The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 12, 1934, Page 6

Page Six Daily AW orker URAL SOAS LONERTERITT PRETTY BGA HERETION OF COMNNMIET MITERATHOROT “America’s Only Working Class Dalty Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. Telephone: ALgonquin 4 - 7 Cable Address 54. “Daiwor ope Washington Bu - 95: ona Press meine: 14th and F S gton, D. Telephone: National 791 Midwest Bureau; 101 South Wells St., Room 705, Cheago, I. Telephone: Dearbor: 31 tan and $2.00 and 33.00. monthly, 75 except $3.50 1_moni Canada WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER, 12, 1934 Continue Mass Picketing OHN PEEL, southern strike director for the U.T.W., has just issued an official according to United Press reports, ting the textile strikers from mov- order, pro ing in mass marches and flying squadrons Me orders the strikers to “remain from mill to mill, at their homes.” This order of Peel is being read to the strikers by the officers of the National Guard, Peel being quoted as the authority justifying attacks on the militant strikers. This represents still another step in the efforts of the U. T. W. leadership, begun by Gorman at Washington, to demobilize the strikers’ ranks, Ht is an effort to stop the spreading of the strike and to destroy the workers’ militancy. This can only be interpreted as open prepara- tion for the smothering of the strike, preparatory to the turning of the workers’ strike demands over to Roosevelt’s three-man Mediation Board. From the past experiences of the textile workers, every striker should realize that reliance on the Board means the defeat of their demands, the continua- tion of the speed-up and starvation wages. lying squadrons and mass marches are the only means by which the strike can be made 100 per cent effective. The closing of every mfll remains the central task of the strike. ‘The spreading of the strike and the setting up of rank and file committees in the mills, bringing the strike under rank and file leadership, is the only means of preventing a defeat for the strike. Disregard the order of Peel! Such orders only Berve the textile bosses. Philadelphia Replies IOMRADE A. W. MILLS, Communist Party organizer in the Philadelphia area, has replied to our questions on Daily Worker circulation in the Pennsylvania textile areas. We quote: “No need to discuss publicly Daily Worker distribution in our district. Checking up today I find Kensington ordered 500, Easton 250, Allen- town 500, Lancaster 100. Also wired York and Lebanon. Steps taken to increase circulation. Have no information Anthracite.” For the information of our Philadelphia com- rades, York is receiving 11 copies of the Daily Worker and Lebanon 10 (Saturday’s issue 20). Easton, according to our records, has been getting 22 copies daily, and today increased the order to 250. No increased orders have been received from Kensington or Allentown, despite Comrade Mill's wire. There are still a dozen other towns where orders have not been increased. No, comrades of Philadelphia, don't call off the public discussion so soon. You have far to go to meet the circulation needs of the Daily Worker in the textile strike areas. Try a little harder! And send us real orders! We're still waiting for Connecticut and New Jersey! P. S.—Lodi, N. J., just reduced tts order from 200 to 50; Worcester, Mass., increased {ts order trom 100 to 300, and Reading from 35 to 85. re The Party Anniversary EPTEMBER is the month this year that marks the fifteenth anniversary of the Communist Party of the United States. The month of September has been set aside as a special period to be utilized by the entire Party for a discussion on the lessons of the Party’s history and for in- tensified recruiting of new members. The fullest discussion of the Party’s history is not a mere gesture of historic research or eom- memoration. The discussion of the political struggles through which the Party has passed and the mastering of the political lessons of these struggles is an essen- tial part of the process of Bolshevizing the Party, of making it the master of Marxist-Leninist theory and practice. The very day to day struggles which we are now carrying through in such actions as the textile strike, the struggles for relief, the election cam- paign, and so forth, will be sharpened by our mastery of the Bolshevik tactics and strategy which emerge from our Party's fifteen years of develop- ment. Especial attention should be given to the dis- cussions in the Party's concentration units in basic industry, where the discussion of the Open Letter of July, 1933, becomes of great significance. Particularly important in the discussions is the role of the Communist International under the glorious leadership of Stalin, in the period that. marked the end of the first round of wars and revolutions, through the period of post-war sta- bilization to the present period of approaching wars and proletarian revolutions. Complete outlines for discussion in all the Party units have been prepared, as well as reading lists for further discussion. These have been made — Party’ 36 EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. —— Join the Communist | | | Piease send me more info?matichi on the One ' NAME......csscccsscseccscsdesescsccessssees | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1934 available to all the Party units throughout the country. Comrade Browder has written an impor- tamt artiele on the Party’s anmiversary and the coming Seventh World Congress of the Communist International. These discussions, with the aid of prepared read- ings, will strengthen the Party for its immediate struggles and its struggle for the seizure of power. Gambling With Lives OOSEVELT’S ficials are forced to appear before the State Department of- Senate arms inquiry and deny that they received graft or were involved in help- their wares to Wall Street puppet governments. ing munitions manufacturers sell Reading the letters and evidence adduced no worker will believe them. The investigation shows that the arms manu- facturers are high class gangsters and racketeers gambling with the lives of millions of workers, Behind it all is the war policy of the Roosevelt government, speeding and stimulating the arms in- dustry to the great profit of the big banks and the arms makers, The whole capitalist world not only bristles with arms, but is a powder keg with a hundred fuses. The imperialist bandits are playing with fire at nearly every one of these fuses, This is the situation which confronts the Second U. S. Congress Against War and Fascism, to be held in Chicago, September 28, 29 and 30. This Congress should be a mighty answer to the imperialist war plotters and the munitions manufacturers who even now are coining money out of the blood of a new world slaughter. Every organization against imperialist war, against Fascism, should be represented at this Congress, The Morro Castle Fire HE capitalist press and its police agents in Havana and New York have no hesi- tation in trying to shift attention from the criminal negligence of the Ward Line in the terrible holocaust on the Morro Castle by the vilest insinuations and charges that Communists burned the ship. It is an old stunt of the grafting police agents of the capitalists to attempt to throw the blame for assassinations and other disasters on Communists, When the white guard Gorguloff in France killed the President, they strove with might and main to blame Communists—but they failed! When the Soviet ship, Sovietskya Neft, in 1932, at great risk and heroism saved 500 passengers from the French liner Georges Philippar, which burned near Cape Guardafui, Africa, due to the criminal deeds of the Messagerie Maritime Lines, they tried unsuccessfully to blame the Soviet Union for burn- * ing the ship. The actual oause of the fire was the fact that the Messagerie Maritime Co. put 220 volt current through 120 volt wires. The police, as everyone else, knows that Com- munists are against individual terror and violence. In order to achieve power, the Communists advocate the mobilization of the majority of the toiling masses, not by individual acts of terror, but by mass action, to oust the bourgeoisie, who are the real advocates of terror, violence and destruction. . . . HO was it that butchered and slugged the San Francisco strikers? KH was the terrorist gangs of Vigilantes, organized and paid by the ship owners to break the strike, supported by Mayor Rossi and Governor Mirriam, Who was it that shot nine textile strikers in the back? It was the hired armed thugs of the mill bosses. It. was the Fascist gangsters of the German capi- talists who burned the Reichstag and tried to blame it on the Communists. But they failed abominably in the eyes of the whole world. William Randolph Hearst, who was recently in Germany learning from Hitler the fine points of how to blame Communists for incendiary plots such as the Reichstag fire, is now undertaking to put his knowledge into practice on the Morro Castle disaster, Arson, murder, savagery, thuggery, torture — these are the weapons of the capitalist rulers, not of the Communists. The whole course of capitalist development in the present crisis is towards major destruction. Roosevelt is one of the greatest destroyers of the day. He destroys crops, food, cattle, clothing, pro- ductive machinery. The capitalist class has de- Stroyed ships wholesale. They have destroyed the lives of tens of thousands of workers through hunger; they destroyed the lives of 10,000,000 work- ers in the last imperialist war. The Communists, as exemplified by the Soviet Union, are the constructors, the builders of factories, ships, homes, the developers of Socialist agriculture —the builders of a new life, a well-to-do life, a classless society, freed of the criminal rule of the murderous explciters. * * * : 'HERE are many reasons why the Ward Line, the U.S. State Department, and the Havana authori- ties would like to cast blame on Communists for the Morro Castle disaster. They want to whip up hatred against the Communists here struggling to win the textile strike. The Havana authorities want to increase terror against the Communists in Cuba, and the State