The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 27, 1934, Page 6

Page Six DATLY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1934 Daily -<QWorker usvennarionaes (GemTER COGAN COMMUNIST PARTY USA (SECTION OF COMMUNIST “America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 | | PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE | COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 56 E. 18th | Street, New York, N. ¥. Telephone: ALgonquin 4- 7954. Oable Address Washington Bt Daiwork. Press Building, National 7020 Migwest By Tos, Oheegos mt | Telephone 1 year, $6.00; 0.78 conts 1 year, $8.00; 18 cents; monthly, 76 cents | THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1934 ; : > Johnson KY Resignation ENERAL HUGH S. JOHNSON steps out as Administrator of the N. R. A. just before the Congressional elections which are to mark the opening of the floodgates of a new Roosevelt campaign of demagogy. Closely tied up with the Morgan interests, Man Friday of Bernard Baruch, Wall Street speculator, the General played an important in putting over the N.R.A. as the instrument of finance capital. He has been identified in the N.R.A. with the job of acting to break nearly every important strike that took place in the 15 months of the N.R.A. The auto, steel, marine, textile workers and coal miners have had their fill of “Crack-down-on-them” Johnson, To the workers he is identified with the smashing down of their living standards and raising the profits of his friends, the Swopes, Rockefellers, Morgans, Fords, du Ponts. Even the A. F. of L. leaders, realizing the seeth- ing volcano of discontent against the N.R.A. among the rank and file, strove to direct the outburst solely against the General, OW the General goes, not without the regret and 4 best wishes of Roosevelt. But his going marks thé end of the early period of demagogy behind which the brutal, savage policies of the big trusts and banks were put over, and the necessity of Roosevelt is opening up a new drive, forces, behind which the attacks on the workers will be carried still further. Roosevelt accepts the resignation of Johnson in order, in the eyes of the masses, to disassociate him- slef from the obvious dirty swindle put over on the workers through the N.R.A. and to raise hopes that with a change in administration the workers can expect better treatment. But, as the Communist Party pointed out from the very first day of the N.R.A., the policies and deeds of Johnson were one hundred per cent in accord with the wishes of Roosevelt. Every strike broken by Johnson with the aid of Green, Lewis, Gorman & Co. received the blessings of Roosevelt. Where Johnson was forced to step aside, as in the betrayal of the auto workers, Roose- himself stepped in. The same was true in the textile strike sell-out. Roosevelt took the laboring oar. Sign there will be a change in the N.R.A. The A, codes have been shackled on the workers. ©izkebreaking policies have been worked out more in detail. With the sharpening of the economic er .e employers require sharper attacks against the workers, especially against the mounting wave of militant strikes. Gen. Johnson, the Roosevelt front of the N.R.A., is too openly besmirched with the whole rotten attack on the workers. A new front is needed, and especially a new campaign of lying promises to replace those Johnson peddled to the workers so liberally and shamelessly. Johnson's leaving, however, does not mean break- ing of Roosevelt's ties with Johnson's superiors, the Morgans, the Mellons and Rockefellers. Behind the scenes moves Johnson's boss, Bernard Baruch, who will play a very important role in the N.R.A., whether officially or in the secret confabs in the White House. Roosevelt's pokitical supporters will utilize John- son's resignation, amd the touted change in the N.R.A., in order to try to win the masses behind New Deal candidates. They will promise them cor- rection of the “abuses” of the N.R.A.; a New Deal within the New Deal, everything to get the workers to support the government of Wall Street. role NLY the Communist Party from the very begin- ning exposed and fought the N.R.A. Only the Communist Party now in its election campaign and its day-to-day activity is rousing the workers to throw off the N.R.A. shackles, to fight for increased wages, for relief, for unemployment insurance, for every civil and trade union right Johnson and now Roosevelt are trying to destroy. The battle against the whole N.R.A. and the New Deal, despite the individual disagreements of the employers over precisely what kind of dema- gogy should or should not go into it, must be taken up with still greater energy. That will be done best under the leadership of the Communist Party. In the coming elections, every worker fighting against the miserable conditions imposed on him by the New Deal should vote Communist. The Nominating Convention E New York State nominating con- vention, which will be held im the Star Casino on Saturaay, and the mass ratification rally which will follow on Sunday in the Bronx Coliseum, will mark the formal opening of the broadest and most energetic election campaign ever conducted in this state by the Communist Party. These two meetings are the more important because of the situation in which the