The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 1, 1934, Page 4

nti-War Group Warns of Japanese Attack on U.S.S.R.; mericans Urged to Speed Plans for Chicago Congress Appeal Cites Arrests National Social Security Congress Of Soviet Citizens American Congress Against War and Fascism, Set | for Sept. 28, 29 and 30, To Protest Japanese Militarists’ Provoeations PARAS, Aug. 20.—Calling on all their adhererits and everybody op- posed to war to undertake measures now against the Japanese imperi- alist threat of war against the Soviet Union, the World Committee of Struggle Against Imperialist War and Fascism and the World Youth Committee has just issued a statement and directives for this Struggle. The committee is headed by Henri Barbusse, famous French author. This appeal is one more clarion cal to all opponents of war and fasoism in America to work to make the coming Second U. S. Congress Against War and Fascism represen- tative of millions in America and its voice one which no ome can overiook. This Congress, sponsored by the American section of the World Committee which issued this appeal, will be held in Chicago Sept. 28, 29 and 30. The statement follows: “The World Committee and the World Youth Committee against war and fascism have stressed in a manifesto, adopted two weeks ago in a Plenum of their International | Offices, that the danger of war against the Soviet Union becomes more and more menacing. ‘Japa- nese provocations continue and the preparations of imperialism close to the Soviet frontiers prove that Ja- pan wishes at any price and soon to engulf the U. 8S. S, R. Besides, the masters of Japan do not con- ceal any part of their goal.’ “This analysis of the Plenum finds itself confirmed in an alarm- ing way. The Japanese military clique seeks avidly for an occasion to declare war against the U. S. S. R. by its unscrupulous provoca- tions. “Within the last few days, thirty Soviet oftizens, functionaries of the Chinese astern Railway, have been arrested at Harbin. Under the pretext of maintaining order, the Japanese government has the intention of applying martial law to all the territory of the Chinese Eastern Railway in order to seize the railroad. “An assault has been committed against the Soviet Consul General at Harbin by a Russian White Guard, functionary of Manchukuo. “These arbitrary insolent attacks multiply themselves. But the So- viet government pursues indefatig- ably and heroically its glorious policy of peace which corresponds | to the vital interests and to the desire for peace of all peoples. War has until now been staved off thanks to this policy of peace of | the U. 8.8. R. War can be avoided Workers Unemployed Insuranee Bill By I. AMTER | National Secretary, Unemployment | Councils, Communist Candidate for Governor of New York it The demand of the masses for masses of the population in the en- | ynemployment and social insurance tire world. And this must be ever | ;< being challenged by the Roose- stronger because the governments, ~ velt government. Although social the parliaments, the reactionary | insurance was “promised” to the parties and their press in aH the capitalist countries favor the prov- | the election campaign of 1932, it is ocations of Japan. | still a “promise.” Today consider- “The situation is so serious, the | ing the new program of- Roosevelt, danger of war against the Soviet | which is taking tangible form, it is Union so menacing, the desire for | ne longer a promise but a MYTH. war of the Japanese militarists and What is Roosevelt's program? It the concurrance of all the great | consists of three points as an- powers are so evident, that actually | nounced in his message to Con- the working masses of the whole | gress on June 8th. In this mes- world ought to ally themselves and ' sage he stated: to realize a unity of action of the largest scope im order to restrain, | by their militant action, the Japa- | nese government from executing its | “This security for the individual and for the family concerns it- self primarily with three factors. People want decent homes to live in; they want to locate them where they can engage in produc- tive work; and they want some safeguard against misfortunes which cannot be wholly elimi- nated in this man-made world of ours.” (Emphasis mine—I. A.). Under the first point — decent homes—Roosevelt has in mind a macabre plan which will transform the world into a slaughter house. It is the supreme necessity of the hour. “We urge all commmittees against war and fascism to mobi- lize the largest masses to defend the Soviet Union against invasion | by Japan. We address the same appeal to all those who desire | home construction program, and his peace, no matter to what party they | home-renovation plan. As far as belong or what tendency they Tep-| the first is concerned, it can be| resent. | stated that home and building con- | “We address ourselves to al So- | struction is down to a level below | cialist and Communist workers and | that of many years. The home- | to their parties, as well as to the | renovation plan is supervised | unions inte which they have or-| through the Federal Housing Com- | ganized the common struggle of the | mission and the Home Owners | masses and with which they will) Loan Oorporation, which has made | make impossible, in all ways, ® WaT | joans to somewhat more than 400,- | against the U. S. S. R. | 000 individuals. This includes only | “Let us organize, on the broadest | such home owners as have a good possible base, common demonstra- | equity in their property — that is tions; let ws send, in common,/ those who are not mortgaged up powerful protests to the Japanese /to the neck. This necessarily ex- | consulates and legations in all| cludes al small homeowners, countries, | amount loaned ts so small that it | “Let us organize meetings in the | js no real help to any building pro- | war industries, the railroads, and | gram. | above all in the ports, where are Always “Promises” transported to Japan the arms, the In putting through the home- | munitions and the military air-| building program, which although | planes, the first necessities for the | adopted in the last session of Con- j industry of war. | gress has