The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 19, 1934, Page 6

Page Six Dail ,2Worker_ “America’s Only Working Class Daily Mewspaper” FOUNDED 19% PUBLISHED DAHLY, EXOBPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING C@., FNC., 50 E. 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. ALgonquin 4-795 4. Telephone Bureau; Room 954 shington, D. C. 1 Sputh Wells St., 3981. Subseription Rates: B except Manhatten and Bronx), 1 yeer $6.00, 6 $3.50, 3 months, $2.00; 1 month, 0.7% cents M Bronx, Forel and Canada: 1 year, 9. 6 3 By , ‘7B cents. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1934 Support the Workers of the Philippines LL STREET'S guns were unloosened against Filipino strikers, just as they are in the South and in New England against American textile strikers. Three § ing cigar workers lie dead in Manila because they took part in a flying picket squadron attempting to close down the Minerva cigar factory, a scab plant. Twenty-two others were wounded. Why were these strikers shot? They were fight- ing against hunger, against long, unbearable hours, Their wages averaged 23 cents a day. Yet in the Philippines prices of goods are almost as high as in the United States. They were demanding wage increases to the sum of 45 cents a day. For this they were brutally murdered Over 5,000 cigar makers are striling im the Philippines. Their fight is the fight of the whole American working class against the rotten, im- perialist conditions of slavery imposed by the Roosevelt government and the native landlord- bourgeoisie. Dominating the Filipino government is the skilled enemy of labor, Governor General Frank B. Murphy. Murphy is an old hand at countenancing the shooting down of workers. While Mayor of Detroit, dominated by the General Motors Corpora- tion and the Ford Co., he countenanced the murder of four wo! rs in the Dearborn Hunger March. ker YJHEN the three Filipino strikers were killed in cold blood, Murphy ordered the United States Army to be ready to shoot down still mo™ Filipino workers. He called for the arrest of all the strike , and eighteen men and four women were nm into prison. These are the conditions Wall Street brings to the Philippine Islands. This is the “independence” that Roosevelt grante. e fight of the Filipino strikers is the fight of ev merican worker. The same New Deal is sh g them down, for the same reasons that it shoots textile, steel, coal miners and auto workers We must raise our voices now in protest, in sym- thr your protest to Roosevelt today. Demand al of the armed forces from the Manila Demand the freedom of the strike leaders. an end to the murder of Filipino strikers. Deman All cers’ and anti-imperialist organizations should cable Murphy, protesting against this mur- der re and inst the arrest of the Filipino s‘rike leaders Negroes in Textile Strike HE striking textile workers would do well to consider seriously the proposals of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights for cementnig the solidarity be tween the Negro and white workers. Reports from the South show that In 1: Negro workers are engaged actively 1 spreading the strike and in solidarity ac- against the terror. In addition im several have voted to give material relief to strikers (Carolina tobacco workers, Ala- pbama share-croppers, etc.). To further strengthen such solidarity between the white and Negro workers it is necessary for the white workers to consider the persecution and brutal exploitation of the Negro masses and to give strong and direct support to the fight of the Ne- gro masses for equality. It is with this aim that the textile strikers should adopt as their own the fol- lowing demands of the League of Struggle for Ne- gro Rights: 1) All jobs in the textile mills, without ex- ception, to be open to white and Negro workers alike; the fight against the stretch-out, which carries with it the hiring of thousands more work- ers, should help to provide for the entrance of Negro workers into all jobs in the mills. 2) Abolition of the differential between wages in Northern and Southern milis. 3) The inelusion of outside workers, cleaners and helpers (now largely Negro workers) in the minimum wage schedules established in the strike settlement, with a maximum of 30 hours a week as for other textile workers, 4) Abolition of segregation and discrimina- tion in housing, transportation, ete. Abolish the so-called “coiored” locals in the U.T.W dmit the Negro workers to all locals of the union on the basis of full equality with the white workers, with the right to hold all offices. 