campaign is taking place. The growing threat of relief cuts in all parts of the state as well as in New York City, the approaching strike of Atlantic coast marine workers, in which Mayor La Guardia will See his first big opportunity to use his infamous “rifle squad,’ the continued suffering of workers and poor farmers up-state—these problems give redoubled importance to the Communist election campaign and to the two week-end mectings which will open it formally. The Communist Party wants the participation of the widest masses in these two events as it does in ail its activities. Party members, non-Party members, sympathetic workers, and trade union members of all affiliations, as well as Socialist Party members and sympathiz- ers, are urged to attend. The success of these two events will help the Party turn the election campaign into a real, mil- itant struggle for the daily needs of the toiling masses of this state, 4 f with new. | A Fresh Weapon in the Struggle for the United Front ECENTLY the Daily Worker published the resolution adopted at a meeting of the Central Committee of the Com- munist Party, U. S. A. In the light of the tremendous strike struggles going on, the deepening of the economic and the paramount issues in the election cam- paign, this resolution can and will become a power- in the hands of every Party unit and of all militant and class conscious workers of the United States. And in order to make it so, i is necessary to y e resolution with a view of applying its directives to the concrete and specific tasks, the im- mediate practical tasks of each Party organization, each Party unit, and each Party fraction in the non-Party mass organizations. The resolution makes it obligatory for the Party units and fractions to carry through such a discussion at their earliest regular meeting. The Central Committee, at the recent meeting, placed in the center of its deliberations the strug- gle for the united front. In reviewing the course of the sharpening class struggle in the United States since the 8th Convention of the Party, comrade Browder pointed out the growing radicalization of the masses, drawing our attention to “a distinct new feature” of this radicalization. It is “the sharply favorable response that is arising and rapidly spreading to the call for a united front against the capitalist class, against fascism and war.” We have seen this growing urge of the masses towards unity of action in every one of the recent strike struggles, It came to brilliant expression in the Pacific Coast maritime strike and in the General Strike of San Francisco because of the leading and organizing role played by the Communist Party in these great class battles. . * * HAT are the conclusions that we must draw from this new feature of the radicalization of the masses? It is, first, that the struggle for the united front is no longer largely a question of agitation, but is becoming more and more a question of action, of the daily organization of the united struggles of all workers regardless of their political affilia- tions. It is, second, that we must not relent for a single moment the pressure upon the Socialist Party for united action with the Communist Party. Ht is, third, that we must increase manyfold the pro- paganda for Communism, for the revolutionary way out of the crisis, recruiting most intensively the more advanced radicalized workers into our Party, eliminating membership fluctuation, and building the Communist Party as the mass Party of the American proletariat. The reply of the Central Committee to the rejec- tion of our united front offers by the Milwaukee meeting of the N.E.C. of the Socialist Party, pub- lished in this issue, carries an important message to our Party membership and to the workers in general. It is, namely, that no amount of evasion, rotten diplomacy, and searching after excuses for not having a united front, can or will stop our Party from seeking and establishing a united front of action with the Socialist workers. Norman Thomas, who sang so sweetly of united working class action when he was in the minority of the N.E.C. of the Socialist. Party, began to,demonstrate a peculiar sort of timidity and hesitancy on the matter after he became the majority. The real “Militants,” that is, those who fight and get what they want in the N.E.C. of the Socialist Party, seem to be the spiritual children of Abe Cahan (the un- speakable) rather than the official “Militants” of Norman Thomas’ persuasion. And as to the leaders of the “Revolutionary Policy Committee,” the ones that have promised the Socialist Party workers a “revolutionary” Socailist Party, what has happened to them? If they disagree with the evasive and negative reply of their N.E.C. to our united front proposals, why don’t they say so? Why don’t they do something about it in clear daylight, so the work- ers can see them? . . . [OST important is the struggle for the united front on the trade union field. Our strategic aim is the achievement of trade union unity as one of the most important means for liquidating the split in the working class, brought about and per- petuated by the class collaboration of the social- fascists, The resolution of the Central Committee makes the struggle for the united front on the trade union