Department wants to aid the puppet Mendieta regime to justify its slaughter of Communists, The Ward Line wants to save millions in in- surance. The facts of the Morro Castle disaster are clear to all. There were insufficient watchmen on board. The seamen were overworked. When the fire was discovered in sufficient time to save all, Warms, acting captan, waited an hour and a half before he sounded the alarm—too late for the en- trapped passengers! The New York Post, discussing the Morro Castle investigation, reports: “Some pointed out that such suspicion if supported, might tend to relieve the Ward Line of possible charges of negligence and thus might serve to mitigate damages.” To hide its criminal part in the burning of over 150 human beings, and to save insurance money, the Ward Line readily falls into the most vicious, lying red-baiting cry. It should be noted that the Port Officer of Ha- vana Hernandez, who is the only source of actually specifying Communists as “incendiaries,” admits on checking up the passenger list that “they have been found to be well-known and unaffiliated with Com- munist organizations.” Any foul lie, any sort of brutality and murder is permissable in the opinion of exploiters of labor against Communists and militant workers who are striving to end the misery of capitalist rule and ex- ploitation eb | Bosses Meet Board | | (Continued from Page 1) | sounding Cotton Textile Institute. ; began conferences with President | | Roosevelt's banker-dominated Win ant “inquiry” textile board. | Should arbitration fall through, it | |is generally expected here that | United Textile Workers (A. F. of L.) | Strike Chairman Francis J. Gor- |man and the mill operators will move their conferences to the Pres dent’s Hyde Park estate, a proce- dure to which Gorman is not unre- ceptive board will hear the story of operators instead of from the Cotton xtile Institute,” William Lawson. | recent NRA publicity head, who} | is now official assistant to Sloan, in- | formed reporters as the trigger-fin- gered mill magnates entered Win- ant’s headquarters. Owners May Accept Gorman Plan A source close to the mill oper- ators informed your correspondent today that the owners “probably” would accept Gorman’s arbitration |proposal since “they (the employ- ers) have nothing to lose under such @ program.” This arbitration proposal prom- ises that the U. T. W. will accept any decision the Winant Board sees} fit to render. Gorman insists that} his strike committee, subject to the approval of the U. T. W. Executive Council, do not have to submit an arbitration agreement to the vote| of the general union membership. New “Stretch-out Board” This source believed that the Board would throw out she discred- ited N.R.A. Bruere Cotton Textile Industrial Relations Board and sub- stitute for it some sort of “stretch- out board” which would act “speed- jily” on workers’ complaints. In} other wo a variation of the automobile strike sell-out formula | is brewing. He declared also, and emphatically, that the employers would make it clear to the Win- ant Board that they would not rec- ognize the U. T. W. as such, The capital is filled with arbitra- tion talk and expectancy of an ar- bitration “settlement” by the end of | the week, despite Gorman’s declara- tion this morning that “an exten- sion beyond six o’clock this evening of the 24 hour arbitration proposal | is absolutely out of the question.” Gorman said last night that an- other 24 hour extension of his| |“ultimatum” would be granted if| |the board needed more time to hear testimony. Strikers Hold Lines In the meantime, the strike-eager workers not only are holding their | lines, but actually are strengthen- | ing them, according to official U. T. | W. announcements. “Reports from | the whole strike front this morning | show stronger lines than yester- | day,” Gorman declared. “As near as we can figure out there were 500,000 last night,” he replied to the many inquiries for estimates of those out on strike. [These figures | canno: be called official, since Gor- man changes them frequently and more workers swell the strike total almost hourly as successive mills | are closed.—Editor.] | “This is perhaps the most critical | day of the textile strike and by night we shall know whether we | must carry the battle to a conclu- | sion by stoppage of work until man- | agements can stand it no longer,” | Gorman declared in the opening | sentence of his morning release, | Asked whether the Federal goy- | ernment had replied to his call for Federal troops to “protect our strik- ers,” Gorman answered “Not a word received on Federal troops.” How- | | ever, he exhibited his growing con- | ciliatory attitude by characterizing the National Gu nen, whose guns have played the traditional American strike-breaking role, as | “nervous guardsmen.” This phrase recails Secretary of Labor Perkins’ | description of the U. S. Steel Cor- | poration’s gun-toting Ambridge, | Pennsylvania, burgess as a “nervous | burgess.” Gorman said: “The day opened with a flood of reports of as- saults upon strikers. From almost | the entire strike area we have re- | ports of strikers shot, strikers | beaten, strikers cut by bayonets in the hand of nervous guardsmen.” 