6) The election of Negro workers into local, regional and national strike committees, and the placing of a Negro textile worker on the na- tional executive committee of the union, The Communist Party urges all textile workers, and in the first place the white textile workers, to fight for these demands as proposed by the League of Struggle for Negro Rights. Such a stand by the textile strikers would strengthen the bonds of solidarity in the workers’ ranks and increase the chances for a 100 per cent victory in the strike. Support the Workers’ Bill IDE-SPREAD unemployment in the textile industries, injuries and sick- ness sustained as the result of the stretch- out, total destitution at the moment of engaging in strikes and the refusal of the relief administration to gran‘ them relief brings sharply and clearly to the textile workers the need for nent insurance as embodied in the Worke mployment Insurance Bill. With the constant increase in the speed-up, dra ¢ the workei hh, and increasing injury, the textile workers should join with the millions of other employed and unemployed workers in the Motta’s AntiSoviet Speech DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1934 campaign for the enactment of the Workers’ Bill, to obtaim a measure of social security. ‘The Workers’ Bill, agaén re-printed im ful im yesterday’s Daily Worker, provides that all workers, wmempioyed through no fault of their own, whether the term of unemployment is occasioned by sick- ness, old-age, strike, maternity, or any cause, shall receive weekly benefits not less than weekly average wages in their locality, in no case to be less than $10 weekly plus $8 for each dependent. The National Convention of the Textile Work- ers’ Union endorsed the Workers’ Bill. Textile workers must actively support the Bill and demand that their union officials actively support it. De- mand that Textile Union officials answer the call of the Arrangements Committee for a National Congress for Social Security, which will meet in Washington at the time the 74th Session of the United States Congress convenes. Textile workers, the Communist Party is the initiator of the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance BIH, it is the leader in the fight for the enactment of the bill. Join and support the Communist Party. IUSSEPPE MOTTA of Switzerland, speaking the heart and mind of all the imperialist powers, opened a virulent attack against the Soviet Union on the question of its entry into the League of Nations. Yet, despite the fact that Motta expressed what all the capitalist bandits fe, they are forced to admit the US.S.R, into the League, This still more emphasizes the great victory of the peace policy of the workers’ fatherland, Against the hostility of the imperialists, because of their conflicts, they are impelled to recognize the power of the land of Socialism. They are forced to reeog- nise it as a factor in the determination of world events, Just as the United States, which recognized the Soviet Union but not for a moment relaxed its hos- tility, so the imperialist bandits, when approving of the Soviets entry into the Council of the League, de not for a moment forget their hatred of. the workers’ fatherland. The United States, as the arms inquiry shows, helps to arm German fascism and Japanese impe- Tialiem for war against the Soviet Union. The Roosevelt regime, despite recognition, puts every ob- stacle in the way of economic relations and settle- ment of debts, The Roosevelt State Department aids the arms manufacturers supply the foremost anti-Soviet enemies with war supplies for attack on the U.S.S.R. . . . 'E task of mobilizing for the defense of the Soviet Union is not weakened in any way, either by United States. recognition or entry into the League of Nations, The Soviet Union, as “Izvestia” in its leading article points out, is strengthening its own mighty arm of defense of Socialism through the Red Army, the armed victorious working class, ready to defend itself against any adventures of the imperialists no matter from what source. The greatest strength of the Soviet Union lies in the vigilance of the militant toiling masses throughout the world, who are ready to spring to the defense of the victori- ous proletarian revolution. In this country we must redouble our efforts against Wall Street’s arming of the outspoken ene- mies of the Soviet Union. We must demand a stop be put to shipment of arms to Fascist Germany, to Japanese imperialism, We must rally the masses for the defense of the Soviet Union. One of the chief questions before the U. 8. Con- gress Against War and Fascism, to open in Chicago on September 28, will be this very point, brought out in the arms’ inquiry, of American bankers and munitions’ manufacturers, now making huge for- tunes out of arming Fascist Germany and the war mongers in Japan. After One Month E month ago the Daily Worker-Party Anniversary drive for $60,000 began. To date $5,268.56 has been received. At this pace the drive would have to continue for twelve months before the $60,000 would be reached. This would compel the abandonment of all plans for the improvement and enlargement of the paper. More than that, the very existence of the paper would be placed in jeopardy. Our plans, as our readers know, call for the beginning of a distinctly New York Daily Worker on October 8. We plan on continuing and im- proving the national edition, and on putting out