field, the only way to trade union unity, one of our major tasks. As a demonstration of the most recent efforts of the Communists in the unions to bring about unity of action between the unions of the Trade Union Unity League and the American Federation of Labor, we point to the united front proposals of the National Textile Workers Union, made upon the initiative of the Communists in that organization, to the United Textile Workers. These proposals, and the practical steps taken in connec- tion with them, have already greatly increased the morale of the striking textile workers, thus strengthening the fighting front of the workers and the militant leadership among them. In this higher stage of our struggle for the united front, the resolution of the Central Com- mittee warns especially against the danger of two opportunist errors. One is the danger of lagging behind in the exposure of the strike-breaking and social-fascist leaders of the A. F. of L., and of timidity and hesitation in fighting for the indepen- dent leadership of the economic struggles of the workers by the left, and revolutionary elements in the A. F. of L. unions. Lagging behind in the ex- posure of the treacherous A. F. of L. bureaucracy, and at times entirely failing in this central task, was the error committed by our San Francisco com- rades, the comrades who played a leading and or- ganizing role in the great strikes on the Pacific coast. This error was then rationalized by one com- rade (Morris) and presented as a “model” policy for the whole Party. The struggle against such Right opportunist errors is an absolute condition for a successful struggle for the united front. At the same time we must wage a determined struggle against all forms of resistance to systematic revo- jutionary work in the unions of the A. F. of L. At a time of the most rapid radicalization of the masses in the A. F. of L., and in the face of the most varied maneuvers of the A. F. of L. bureau- cracy to retain leadership of these masses, re- sistance to work in the A. F. of L. unions (Zack), formal acceptance but practical opposition to such work, leads inevitably to the isolation of the pro- letarian vanguard from large masses of organized radicalized workers and plays directly into the hands of Green, Lewis & Co., into the hands of the capitalist class. The resolution of the Central Committee and Comrade Browder’s report (the latter to be pub- lished in the October issue of The Communist) present our Party with an analysis of the present situation and with practical directives for the further unfolding of the growing counter-offensive of the American masses, for the struggle for the united front. Study these documents and apply them to the daily revolutionary work among the masses, Anti-Fascist Actions Grow) In Greek Army Soldiers Give Funds to Megal Communist Army Group ATHENS, Greece, Sept. 26,—De- tails of militant unrest which have filtered in to this city from the} neighborhood of the summer en- campments of regiments all over Greece, furnish surface indications of the way in which the revolu- tionary movement has transfused the Greek Army. In Saloniki, for example, 35 sol- diers of the 11th regiment of moun- tain artillery have signed a pro- test which reads: “We protest against the attempts being made to establish a military-fascist dictator- ship in our country, and swear we will warn all of our comrades about this danger, who are not yet con- scious of it. We will bring them over to our side, so that we may together fight fascism in Greece.” A group of soldiers of the 19th Infantry Regiment in Serres has |collected 15 drachma, and a group of soldiers of the fourth regiment of mountain artillery 30 drachma, and sent these sums to the head- quarters of the illegal military or- ganization of the Communist Party of Greece, in order to help its | struggle against the impending mil- itary-fascist rule. Eleven soldiers of the second in- fantry regiment at Serres were ar- rested. They will be tried for hav- ing pasted up posters with slogans against war and fascism on the | Walls of their barracks. The court- | | martial sentenced them to 20 days, | but due to the lack of evidence, | was forced to commute this sentence The men of the 19th regiment in | Serres found similar posters on the | walls of their quarters, and read and | discussed them with great interest. In order to uncover the author, the officer in charge tested the hand- writing of 50 of his men, In the Kozani barracks, soldiers refused the food given them for the reason that it was full of worms. | Two soldiers were subsequently ar- rested as ‘‘mutineers.” | A private of the llth regiment | of artillery was also arrested as a “mutineer.” | Twenty soldiers of the 10th regi-| ment in Serres have written a pro-| test against the brutality practiced | by the police at the time of the peasants’ gathering in Aegion, and} have called on their brothers-in- arms in future to lay down their arms. Mass Layoffs Raise Revolutionary Mood | Of German Workers | sea | DRESDEN, Sept. 26.—Hereafter, | all Dresden cigarette factories will work only three days a weex.