach of the constitutional rights, supposedly guaranteed to the masses, of free speech, assemblage and peti- tion for redress of grievances, according to the latest ukase, In effect this means that workers cannot meet in City. Hall, bring their grievances to public offi- cials at the seat of municipal government, etc. This decree will be applied to seamen meeting south of Union Square along the city’s waterfront in preparation for—and during the seamen’s strike. It is a blow against meetings on the East Side—a section of the city certainly south of Union Square. This latest LaGuardia outrage must meet the swift and emphatic protest of New York workers and other fighters for the elementary democratic rights of labor. Wage and Sales Taxes FTER the Morgan and Rockefeller banking interests had demanded that every wage in the city be taxed and a sales tax impost be levied on the most common articles of consumption to finance unem- ployment relief, Mayor LaGuardia’s ad- ministration, in the person of Comptroller McGoldrick, declared that the “ultimate decision + +. lies with those who have the money.” The bankers’ demands, to which the LaGuardia regime has given its approval, in placing the bur- den of unemployment relief fully and squarely upon the workers, falls with the double weight of a two- fold impost. Firstly, the wage tax will lift a per- centage from the workers’ pay envelops; secondly, the sales tax will also be levied on what the worker buys. During his election campaign, LaGuardia ranted against the “financial dictators,” and delivered tirades against the “strangling four year Bankers’ Agreement by which I am bound.” Today, La- Guardia, who once saw fit to condemn the banking interests in words, gives his approval to the plan to tighten the strangle-hold of the bankers, and guarantee their loot by further taxation on the masses, He now plans to pour new millions into the Wall Street coffers while following the terms of the Bank- ers’ Agreement to the letter, I, Amter, Communist candidate for Governor of New York State, speaking at the public hearings on the relief tax plans, clearly outlined the Com- munist Party’s demands on relief financing. “Stop the payments under the debt service; end the Bankers’ Agreement; tax the large in- comes, Jarge realty holdings, corporations and utilities,” Amter declared. “If the city can go bankrupt insofar as the jobless are concerned and stop the payment of unemployment relief, then the city can go bankrupt insofar as the payments to the bankers are concerned and stop the pay- ment of their loot, “We have heard a great deal from you, La- Guardia, and from President Roosevelt about un- employment insurance,’ Amter continued, “we demand that you and the Board of Aldermen endorse the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill and petition the United States government for its adoption.” This position should be given the energetic sup- port of the New York working class. A vote for the Communist ticket will be a direct answer to LaGuardia and the bankers, \Join the Communist Party 3% EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. Piease sand me more information on the Commau- met Party. { NAME.. seeee IUSS.R. Opens| Gigantic New) Machine Plant. Factory at Kramatorsk | Is Largest of Kind | In the World (Special to the Daily Worker) MOSCOW, Sept. 27 (by wireless). | The Soviet press is devoting much | space to the forthcoming official op- ening of the machine construction plant at Kramatorsk—a new giant of the Second Five-year Plan. This plant has no equal in the power and the perfection of iis equipment. Its various shops have a capacity which exceeds the indi- vidual capacity of all similar shops throughout the world. | ‘The foundries have a capacity of | 60,000 tons annually, or double the capacity of the shops at Krupps, and 45 times the capacity of the | Armstrong-Vickers plant in Eng- | land; 4 times larger than the Skoda | works in Czechoslovakia, and three | times larger than the United Steel Company in America. | Four Open Hearth Furnaces | Nowhere else in the world have iron foundries 200-ton cranes which | make possible the production of castings weighing 180 tons each. | Kramatorsk’s steel foundry, with its | capacity of 45,000 tons of castings | also has no competitors, Four open | hearth furnaces and three electric furnaces with a capacity of 200,000 tons of smelted metal annually, bring the plant into the first rank for the production of high-grade steels, | The thermic stoves, capable of treating 4,000 tons monthly, are the largest in the world. Krupps can treat 1,300 tons a month and Skoda, 1,500 monthly. The forging and the | stamping shops are especially powerful. They can produce 90,000 tons of forgings annually. (Krupp, | | 40,000; Ansaldo, in Italy, 25,000; | United Steel, 20,000). | 23,869 Workers The annealing stoves and numer- | ous cranes make it possible to deal | with articles