two editions, one at 7 P. M., the other at midnight, of the New York paper. These plans are now endangered by the slow response to the financial drive. No district has as yet shown real energy in the campaign. The New York district, the chief beneficiary in the exten- tion plans, has fallen down woefully, The entire Party must now give its immediate attention to the $60,000 drive, rallying the sympa- thetic organizations and the broad mass of the workers for the trebling of the daily returns with- out further delay. Certainly it is not too much to ask that the New York comrades must lead the way. We know that our comrades and our Party units have been deeply involved in the textile strike and in the other struggles of the workers. This has occupied the time of comrades, and has diverted the limited resources of our organizations. The Daily Worker has also been in the forefront of the textile struggle as it was in the Toledo, Min- neapolis, Milwaukee, San Francisco and other strug- gles. Each of these has caused us greatly increased expense because always we placed the needs of the struggle ahead of any narrow financial considera- tion. We sent correspondents into the strike areas; we increased our telegraph bills; we distributed thousands of papers free. We always realized that our job, our reason for existence, was to aid the workers win their demands, striving at the same time to transform them into conscious revolution- ary fighters against capitalism and for socialism. The pressure of the struggle therefore can not cause us to weaken our efforts to guarantee the existence of the Daily Worker. On the contrary, the very development of the struggle makes the Paper more necessary; it makes its enlargement and improvement more urgent. Comrades, members of the Party and readers of the “Daily,” we urge you to increase your efforts in the $60,000 drive. Treble the daily returns! Bring them up to at least $800 every day! | Join the Communist Party| { 35 EAST 122TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. Please send me mere informntion on the Comma- mist Party. NAME...... Strike Killings Swell Arms Sales Rise (Continued from Page 1) couldn't suggest some remedy in view of the faet that the weapons are now being used to murder workers—today — committee mem- bers took the attitude that they were being brave enough in cen- | tering public attention on the facts. Young testified that his corpora- tion ships munitions to National Guard units “ali over the country,” and he proudly reported that they served the owners and soldiers and police in the recent Pacific Coast |general strike, and in the Auto- Lite strive in Toledo. The corpora- tion is owned almost entirely by banks and trust companies and steel barons. One of its directors is jan official of the infamous Weir- |ton Steel Corporation. | With samples of the death-deal- ing machine guns, tear and sicken- | ing gas bombs, “incendiary bombs,” and “demolition” bombs made of |T. N. T. being passed around among the Nye-Vandenberg Com- mittee, Stephen Rauchenbush, Committee investigator, introduced some of Young’s literature, boast- | | ing of the use of his products in industrial “emergencies” or strikes. “Has your business picked up |since the textile strike started?” | Senator Clark asked. Young re- | plied confidently. “About five to ten per cent, I’d say.” | “Was it your plane that dropped |in the Aleghenies while carrying |f@as to Rhode Island?” The pilot was killed. “Yes,” said Young. “I’m sorry it | didn’t get there, because the Na- | tional Guard had to use their rifles | and kill two or three people.” The Senators failed to point out the lie in that statement—failed to | point out that the workers killed | were defenseless, in a cemetery. “Do you sell to anybody?” Clark asked later. “Not on your life,” exclaimed Young, explaining that purchasers must have permits from police or sheriffs. “What would be the effect of this 'gas (tear and sickening gas) upon men long underfed?” asked Senator Bone. suffering from malnutrition and physically weak—on strikers?” “Far less than lead bullets,” Young blandly replied. Then he launched this attack upon the working class in an effort to mor- |ally justify his business: “There |comes a time when men like our- selves under the influence of mob psychology do things a sane man wouldn’t, and the police have to bring them back. . . | “Never mind that,” Bone finally |came back, but without nailing | Young's attack. “Would this gas have more effect on @ man not weil fed, such as a | striker, than on a well-fed mill | owner?” asked Clark. “If he weren't fed,” retorted | Young, still unabashed, “he'd have a hard time vomiting.” “We've witnessed a great many strikes lately—have your products | been used in all of them?” Bone | asked. “We've shipped all over the coun- try, to the National Guard,” Young said. He pointed out also that the gov- ernment has absolutely no restric- tions upon the shipment of these munitions to industrialists, police, etc. in interstate commerce. Ward Line Guilt Shown | at Inquiry | | (Continued from Page 1) cause for the heavy loss of life. 1. The passengers were herded in | the fore of the boat, while the crew |was midship fighting the flame. If |the captain had not delayed calling ‘out the passengers and had imme- diately made the seamen lower the boats, many lives would have been |saved. 