| | Workers have been let go by the} | hundreds. “Anti-Fascist Action,” | jan illegal publication, appears reg- | ularly. Many Nazi workers openly sympathize With the Communist | workers. At Chemnitz, the automobile | factories have been put on part- time. Mass lay-offs are taking place at the Prestowork factOry, three hundred workers having been let go during the last week. The! Chemnitz textile works, which have been working only for 36 hours a week, will now be open only 24 hours a week. General Strike Frees ‘Mayor and Aldermen) Of Red Town in Greece ATHENS, Greece.—The inhabi- tants of the town of Cavalla have freed their arrested Communist mayor and aldermen by declaring @ general strike, in which workers, artisans and shopkeepers joined, | as soon as it became known that the prisoners were to be exiled. At one of the meetings held, there was a clash, during which one policeman and two peasants were wounded, one of them fatally. The workers demanded the col- lective freedom of all those ar- rested, and, under the stress of | mass protest, the Communist mayor and aldermen were set free. Anti-Communist Party Publishes Newspaper In Costa Rican Capital SAN JOSE, Costa Rica, Sept. 26. —The Anti-Communist Party, re- cently founded here as a means for breaking the banana strike, thas shifted its field of operations, for the moment, from the swamp- lands of the Atlantic coast to the safer atmosphere of a print-shop in the capital. The Anti-Communist Party will henceforth combat Communism with a newspaper, Defensa Na- tional. which it will publish once a week. Trabajo, organ of the Communist Party of Costa Rica, is three years old, and will shortly appear as a daily. It will be remembered that not long ago President Jimenez stated that Communist propaganda could not be fought with bullets, Oregon Workers Smash Relief Discrimination ASTORIA, Oregon, Sept. 26.—! Smashing through the orders of | |the Clatsop County Relief Com- | mittee to deny all relief to mili- tant workers, unemployed here Jast week forced the granting of immediate relief to the family of Oscar Mannisto, who is being held for deportation to Finland. The relief officials, headed by County Judge Boyington, who un- leashed the terror against the marine strikers recently, stopped reief to Mannisto when he sur- rendered to face deportation pro- | ceedings. Scheduled for deporta- tion, he is now h-'>g held in Mult- “WHICH SIDE DO YOU CHOOSE?” By The Most Burning Question --- Unity of Action BELA KUN by Burek Member of the Presidiwm of the Communist International (Fifteenth Instalment) IN various countries there is a different situation in regard to the organizational unity of the labor movement. How far the tactics of one of the other party, of the Communists or Social-Democratic Party, are correct in the common struggle of the working class against the common class enemy— this is being tested by the historical experience of the workers. We Communists have never supposed it possible to overcome the split in the labor move- ment through organizational union otherwise than by way of the persuading and self-determination of the working masses as to which theory, strategy and tactics are correct—those of the Communists or those of the Social-Democrats, When unity of action of the Social-Democratic and Communist workers is required for concrete but limited aims of struggle, the. Communists say that the working class needs the united front in order to fight against the bourgeois and not in order to collaborate with the bourgeoisie; each re- mains in his own party but fights in common against the common enemy. But if it is a question of organizational unity, then the Communists say: The working class needs unity in order to conquer the bourgeoisie and not on order to attain a respite, an extra breathing-space for capitalism. In this respect too, the Communists are true to the words of Marx: they do not conceal their aims, they do not manoeuvre in regard to their class comrades. They say quite openly before the Social-Democratic workers that they want to persuade the latter in unity of action, in the common struggle that the correct tactic is not the reformist but the revolu- tionary tactic; it is not coalition with the bour- geoisie which leads the working class to power, but the armed uprising at the right moment; that there is no such thing as the growing of capitalism into socialism through any spacious plans designed to convince the bourgeoisie that socialism is useful and necessary for the capitalist as well, but that it is only the dictatorship of the proletariat, destroying as it does the forces of the capitalist class, destroy- ing its means of influencing the petty bourgeoisie and small peasants—that it is only this dictatorship of the proletariat which leads to socialism, 3, UNITY OF ACTION AND ORGANIZATIONAL UNITY The great majority of the working class—we haye always known and said this—will be able to choose between the two theories, strategies and tactics only in common struggle. We have set our- Selves the task in the program of Communist International: . . -“To lead the masses to revolutionary posi- tions in such a manner that the masses may, by their own experience, convince themselves of the correctness of the Party line.” ‘We have always said and we repeat it today: He who does not understand this is a bad Commu- nist, an enemy of organizational unity is he who hampers the unity of action of the