of any size and weight. When the plant is working full ca- pacity, it will have 23,869 workers, | including 1,375 engineers and tech- | nicians. The Soviet newspapers, in a lead- ing article on the approaching op- ening of the plant, states: | “The ideolgists of capitalist tech- nique are now agitating for the construction of medium-sized and | small enterprises, which should} | more easily resist the destructive | forces of crises. But the new Kra- | matorsik giant will annually pro- | | | | duce six complete sets of equip- | ment for blast furnaces, thirty seis | of equipment for open-hearth fur- | naces, three blooming mills and six- teen other rolling mills, twenty- thousand tons of metallurgical | cranes, sixteen air-compressors, equipment for cooking stoves, etc., etc. Tremendous Economic Victory “The starting of two heavy ma- chine-construction plants, one at Kramatorsk and one in the Urals, is a tremendous victory on the front of the struggle for the economic in- dependence of the Soviet Union. The idea of socialist industrializa- tion is embodied with exceptional force in the enormous and well-lit shops of the Kramatorsk plant, in its excellent planning and in the well-considered selection of its mod- ern equipment. The factory has had good reason to take the name of the creator of | this idea and the organizer of its | materialization, namely — Stalin. | Even the external appearance of the | | plant bears the imprint of the eza | of the construction of a classless | socialist society. “Social Extensions” “In addition to the gigantic scope | of its industrial architecture, we also see concern for the living people who are the builders of so- cialism. Every shop has its ‘social extensions, which contain places for workers’ rest-rooms, evening technical schools, dining-rooms, li- braries, hairdressers and shower- baths. The flowers and the foun- tains along the two-kilometer street of the plant would do honor to any park in any big city. The construc- tion of the new town—New Krama- torsk—is going forward along better and more cultured lines that many | of our other new constructions.” | In the new town, the Machine- Construction Institute, the Voca- tional School, two secondary schools, dining-rooms, clinics, hospital, dis- pensaries, nurseries, and kindergar- tens have already been built. |Seab Tactics of A. F. L. Officials Are Exposed) To Knitgoods Workers. NEW YORK.—In a leaflet ad- dressed to the knit-goods workers, members of locals 155 of the I. L. G. W. U. and U. T. W., appealing to them to force their “progressive” leadership to stop their strike- breaking activities at the Leonard Knitting Mills, the Knitgoods Work- ers Industrial Union reprinted yes- jterday the following letter, sent by them to the administration of both locals and to Manager Nelson: “The Leonard Knitting Mills, 427 Broadway, New York City was in contractual relations with the Knit- goods Workers Industrial Union. About five months ago the shop |was declared on strike against the attempt of the bosses to cut the wages of the workers. The picket- ing around this. shop has never ceased and is still kept up. The work in the shop was discontinued. “Recently the bosses reopened the shop. A group of workers went up to scab. To our astonishment we) found out that the scabs are mem- bers of your union and are sent up to work by the officials of your jlocals, who are issuing working cards to them. We demand that you instruct your members to stop scabbing and leave the shop, and | that you stop the sending of your members to scao in the shop in the futurey’ re Ene" 1h pe GH SEES NOE USPECT | Ay sao 15 FO BRONX HE BREAKS A SA BEFORE HEARING, ced to Suspect— 350,190 Traced to oaes | Fisch Doub’ ealed—Defense_Te fits Now TOTAL Holds to Theory ‘of Acco! oa ng Richard fie was in Is Plans BUT $16 ‘naximum sent noni Richard mplice vietion Here Seen Certa Eicatig By JAMES K. Mt ing of by Burcl. \ fuwee ee Mere inal Testimony y as Prisoner Time was indicted for Haupt 5 Grand Jury: Karl Ps ytmann Beg, ioruno lauptman ory years wuptmann é . nother ransom “ ‘Hauptmann's £99 gk of id ag by Di y anon ie < pestalyi Borris ws silk and ey > ee French and German Imperialists Kindle Flames e Y | Commission of League Of Nations Forces Hunger, Pillage By E. L. The commission of the League of Nations has definitely fixed ‘the plebiscite of the Saar for Jan. 7, 1935. The problem of this territory thus poses itself as one of primary importance, with even more acute- ness than before. It becomes an im- portant political factor in central Europe and in the entire world. The crisis in the Versailles system en- | genders a series of new imperialist explosions and it will be accom- panied by recrudescent class battles. The struggle between France and Germany for the Saar is manifestly becoming a fire from which might spurt the flame of an imperialist war. Imperialist Rivalries The French and German