8. The radio room was made of | wood, and the operating room was not insulated from the battery room. When the batteries were ex- plodd, the wireless operator was overcome by acid fumes. 9. The Jacob's ladder on the side }of the Morro Castle which should “have aided passengers getting into lifeboats were utterly unfit for ser- | viee. | 10. Acting Captain William F. Warms delayed sending the S.O.S. | because he feared salvage costs. He had to be actually told by the radio operator to send an appeal, Browder Charges Company Giult Earl Browder, who was invited by |the commission to answer the charge that Communists had set the ship on fire, pointed out that this was an attempt to cover up the |guilt of the Ward Line. The Com- |munist Party, he declared, does not believe in acts of individual ter- ‘ror. Communists fought for work- ers’ demands through organizing them and leading them in mass ac- | tions. The real criminals, he said, were the directors of the Ward Line who brought on the disaster because of their greed for profits. He con- cluded by saying: “They say there were Communists |aboard the Morro Castle. I don’t know whether there were any say it is a great compliment to the Communist Party that they bring forward before this official investi- gating committee as evidence that there were Communsits on board, testimony that some members of the crew were not satisfied with |the rotten conditions on the boat, |and were trying to change them. |That is some evidence, because, |while it is not always true that when workers fight for better con- ditions that they are Communists, it is always true that if there are any Gommunists there, they will always fight for better conditions.” |Communists there or not; but I! | “I mean on men who were | | “IT WON'T W By RI” The Most Burning Question --- Unity of Action BELA KUN Ar ms vl Member of the Presidium of the Communist International (Ninth Instaliment) Weert is the peculiarity of the petty-bourgeois pol- joy? Shortly expressed, 1 is: vacillation be- tween labor and eapital, vacillation between the struggle for the interests of the toilers against capital and the defense of capitalist private proper- ty against the proletariat! From this vacillation it follows that the petty-bourgeoisie would like to avoid the class struggle and wants to reconcile the interests of labor and capital. Such reconciliation, however, is impossible. This is shown not least by the so-called abolition of the class struggle by the National-Socialists in Germany, which has led only to a tremendous accentuation of class contradic- tions, By striving to attain a reconciliation between capital and labor, the petty-bourgeois policy serves the capitalist class, which is interested in seeing that the workers do not wage a class struggle. It is just this which constitutes the reactionary ele- ment in the petty-bourgeois policy. What was the result of the petty-bourgeois pol- icy of Social-Democracy in Germany? WHAT HAPPENED IN GERMANY? It did not deal a death blow at monopoly | capital, the banks, the factory owners, the Junkers; it showed that it desired peaceful collaboration be- tween all classes and all social strata of the Weimar Republic. It therefore placed itself on the side of the bourgeoisie against the working class. This alone provided a basis for the policy of Noske, Ebert, Zoergiebel and Wels. Social-Democracy par- ticipated in the bourgeois governments; it “toler- ated” the bourgeois government. Whom did the Social-Democratic Party of Germany tolerate? The | governments which looked after the business of big capital and the Junkers and which also exploited the petty bourgeoisie and small peasants. This petty-bourgeois policy of Social-Democracy with the big capitalists and big agrarians thus denotes a collaboration not only with the class enemy of the proletariat, but also with the enemies of the urban petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry. It is true that the Communists have said hard things about the Social-Democratic Party; they have said that it pursues a petty-bourgeois policy which is directed against the working class but also against the middle classes. The Communist Party has put forward and steadfastly upheld a proletarian policy against the common enemies of the working class and of the middle strata, against the trust magnates, against the big agrarians. It wanted united action on the part of all workers and all middle-class elements against capitalism. The German working class was not split on the question of whether it should join hands with the middle-class elements against capitalism, but on the question of whether