working class in the daily struggle against the class enemy, against capitalism. It is no accident that Otto Bauer does not raise the question of unity of action but the problem of the re-unification of Austrian Social-Democracy, which has been not so much routed as scrapped. An idea of what this re-unification would be like may be obtained from the fact, that he cannot find even words of moral indignation against those “who by their conduct in the February struggles and afterwards have lost the confidence of the com- rades,” but he discovers the enemy once again on the Left Wing, which he writes: “H is therefore greatly to be feared that the Communist Party of Austria, upon instructions from its International, is repeating the old maneu- ver of speaking very eagerly about unity and the united front, but that it will pursue the end of preventing re-unification of the whole revolu- tionary proletariat of Austria in ONE Party.” CONTRADICTS OBVIOUS TRUTH What Otto Bauer says is in gross contradiction to the obvious truth. Both the Communist Inter- national and the Communist Party of Austria are eager—not in words but in deeds—that the Austrian jJabor movement should be united. They want one trade union movement, the continuation of the free trade unions as a single trade union movement, their transformation into organs of the class struggle, the continuation of the Schutzbund as the common organ of struggle of the whole revolu- tionary proletariat of Austria; they want one party, and lead the forces of the whole Austrian prole- tariat and of all toiling and exploited sections of the population for the overthrow of the fascist dic- tatorship, of capitalism, for the setting up of the proletarian dictatorship of Soviet power. The Com- muist Party of Austria has already rallied around itself many of the most active fighters of the anti- fascist proletarian revolution in Austria. Its doors stand open to all who want to fight this battle to the end. However, Otto Bauer’s main worry is to construe a contradiction between the Communists who were already on the right path before the Feb- ruary struggles and those who took this path during the February struggles on the basis of their ex- periences with Social-Democracy. Where is this new argument of Otto Bauer's on the unity of the labor movement designed to lead us? To put it shortly: To maintaining the split in the Austrian labor movement, to splitting it afresh. The Austrian working class is striving for unity— not on the basis of the Linz program, where, instead of the struggle for the dictatorship of the prole- tariat, the threat of proletarian dictatorship was included in the program: It does not seek union on the basis of a program of a former epoch which was then, in the time of Hainfeld,_a great step forward, but which today cannot show it the path and the goal. The Austrian workers are looking not backward, but forward. Otto Bauer is once again working for a split in order to keep open the way to union with those who deservedly lost the confidence of the working class and after the February days. The union which Otto Bauer pro- poses thus denotes the re-establishment of class collaboration with the Austrian bourgeoisie. What sort of unity is required in the labor movement? Unity of action is needed in every country, unity of action which unites the forces of the working class—no matter to what party or organization the workers may belong—for direct struggle against fascism in Germany, Austria and in all countries, unity of action which rallies them together for the defense of their interests against the offensive of capital. A unity of action which mobilizes the working class against the bourgeoisie, which gives the working class strength to lead the middle strata in town and country into the struggle against the bourgeoisie side by side with the proletariat. Such unity of action opens the Way to over- coming the split in the labor movement. ‘ (The End) nomah county jail | Arkansas Jails Worker Who Demanded Relief LITTLE ROCK, Ark., Sept. 26.— Because he took up the fight of a family of nine for relief, Fred Hardee, a transient worker has been sentenced there to the country farm prison. The family was driven from the transient camp by city authorities. Hardee presented a demand to the authorities that they be given relief. At his trial, Hardee was not per- mi ted to take the stand, to pre- sent evidence, or speak in his own ‘ behalf. The only witnesses permit- ted were the head case worker and the manager of the Relief Bureau. Workers protesting against the railroading of Hardee were told “a tramp had just as well be in the county farm as anywhere.” Protests against the railroading ' of Hardee are being sent to Harpen Hard, Municipal Judge, 301 Jonn- son Street, Little Rock, Arkansas. Our Readers Must Spread the Daily Worker Among the Members of All Mass and Fraternal Organ- izations As a Political Task of First Importance! 