impe- rialists, the French Steel Trust and the German barons of heavy in- dustry, the de Wendels and the the business has begun, on what | everyone has said and which sauce to use for seasoning; they can subscribe to and serve up to | the whole world the colonial pol- icy of pillage and oppression of the democratic movement . . . This | entire policy of the bourgeois | liberals in general... is the most | ignominious betrayal of the real | interests of progress and liberty. For such politics obscures: first, the political awareness of the Plete silence the plots of the re- actionary governments; secondly, it pushes each party towards a so-called active foreign policy; ... thirdly, it frankly plays the game of reaction in engrossing the people in knowing how much ‘we’ shall receive, in how much ‘we’ shail get out of this, in how much ‘we’ shall buy and sell.” Defeat Hiticrism The Geneva resolution on the date of the plebiscite envisages three results: (1) In favor of France; (2) maintenance of the regime of the Roechlings, are fighting for the coal | League of Nations; that is to say, and the freightage in the extraction | for the status quo. These three re- of minerals, | sults can be considered by us only Hitler fascism has unleashed the! from the point of view of the in- chauvinist passions in the Saar too. | tezests of the proletarian class, we By its dictatorship of blood and) must ask which variant allows the hunger at home and its vigorous | greatest ‘strengthening of the rev- propaganda in the Saar, it is at-/|olutionary struggle leading to the tempting to canalize the growing discontent of the masses towards the politics of military adventurism which is headed by the war industry and by the capitalists of Germany who are expecting from the new world butchery, and above all from the war against the U. S. S. R. a new “increase in space for the Ger- man people,” more correctly, for these goals of rapine. It goes without saying that neither do the French imperialists want to give up the Saar. They are attempting, on the contrary, to con- solidate their political and economic power. The Saar has also an ex- tremely great strategic importance, as a base of operations against Ger- many. Fifteen years of activity of the administrative commission named by the League of Nations to govern the Saar continued the policy of famine and pillage of the workers of the Saar, “in the name of democ- racy,” or better in the interest of the powerful magnates of French industry. The Gezman owners and stockholders of the metallurgical enterprises and mines participated equally in this pillage. It is in this eddy of imperialist contradictions of chauvinist mad- ness, of the despotism of the au- thorities managing in the name of the League of Nations, that the class struggle unfolds in the Saar. It grows with the impoverishment of the toiling masses and presents a se- ries of special probems. “Liberty to Dispose of Oneself” One of the clauses of the Ver- sailles Treaty entered into by the French and German imperialists stipulates that on the 13th of Jan- uary, 1935, the population of the Saar “will decide its fate for itself.” But, never yet has the right of seif- determination been so violated as in this Franco-German agreement made at Geneva. Is it a right to self-determination when two bri- gands want to share their booty and accord to their victims the “right” to choose which one shall de- spoil them? Lenin characterised masterfully such a “self-dete:mination” whon he wrote about the great European Powers who had engaged in a con- troversy over the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina by Austria- Hungary: “But the stupid liberals can chatter in the press and in Par- | liament on the manner in which x overthrow of the regime of exploi- tation. “Never,” said Stalin, “have the Bolsheviks separated the Na- tional question from the question of the revolution.” If one ties up the national prob- lem of the Saar with the general problem of the German revolution, the decisive point in the. struggle for the Saar becomes clear: The interests of the working class de- mand that we impose upon Hitler Germany, which is the principal agent of imperialist war in Central Europe, a resounding defeat in this region. Hitler Germany, Japan, and Eng- Jand, more than all the other im- perialist powers, hope for war and war booty. An increase of terror and misery is inevitable under the Hitler regime unless the proletariat, by its class power, crushes fascism and establishes in its place the dic- tatership of the proletariat. The Communists do not reject any means of weakening Hitler fascism and of re-enforcing the struggling working class in Germany. Given our revolutionary outlook, we must prevent the complete crushing in the Saar, as in Ger- many, of working class organiza- tions; we must keep Hitler from Jaunching a bloody offensive against the Communist Party and the en- tire