it should collaborate with the big bourgeoisie in the interests of big capital, the enemy of the workers and of the middle classes. This collaboration of Social-Democracy with cap- ital has not only split the working class, but has also driven the middle class to the side of capital. CITES EVENTS IN AUSTRIA The effects of a petty-bourgeois policy on the relation between the proletariat and the middle classes in town and country may be seen s‘ill. more clearly in the case of Austria, Austrian Social-Democracy veiled its policy with revolutionary phrases. It declared that its main reason for rejecting the Bolshevik policy was that this policy repelled the petty-bourgeois masses from ihe workers. It even proclaimed that it would realize Socialism through its policy in Vienna, It boasted of the fact that by means of the taxation policy of the well-known Viennese City Councillor, Breitner, the costs of “socialist construction” would be covered without the expropriation of the capi- talist enterprises. What actually took place? It was unable with its “democratic socialism” to de- stroy the sources of capitalist exvloitation, of the unearned income of the capitalists. The famous progressive taxation, by means of which Breitner tried to cover the costs of the Viennese municipal policy, did not touch one hair on the head of the Rothschilds; whereas the banking house of Roths- child, ‘with the aid of Social-Democracy, was sub- sidized at the expense of the small taxpayer. This was also the reason why the small man—the inn- keeper, the small shopkeeper, the small tradesman, the small pension-holder, the small and middle peasant—went over into the camp of the National- Socialists, or, into that of the Heimwehr, of the “Patriotic Front.” The Austrian Social-Democrats were also prone to regard the municipal enterprises of Vienna as “a piece of Socialism.” But the great . municipal enterprise did not compete with the great capitalists; the latter have even pocketed a fair portion of the profits of these concerns through their banks and through their business connections with the Arbeiterbank. “Democratic Socialism” was unable and unwilling to touch capitalist private property, and this petty-bourgeois policy was incapable of winning over the petty- bourgeoisie to the side of the working class. AGRARIAN POLICY PETTY-BOURGEOIS The agrarian policy of Austrian Social-Democ- racy was likewise a petty-bourgeois policy, since it protected the interests of the rich peaants, who formed a community of interests with the big land- owners which was bound in practice to work out against the agricultural laborers, the poor and middle peasants. In order “not to repel” the rich peasants (the village bourgeoisie) the Austrian Sdcial-Democrats, when they were in power, did not expropriate the big landowners for the benefit of the poor and middle peasants. They pursued a taxation and credit policy in the countryside which likewise spared the rich peasants and. big land- owners. This petty-bourgeois policy, which left big cap- ital and big landownership untouched, did not give the urban and rural middle classes what both wanted to attain. It could not give it, for this could only be won at the expense of big capital, of the big landlords, of the urban and rural bour- geoisie. This policy has driven large sections of the middle classes in Austria into the camp of fas- cism, CLASS-COLLABORATION WITH ENEMIES On top of all this in both countries came the spli‘ting of the working class in consequence of the class collaboration of Social-Democracy with the enemies not only of thé proletariat, but also of the middle classes. A split working class could not summon sufficient strength to make it clear to the middle classes that the latter, in alliance with the working class, could assert their interests against big capital, against the big agrarians. This was the main reason why it was possible for the big capital- ists and big agrarians, through the fascist parties, to make use of the anti-capitalist sentiments of the small tradesmen, small shopkeepers, small pen- sion-holders, poor and middle peasants, office em- ployees, etc., in the interests of capitalist private Property and of the bourgeois state. The example of the joint demonstrations of Social-Democratic and Communist workers since February 6, 1934, in France shows that it is not the fascist organizations, but precisely the working class which gains influence among the middle classes as a result of united action by the two parties. The proletarian revolutionary policy, resolute revolutionary aciion against capital by means of a firm united front of the working class paralyzes the vacillations of the middle strata and wins over sections of them for the struggle. The petty- bourgeois policy, on the other hand, the policy of reconciliation with capi‘al drives the middle strata into the camp of fascism. Every Social-Democratic worker or functionary can dezide whether the unity of action of the Social-Democratic Parties with