6 Injured as 1,000 Picket Lancaster (Continued from Page 1) ers arrested in a battle with depu- ties in the local strike at Columbia two weeks ago, began here today. Sheriff Shuman in testifying got all mixed up and did not even known the name of the street the mill was | on, or names of his deputies. Over | 100 Columbia strikers attended the trial. Workers Reject Officials’ Plans (Specist to the Daily Worker) READING, Pa., Sept. 11.—The National Executive Board of the American Federation of Hosiery Workers proposed the old national agreement as the demands of the hosiery strike. It calls for a forty- four-hour week and compulsory ar- bitration, Local union members refused to strike for these demands, forcing local officiais into acceptance of de- mands for a thirty-four-hour week, a thirty-three and one-third per cent wage increase, and against ar- bitration. The strike call is set for Wednes- day at midnight. Union officials left Reading to- day for further negotiations with the District Executive Committee. Workers warned the officers they will not stand for another turnover to the Labor Board, as was done last Summer. If they strike, they mean to stay out until their de- mands are won. The Section Committee of the Communist Party issued another leaflet to the workers, supporting the rank and file demands and rais- ing the question of a rank and file strike committee and united front solidarity actions, The Daily Worker can Better Aid Your Struggles if You Build its The Most Burning Question --- Unity of Action By (Third Installment) 1, “WE ARE INSULTED” OST of the Social-Democratic Party leaders- reject the proposals for a united front on the grounds that they feel themselves to have been insulted by the Communists. We find this most clearly expressed in the answer given by the Party executive of the German Social-Democratic Labor Party in Czecho-Slovakia. In this letter (published in the Prague Sozialdemokrat of July 18, 1934) we read as follows: “We are astounded that, after all you have done in long years of work to prevent common actions of the whole proletariat, you should ap- proach us with an offer like this. We do not understand how, after you have for years hurled the epithet of ‘social-fascist’ at us, you can call upon us for common struggle against fascism, We cannot grasp how you can invite us to joint com- batting of the war danger when you have slan- dered us as ‘instigators of war’ and ‘social-impe- rialists’, . .We are thus unable to organize any joint actions with you, since it is impossible for for us to join you in your policy of insincerity and double dealing and since the most elementary claims of self-respect forbid us to allow ourselves to be simultaneously wooed and spat upon by you.” If I were a Social-Democratic worker, I would have told my leaders the following in this connec- tion: QUESTIONS TO SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC LEADERS “You sit in one government together with a number of bourgeois politicians who in the past have ruthlessly persecuted the Social-Democratic workers. This has been the case in every country where Social-Democratic Party leaders sat or sit together in one government with bourgeois poli- ticians. The fact that the hourgeois parties, in conjunction with which the Social-Democratic Party leaders look after the business of the bourgeois | state, have also persecuted Social-Democratic work- ers, did not prevent you from forming a coalition with them. When, for example, Vandervelde, the chairman of the Second International, entered the government, he most probably took his seat beside bourgeois ministers who in his youth had heaped abuse upon him as a Social-Democrat, or even per- secuted him. When at the beginning of the imperialist war it was proclaimed that the nation was in danger, did you not “bury the hatchet” with the leaters of bourgeois parties, did you not join hands with them? Now, however, it is a real danger which is threatening our class—the danger of fascism, the danger of the offensive of capital. How can I, a simple member of my party, understand how it was that the proclamation of danger to the coun- try caused my leaders to become reconciled with the class enemy, whereas now the real danger menacing our class cannot induce these same leaders to en- ter into common action with my class comrades from the Communist Party for the interests of my class against the dangers with which the class enemy is threatening us, WHAT ARE THE REAL OBSTACLES? “Tt is true that the Communists have called the Sociel-Democratie leaders social-fascists and sociai- | imperialists. I did not agree with this, despite the fact that the Communists never treated me as a social-fascist or a social-imperialist, since I was their work-mate and a rank-and-file member of my party. I am glad that it has come to this— that the Communist Parties have declared in the interests of the unity of action of the whole work- ing class that they will cease