2,000 Power Workers Out on Strike in Brazil RIO DE JANAIRO, Brazil, Sept. 26—A dispatch from Cubato, in the state of Sao Paulo, says that 2,000 light and power employees have gone out on strike. The Canadian-Rio de Janeiro Light and Tramway Company had refused to recognize their union. Workers all over the state of Sao Paulo are considering the calling of a general strike, On the World Front ——By HARRY GANWN Doumergue’s Fear of the United Front 4 What He Proposes Pe GASTON DOU- MERGUE of France is very much worried over the united front of the Socialist and Communist Parties of France, He made it the text of a scathing radio speech last Monday. Some very important ise Sues on the question of Fascism were brought out by Doumergue that merit the attention of every worker. Leading Socialists in Germany, before the advent of Fascism, as well as after, argued that the ace, | tivity of the Communists caused the! quickening of the Fascist develop-| ment. Dolifuss’s slaughter in Aus tria, where the Socialist Party had the support of the majority of the working class, of course, effectively knocked this idea in the head. Now in France, Doumergue is attempt ing to use the same idea, the fear of the united front of the working class, as an excuse for advancing fascist methods. It is true in the present deep, un- dermining crisis of capitalism, when the workers struggle for wage in- creases, for unemployment relief, against the unloading of the burden. of the crisis on their backs, it tends still further to shake the whole sys- tem. Hence when a genuine strug- gle is undertaken for even the most immediate needs and demands of the workers, the capitalists, to save their system, resort more and more to Fascist methods. Since the Communists are most energetic in defending and fighting for the interests of the workers, the charge of being the cause of Fascism is laid to them, we as ae IN France, Doumergue, fearing the | united front of Socialists and Communists, proposes out and out steps toward Fascism. Doumergue states that the united front has “shaken public confidence,” made credit stringent and caused the hoarding of money. The truth is that the crisis in’ France which crept on more slowly than else- where is now hitting with full force. Doumergue’s arguments are very much like those of the bankers in the United States during the bank crash. They said Communists caused the banking collapse. But then Doumergue goes further and says: “Socialism and Commu- nism are exactly the same thing.” That they are not exactly the same thing is known to everyone, and was expressly stated in the United Front pact. What Doumergue sees, however, is that a united fight on specific issues, against fascism, war and the decree laws (somewhat like our N. R. A.) is bringing about an intensification of the revolutionary struggles of the working class. In short, the united front against fascism, war and hunger ale heightens the revolutionary strug- gles of the working class in this period of capitalist crisis. That is the basic reason for the hesitation and the obstacles thrown in the way of the united front by the Socialist leaders in the United States. And it is precisely this hesitation that strengthens the fascist measures against the working class such as the slaugh- ter of textile workers, and the Georgia concentration camps. tne, ae lOW how does Doumergue pro- pose to meet the united front? He urges the introduction of more fascist elements into the national concentration government of France. Singularly enough these measures follow quite closely the Roosevelt program. Doumergue asks for increased executive powers for the Premier. Roosevelt already has these powers. He proposes, further, an “authori- tative” cabinet. Sounds very much like a transition to a Fascist cab- inet. He next urges a definite fix- ing of the status of government em- ployees (following Roosevelt’s wage cuts for government employees). The wages of the French govern- ment employees have been cut and huge struggles against the slashes have been going on. Doumergue wants these stopped. Doumergue proposes an outright fascist measure, one toward which Roosevelt, Green and company are already working in the United States. This is the outlawing of strikes and other struggles of the workers. Taking a leaf from Hitler and Roosevelt's programs, he then puts forth the idea of a national eco- nomic council, and regional coune cils, to carry out the offensive of capitalism against the French workers. ae, ieee 3 ND still the Socialist Party of the United States is waiting to see how the united front works out in France. Every day brings news of its effectiveness, of its threat to the capitalists’ fascist program. At the same time, the employers and their government, aroused to a frenzy of fear over the spectre of a united working class, s‘rive by might and main to introduce new fascist measures. They try to threaten the workers with increased terror in order to break the unity, Will Mr. Norman Thomas draw the conclusion from this that the uni ed front against fascism intensifies the fascist efforts of the bourgeoisie and, therefore, we should not form it in the United States? This is just as logical as their argument that the revolutionary activities of the Communists in Germany brought the victory of fascism, and not the splitting tacties of the Ger- man social democracy. As the power of the united work- ing class against fascism grows, the capitalists make more and more fascist threats in order to terrify the workers. But these can only be =e defeated and smashed by that most powerful force of workers— united actions