revolutionary proletariat. all our might we must prevent Ger- man fascism from hiding its dic- tatorship and exploitation of the workers from the eyes of the masses ;by the noisy successes of its “for- eign” policy, all the more so since eventually these “successes” can end only in the strengthening of the fascist terror and in the draw- ing closer of war. This fundamental point of view is reinforced by the fact that the tension between the classes is grow- ing, that the anti-fascist forces are getting larger, that discontent is developing among the population including the petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry in Germany, The failure of Hitler in the Saar region will lead inevitably to development of greater anti-fascist struggles throughout Germany. Thus the task of our Party in the Saar con- sists before all in preparing a \crushing defeat for Hitler fascism, linking up this action to the strug- gle of the German and French workers against the German and French bourgeoisie. For the “Status Quo”—Revolu- tionary Compromise | Class masses, while passing over in com- | In favor of Germany; (3) For the} With | of War in the Saar ° Nazis Seek Rich Coal | And Mineral Fields | For Aggression from our the French | France derives equally policy, For us | imperialists are avid conquerors who | oppress the toiling masses in a} |fashion scarcely “democratic,” but | using methods more and more fas- cist under the regime established by the League of Nations. We stand as resolutely against the con- sortiums of the French industrial- ists and bankers, as we do against the “national” masters of the Ber- lin banks and the Ruhr munitions factories. Let us examine the third possible variant of “free disposition” which the imperialists propose to the pop- ulation of the Saar—the status quo. Wages were being reduced greatly by the regime of the League of Na- tions; the methods of administra- tion were more and more taking on the despotic character of an open dictatorship, the freedom of the workers to organize was being more and more restricted, class justice was ever sharpening its knife against the worker. In a word, the regime of the League of Nations was | engaged in satisfying as best it |could the interests of the French mine owners and German stock- | holders. Only the Communist Party in the Saar, in alliance with the proletariat of Germany and France, has led a constant and systematic struggle | against this regime. The numerous Strikes in the metal factories and coal mines, the huge demonstra- tions, the daily struggle for the im- mediate economic and political in- terests of the proletariat, are proof of this. The terror exerted by the Saar authorities is directed almost exclusively against the Communist Party and the revolutionary mass organizations. But all this can not change our revolutionary class po- sition concerning the problem: If, of all these proposed variants, we come out for the status quo, we destroy with one blow the calcula- tions of the French and German imperialists aiming to use the toil- ers as an advance guard for their war policy. The status quo is for us only a provisional “revolutionary compro- mise” and in no way signifies that we approve of the present regime of the League of Nations. We are only using this situation to organize the struggle of the working masses for their revolutionary ends under conditions more favorable than those of Hitler fascism or those of French domination of war dictator-, ship, profiting meanwhile by the and German imperialists. Develop the Anti-Fascist Fight Thus, we create no parliamentary | |illusions on the issue of the plebi- scite for the status quo, but we bring the struggle against fascism to a higher planc in the Saar. Our decision in favor of the status quo, destined to strike a decisive blow at Hitler fascism in the Saar, has found a powerful echo among the social-democratic workers and the members of the Christian trade unions in the Saar. This facilitates the organization of the struggle for the united front against the estab- lishment of a fascist dictatorship by the government of the League of Nations. Our “revolutionary compromise” is necessary because, due to the splitting policy of German social- democracy, the German working class has been unable to overthrow fascism, unable to establish the dic- tatorship of the proletariat which would truly grant to the toiling masses of the Saar the right to dispose of themselves. Our “revo- lutionary compromise” is the correct method of developing a forceful Our position with respect to ‘P anti-fascist movement of the work- Mf noses | sinking. | king government armies,” divergencies between the French) On the World Front ——By HARRY GANNES. Nazi Rats Flee China Red Army Advances Peasant Uprisings wees rats wearing the Swastika begin to desert we may be sure the ship is All this is taking place on the upper reaches of the Yangtze river around the