making attacks on the Sovial-Democratic leaders during the period of joint actions. It is all the more incomprehensible to me that my party leaders should want to treat the hard words that have been said as a permanent obstacle to the united action of the w: whereas the Communist Parties, whose leaders and members have been not only abused but also fired upon by many Social-Democratic leaders, stretch out their hand to us for struggle against the com- mon class enemy. I cannot understand why the Social-Democratic leaders want to take hard words as a permanent obstacle to unity of action at a time when, for example, the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, { a BELA KUN Member of the Presilium of the Communist International whose leaders Gottwald and Kopetzki were perse- cuted by the Social-Democratic Minister of Justice, nevertheless, in spite of everything, offers unity of action together with the Social-Democratic Party against the bourgeoisie. If the dead bodies of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht and so many tens of thousands of proletarians who were the victims of Noske and similar Social-Democratic leaders, do not keep the Communists from joint action to- gether with us, when it is a question of warding off the fascist danger, of the struggle against fas- cism, why then should the hard words once spoken against our leaders keep us from common struggle together with the Communists?” This is the least which I would have answered my leaders had I been a Sd¢ial-Democratic worker. “THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL DOES NOT PERMIT...” In its letter of July 18 (published in Le Peuple) the Central Committee of the Belgian Labor Party rejected the united front proposal of the Commu- nist Party with the following argument: “It is, however, impossible to contemplate the formation of the united front which you have proposed to us. The Socialist and Labor Inter- national has made distinct proposals to the Com- munist International. We are therefore of the opinion that it is the business of these two author- ities, upon which we are dependent, to bring about the agreement which is required.” In answer to this, a Social-Democratic worker should say to his party comrades: “Have you ever noticed that our party was de- pendent in its decisions upon the Second Interna- tional? In all articles by Vandervelde in our party newspaper, I have always read that it is only the Communist Parties which are dependent upon their International in Moscow. I cannot even now un- derstand why it is that our Social-Democratic Party friends in France are able to enter into common struggle with the French Communists against fas- cism, against the dangers of the day, whereas we in Belgium are not allowed to do so. Hitherto, all we have heard is that we Social-Democrats, in contrast to the Communists, do not let our tactics be dictated to us from outside, but decide them ourselves in accordance with the conditions in our ‘own country. I even read an article in Le Peuple of July 19, translated from the central organ of Dutch Social-Democracy, Het Volk, in which the same idea is expressed: “We suppose that there is no single Socialist in the world who would not be ready most cor- dialiy to welcome the unity of all Socialist Parties. But that is not the point. We must face reality and seek for a means of changing the present situation in which the working ciass is split, and of forging the unity of the working class. These means differ in every country.” “The Communist International also said in its appeal that the question of unity of action should be solyed in accordance with the peculiarities of the various countries and parties. “DIPLOMATIC SUBTERFUGE” “When then does my party invoke the decision of the Socialist and Labor International, which forbids all sections of the Social-Democratic Inter- national to negotiate with the Communist Parties? ‘They should not play diplomatic tricks with us So- cial-Democratic workers, In France it is permitted, but in Belgium it is forbidden! I could have un- derstood it if our Belgian party leaders had de- manded other conditions, other slogans than in France; but I cannot understand why they should reject the offer of the Communists unconditionally. It ought to be openly stated whether our party lead- ers want unity of action against the bourgeoisie with the Communists, with all workers, or whether they do not. Diplomatic subterfuge, however, should be used by them against the class enemy and not against members of their own party. “T am heart and soul on the side of proletarian internetionalism, I am_an enemy of nation2lism, for during the imperialist war I have learned, from my own personal experience, that the defense of the nation in a capitalist state is the defense of the interests of the ruling class. But it is a fine sort of ‘proletarian internationalism’ if it means that untiy of action for combating the international danger of fascism and imperialist war is interna- tionally forbidden.” (To Be Continued) = _ & | THE aah By Burck On the . | World Front | By HARRY