made no progress what- | “Let us organize united action to | ever and is looked upon as a pro- | make impossible the transportation | gram for next year (it is always of this material of war. next year!), the government hopes | “Let us unite and use all our! to get reduced rates for materials forces to-exercise a powerful and / and railroad haulage — and par- | irresistible pressure on the govern- | ticularly for labor costs. This means | ment of each country, their parlia- | sharp reductions in pay for build- | ments, and all their public repre- jing trades workers. However this | sentatives, “Let us organize, without losing a minute, the unity of struggle of laborers, white collar workers, in- tellectuals, of peasants, shopkeep- ers of women, of the youth; in | program is still a “promise” and means nothing for the coming fall | and winter. The second point, of locating | where the workers can “engage in productive work,” refers to the sub- | Councils Call Action on} incusiry—s00,000 miners, hundreds | By Japan in Far East of thousands of railroad, auto, steel | workers, ete. — will be transported to the countryside where they will | work in factories at reef rates. | This is supposed to enable them to | | buy a small patch of land, on which | | they will ratse their own food, and | pay off the purchase price of the | land and the interest on it through their work in the factories. It is obvious that this means a direct drive. on the workers in the cities and “their wage rates, and it will also cut down the markets of the “forgotten man” two years ago in| farmers — creating a new set of farmers and driving out some of the old ones. In this category must be included also the sem{-mititary C.C.C. camps, in which more than 650,000 boys already have been given military training; the transient camps which are scattered throughout the coun- try and contain hundreds of thou- sands of single men working under similar conditions to those prevafl- ing in the C.C.C. camps. | Unemployment Insurance “Promise” The third point of “safeguard against misfortune” has been “in- | terpreted” to mean unemployment | insurance, since in the same mes- sage Roosevelt spoke of the | “security of social insurance” being, | together with the other “promises” |@ “minimum of the promises (!) | that we can offer to the American people.” | This “security” was supposed to be embodied in the Wagner-Lewis bill, which was introduced in Con- gress on February 5th, three days after the introduction of the Work- ers Unemployment and Social In- surance Bill, In a letter to the House Ways and Means Commit- tee, in March, Roosevelt gave his endorsement to the Wagner-Lewis bill. But he did not put it on the “must list” of those bills that had to be passed in the last session of Congress. t was allowed to die and a committee was set up by the president to “study” unemployment insurance. The head of the com- mittee is Frances Perkins, another enthusiastic supporter of the Wag- ner-Lewis bill. Hopkins’ Plan Drops Unemployment Tasurance Harry L. Hopkins, federal relief director, was sent abroad to study the various relief and insurance systems in operation in the coun- tries of Europe. He has returned and we now know Roosevelt’s plans, We are informed that the relief will “end with the emergency.” When is that, Mr. Roosevelé? Hoover predicted it — your advent to the presidency was also supposed to end it. Ft is st# with us, with ne pros- pect of an end. This is only a warning to the workers not to ex- pect anything im this respect from the government. The plan in brief as reported in brief, of all the enemies of war and | sistence homesteads, which were in- | the N. Y. Times of Aug. 2th, ts as their organizations, in order to| corporated in the national indus- | foflows: erect over the entire world an in-| vincible wall of defence for the So- only by the organized action of the | inations of the instigators of war.” trial recovery act. According to | this plan, the surplus population of | | viet Union and to block the mach- | the cities—that is workers who have | direct been permanently displaced from | “First to the and cheapest, accol relief administration, reflef; better, though slightly more expenstye, is the Typographical Union Convention in Chicago Will Hea Howard Machine Works | collaboration of the past, is making} to new low levels. |a mighty effort to hoodwink the | typesetters once more. | To Maintain Old Craft Union Plan By HARRY RAYMOND seventy-eighth convention of) Ts. International Typographical Union, which will open its sessions in Chicago on Sept. 8, will perhaps be the first convention of the union where the basic class collaboration policy of Mr. Charles Howard and the I. T. U. executive council will be sharply challenged by the rank and file. Although the bureaucratic machine has been working at high speed for some time to set the stage for the entrance of the executive council's steam-roller, the rank and file movement, which has grown to considerable proportions since the last convention, two years ago, will make its militant voice heard on the floor at the coming session, The plans of the executive council for making the convention a rostrum for a crowd of Republican and Democratic politicians and repre- sentatites of the publishers have al- | Teady been announced in the Au- gust issue of the Typographical Journal, Among the worthy gentle- men who have been invited by the leadership of the union to spout Sweet demagogic phrases of undying love for labor are: S. E. Thomason, president of the Chicago Newspaper Publishers’ Association; Mayor E. J. Kelly of Chicago; Governor Henry Horner; Emmett Whealan, presi- dent Cook County Board of Com- missioners, and a group of capital- ists representing the Association of Commerce and the Century of Progress. Viewing this remarkable line-up, it should be olear that Mr. Howard and his oily assistants calculate to make the convention a get-together similar to conventions of the past: | bers, less than 3,500 have situations. a cheap show marked with horrible billingsgate, a packed meeting where the dead hand of craft union-| ism will swing the gavel, an ex-| hibition of skulldugery where strikes | will be frowned