leading industrial center and port of Southwest China, Chung- king, Szechuan. We recently re- ported in this column on the flight of Gen. Liu in the face of the on- coming Red Armies. The latest news comes via the United Press, which gets it from the Nippon Dempo News Agency in Shanghai, a Japanese news service. The Nazi Consul and hjs staff, in Chungking, who have bee! very busy supplying military e: perts and munitions to the Kui mintang forces, fled post haste t Hankow. The reason for the Hitler agent’s sudden flight is reported by the United Press as follows: “Ad- vices said the Communistic forces were within a few miles of Chung- after routing concentrated Ae aes | IN other words, between the Nazi consul and the Red Armies there was interposed only a defeated con- centrated army of the Knomintang forces and a few miles of territory. The Nazi scoundrel along with the wealthy Chinese exploiters and landowners fied down the river to Hankow. By now certainly the Red Armies are at the nine gates of Chunking storming its walls. The proletariat within the city wil undoubtedly soon join forces with the Red Army, and | over this city of 300,000 people, with | its industries, its coal mines, its only railroad in Szechuan, will fly the Red Flag of the victorious Soviets, Chungking is the commercial cen- ter and gateway not only for the huge province of Szechuan, the most westerly portion of China, but for all of Southwest China. British, Japanese and German imperialism have been greatly inerested in Chungking. Last year, the first rail- road in the province, though only 10 miles long, was opened, for trans- portation of coal from the nearby coal mines, . * IHIANG KAI SHEK has concen- trated the main force of his armies, over 900,000 men, around the Central Soviet dist i Kiangsi province, striving to di this central forces of the Chinese Soviets. The reply of the Armies was a drive on Foochow, in Fukien province, and now a Victorious ad- vance throughout Szechuan prov- ince. ‘These movements will force a change in Chiang Kai-shek’s plans, necessitating the breaking up of his armies in an effort to stem the Red Army advances in Szechuan, Fukien, Honan and Anwei. At the same time, the Red Armies in * by breaking through Chiang Kai- shek’s ring of steel. Developments in China, the dep- redations of the Kuomintang, the huge graft, the terror, the heavy expenditures for war against the Soviet districts, the drought, and the catastrophic economic crisis which is resulting in widespread famine, and uprisings of the peas- ants, are aiding the advance of the Red Armies and the victories of the Soviets over the landlord-bour- geoisie. Se ewe N example of the conditions which the Chinese masses face is given by the Shanghai corres spondent of the Osaka Mainichi. This Japanese writer, Kosaburo, under the title: “2,000,000 Farmers Starve to Death, Millions More Are Threatened in China,” writes: “Millions of Chinese are threat- ened with famine, and about 2,- 000,000 Chinese farmers have al- ready starved to death on account of the drought this year, which wrought great damage to crops. ... Already uprisings are occur- ring at many places on account of exploitation by the military. The uprisings so far are only the prelude to greater disaster, it ig feared. . . . Because of the fame ine, a large number of afflicted farmers have committed suicide. Famished farmers are attacking wealthy people at many places, and already hundreds of such up- risings have occurred. The na- tional government is unable to do anything in the matter because of its dire financial difficulties.” The national government, how- ever, is able to spend tens of mil- lions of dollars in attempting to destroy the Chinese Soviets. Tho national government is able to transform the American $40,000,000 wheat and cotton loan into muni- tions in order to shoot down the peasants and workers who arise against starvation, against famine, against the oppression of the wealthy landlords, usurers, capital- ists and their military supporters. The same Mr. Cosabura also gives us the main reason why the Red Army is successful against the con- centrated Kuomintang forces around Chunking. The workers and peas- ants are rebelling by the tens of thousands, or to use Mr. Kosaburo’s own words: “The famished farmers in the villages are gathering in groups, which are gradually swelling, and thousands of them are moving on towns and cities to make raids. The citizens of Hankow, Wushang, Changsha, and Chungking are more afraid of the famished farm- ers than the bandits. Though voluminous petitions are being submitted to the authorities by the sufferers, the authorities are unable to do anything.” ers in the Saar, in order to assist the heroic struggle to overthrow the dictatorship of Hitler and to lend support to the seizure of power by the German proletariat for the ese tablishment of Soviets. Kiangsi will increase their offensive ; k —