GANNES | Frente Unico! |The Battle for United Action in Spain EVEN workers were | slaughtered recently in | Spain by the Samper govern. ment for their anti-fascist ac. vities. Utilizing the kulaks jand the rich land owners, the |Samper government mobilized la pro-fascist demonstration against |the administration of the land laws, In the overthrow of the monerchy, |to prevent the agrarian revolution |the land laws granted certain) con- |cessions to the tenant farmers a |poor peasants. To revoke ev |these gains, the government util | the fascist forces. ae In the face of this butchery) tha. |Socialist Party of Spain ou - Seist |fuses to form the anti-Fa: | united front. em ee Ww have just received two letters from Spain, one from a Spanish worker who lived in the United | States, and another from an Amel ican commercial employe. We quot from thei : “The Communist Party of Spain is making a tremendous effort to jeffect the united front which has already been made in some sections |of Spain from below. The Socialist |and anarchist leaders are doing all they can to prevent this from tak- jing place, but in the next month or |so we will see whether or not they are able to resist the pressure of |the masses of workers in both or- | ganizations, who see in the united |front the only logical method of fighting Fascism. 60h |“QOME time ago some Communists were in a park near Madrid when some Fascists armed with |pistols attacked them. The Com- munist youth told the Fascists that they were unarmed and that they did not want trouble. The Fascists became more threatening and the result was that the Communists took the pistols away from the Fas- cists, and in the fight killed several [of the Fascists. As soon as the news lreached Madrid, a nephew of the late Cardinal Merry de Val, the mous Secretary of State for the Pope, and chief poker player for | the Vatican before the war, took an auto with two daughters of the former drunken Dictator, Prima Rivera, and drove to the same park, where they found some Socialists picnicking, and who, of course, had nothing whatsoever to do with the other incident. They also were unarmed. The Fascist gang shot at them, killed one girl, crippled a boy and wounded another. Periyar “MHE judge who opened the case practically admitted the guilt of Merry de Val but then there was pressure, and he was freed and escorted’ to Portugal by the chief of police of Madrid. But if you want to see stern and lightning justice, just put on a pair of overalls and carry anything larger than a pen- knife... . “The Right papers had been tell- ing the country for a year what a wonderfull person Hitler « >s, espe- cially “Debate,” the Vaticcn organ, | After the bloody events of June 30th “Debate,” and the rest of the pack, perhaps on instructions from Rome, had about one week to change Hit- ler from a great statesman into a skunk and pederast. It was in- structing and disgusting to see them do it.” oe 'HE young Spanish worker, who attended the Workers School here and is now active in the Young Communist League of Spain, writes us of the united front anti-Fascist funeral demonstration against the slaughter of Joaquim de Grado, one of the leaders of the Young Com- munist League of Spain. Joaquim attempted to prevent Fascists from distributing prop- aganda in a workers neighborhood known as Cuatro Caminos (Four Roads). A fight took place. The fascists pulled guns, and Joaquim, grappling to get the gun away from the Fascist, was shot in the back by another fascist and killed. Foor ree a “DROLETARIAN Madrid rose to its feet. The Communist Daily, ‘Mundo Obrero,’ and even the So- cialist ‘El Socialista,’ called for a united front funeral demonstration. The streets were filled with work- ers, and the Fascists kept scarce, hiding behind windows and doors. “Mounted police at the Judicial Deposit look pale, nervous and ashamed when workers shout: “You are the dogs of the bourgeoisie!’ “The Dollfuss of Spain, Salazar Alonso, the hated secretary of gov- ernacion, has prohibited singing, the carrying of posters, marching or the raising of the fist in a Com- munist salute. . . . We sing, we carry banners, we march, we raise our arm up high in the very face of the police. Sixty thousand are march Bt Sige ee “AN airplane flies low over tho cemetery and throws down b2- quets of red carnations. The avia- tor, a retired officer, sympathetic to the anti-Fascist united front, is later fined 5,000 pesetas. “At the cemetery all is silent. Why talk? We all know what it means. They place the casket in the grave. The girls f the Young Communist League, the youth of the Socialists surround it. Voices are raised high, an ocean of fists go up: ‘Red Front,’ ‘Saludo! You will be avenged!’ “The army of workers, in mili- tary formation, feces grim marches uphill:, ‘Red Front!’ ‘Frente Unico!” (United Front) resounds through the ranks. ‘Together, sons,’ say Social- ists and Communists. Yes, together, all insisted. Frente unico! Do they not murder us together? Yes, to- gether we shall defeat this hateful bourgeoisie and open the road to @. new civilization!” ~~ 1 | 1 }