the Communist crties against big capital, against the big agrarians repels the petty-bourgeois strata or draws them into the struggle. (To Be Continued) 4 | By Burek' By HARRY GANNE! New Deal in Philippines Revolt in Indo-China China Red Army Reports NDER the reign of Gov. ernor-General Frank Murphy of the Philippines, formerly of the General Mo- tors and Ford Empire of De troit, the spirit of the New Deal moved into Manila with a vengeance, Three cigar strikers were dead. Twenty-two were wound 'And scores are being arrested un! | strikers also. * | Should immediately protest. joccupy both Foochow and Amoy at der direct orders Murphy. Aceording to the capitalist press, this is the first time in the history / of the Philippines strikers were shot dead. Peasants have been slaugh- tered wholesale, been murdered. But it was left to the regime of Governor-General Murphy, under whose reign in De- troit, the Ford Motor Co. gunmen shot and slaughtered four workers in*the Ford hunger march, to kill of Governo: MURPHY, whom the American capitalist press calls a “friend of labor,” called a special session of the Cabinet to deal with the strike, The proletariat of Manila are call« ing for a general protest strike. Murphy’s answer is to order “ine tensive efforts be made to arrest radical leaders believed to be in- citing the strikers.” What were these strikers guilty of? They used the same tactics the textile workers did in their flying squadrons to close down mills, Earning about 23 cents a day or less In American money the Filipino cigar makers went out on strike, demanding increased pay, lower hours. and unoin recognition — just what the majority of their American |brothers are fighting for against the N.R.A, ae Wee HIS is the vajunted “inde- pendence” the Roosevelt regime is granting the Philippines. Every worker, every anti-imperialist, Send your wires to President Roosevelt against the slaughter of Filipino strikers. Send your cable protests to Governor-General Frank Mur- phy, Manila, P. I., demanding a stop to the arrest of the strike leaders; a halt to the shooting down of workers fighting for bread against feudal-imperialist slave conditions. Detroit workers especially, who know Murphy of old, should let him hear from their home town—with the bitterest and sharnest protests. | WOU wouldn't expect an exposure of imperialist oppression and savagery from one of the chief organs of the Japanese trusts. But here we have one. The Japanese press which is silent on the slaugh- ter of Manchurian workers and peasants, and on the oppression of the Korean masses (because all that goes on under the flag of the rising sun is above suspicion) does not hesitate to print an exposure of conditions in Indo China. The reason for this little indiscretion of the deeds of its fellow imperialist bandit arises from the French gov- ernment’s supvorting the security pact with the Soviet government. tone Ciena) UENCE we get the following from Noburu Ogata, staff correspon dent of the Osaka Mainichi in Indo China: “Ever since two companies of native soldiers, with rifles in hand, rebelled against the French mn Northern Annam in February, 1930, anti-French movements on the part of the natives tm that district have never completely ceased. “With the government employ- ing the army to quell these in- surrections, several thousand ca- sualties have already occurred to date. However, with the situation giving birth to further turmoil, the government has had to dfs- patch foreign soldiers to the scenes of disturbance. “Extremely cold-blooded are some of the methods used in sub- jugating the insurgents, their ranks being swept by machine gun fire or bombs dropped on the populace from airplanes, leaving a record whereby, in spite of the many killed and injured among the msurgents, there is not a single casualty on the part of the government forces.” Be ™HE flood of news from China, from Chiang Kai-Shek sources, about the imminent destruction of the Central Soviet Government in China, seems to have dried up res cently. The reason is that the glow- ing promises of Chiang Kai-Shek were effectively smashed by the Red Armies of China. The Chinese Soviet Government recently mailed to the Shanghai press a release which stated that the Red Army is in a position to any time, the leading cities in Fu- kien provinces. But this step is not taken for strategical reasons at this — time. Furthermore, the Red Army has al forces, numbering 20,- 000 in that province. A list of six Red Army victories over the Chiang Kai-Shek armies was given. Reuter, British-controlled news service, reported from Canton that a Communist army of over 3,000, led by the woman comander, Ho Lan-ying, sister of Ho Lung, pene- trated the province of Kweichow, Tho Red forces cantured the cities of Shihnan, Yinkiang and Tehki- ang. Another large force of the Red Army suddenly appeared six miles from the city of Yenhua in the ex- \treme north of Kwangtung, near the Hunan-Kiangsi border. | Va e 5 5 Communists have . ed \) ‘