upon and efforts | exerted to discourage them. In Executive Council, dream- short, the ing 4 the well-oiled rallies for class % ¥ Howard’s Position But just what is the position of | ‘The rank and file in every com- | posing room, laboring under the | heavy blows of the crisis and N. R. | A. policies, are ready for definite Mr. Charles Howard in the Typo-| militant action to improve their graphical Union today on the eve | Conditions, but they have been of the convention? True, the re-| hindered by the reactionary leaders cent elections landed Howard in the }On the one hand there is the I. T. presidential chair for the fourth|U. executive council and a large consecutive two-year term, but | umber of local officials committed everything indicates that he is not| heart and soul to the reactionary resting so easily in it as he | Policy of class collaboration, arbitra- did during the past three terms,| ion and no strike. Many of these The old support he was able to|°Micials are now part of the gov- rally is beginning to crack. An ex-|€™mment strike-breaking apparatus, r Collaboration Policy Challenged ® New York Delegates Are | Pledged to Poliey of Militancy Brown then showed how this can be done: “Of course, before this can be accomplished the job-holders, Berry, Howard, Voltz, DeVeze and Haggerty must be displaced by rank and file amalgamationists. With the amalgamation of the printing workers into one union, the interest of one department | tion of the membership as no better amination of the election results| proves this, at During the election campaign} there were only two candidates in the field: Mr. Howard and Mr. Dalton. Howard’s prestige waned, due to his maneuvers to aid .the publishers put over their program. | Dalton was regarded by a large sec- | than Howard, which was correct. Of the 75,000 members of the union, | 25,000 refused to vote for either can- | didate. Howard won the day with| 28,769 votes and Dalton got 21,708. | Thus Howard is a minority presi- | No rank and file candidate ran.for office due to the fact that| the I. T. U. requires 150 endorse- ments from local unions to put such | a man on the ballot. * Discontent Seething ISCONTENT in the ranks seething everywhere and will un- doubtedly be expressed by support- ers of the rank and file movement at the convention. This discontent with the present leadership has grown out of the present economic position of the members and the refusal of the leaders of the union to lead any struggle for improving these conditions. is being members of various N. R. A. boards and conciliation commis- sions. On the other hand there is the growing rank and file movement under the leadership of the Amalga- mation Party, the immediate objec- tive of which is to take tremendous power from the bureaucrats and Place it into the hands of the rank and file, to transform the union into an instrument of struggle for the improvement of conditions of . the members, Ces paw The Amalgamation Fight HE Amalgamation Party is carry- ing on a fight for the amalgama- tion of all unions in the printing trade into one union, thus breaking down the old craft system which has always acted as a brake on \Struggles in the printing trades. The Amalgamation Party cites ex- amples of how this system has been instrumental in defeating strikes. In Paterson, N. J., the composing room men came out on strike, but stereo- typers and pressmen remained on the job, being ordered to do so by their officials, thus actually scab- bing on the compositors. Elmer Brown, leader of the Amal- gamation Party, writing in the | August issue of the/Printing|Worker, In New York, out of 10,000 mem-/ asks: “If the proofreaders, machin- ‘ts, compositors, linotype operators, Mergers of papers, new rationaliza- | monotype operators, make-ups, bank tion schemes, with their ultimate |men and copy cutters find it advan- intensification of labor, speed-up /|tageous to belong to one union, why and the staggering of the shifts|can’t the pressmen, engravers, writ- have reduced the typesetters to un-| ers, stereotypers and others who precedented low levels. Due to the | work for the same employer, en- money inflation policies of the New gaged in producing the same piece Deal real wages have shot down/of printing, amalgamate into one and are still on the skids sliding | union?” , would be the direct concern of all. Scales would be negotiated jointly and in case of strikes all would go out.” It should be quite obvious to the most casual observer of trade union events that the amalgamation policy is gaining ground among the mem- bership. The recent unanimous vote of the membership of Big Six to support the fight of the New York Newspaper Guild for the reinstate- ment of Alexander Crosby, an edi- torial writer who was fired for join- ing the Guild, was a sharp blow to the advocates of the reactionary craft union policy and a decided victory for the amalgamationisis, the militants and honest trade union forces. The passage of this resolution and the subsequent con- crete brotherly assistance given to the editorial workers by members of Big Six marks an important step forward toward the establishment of real trade union unity among all organized workers on newspapers. All this shows which way the wind is blowing. * Instructions to Delegates ANOTHER encouraging factor that stands out like a beacon light showing the way to honest and militant trade unionism is the list of convention instructions for the delegates of local union Number Six worked out by a committee elected last June and later reported to the union membership and adopted. The recommendations of the committee, which were drawn up in a brief and concise document, instructed dele- gates to the convention to support present program of work relief; and third and best, though admit- tedly the most costly of the three, will be a revised eivil works pro- gram, drafted in the light of ex- perience to enable men and wo- men to retain purchasing power by employment on projects of benefit in their communities.” point program, | that the relief be adequate and in | cash; shall not be $12 or $15 a week, and in some localities as low as $2.40 a week! We oppose such work relief as is in operation in Bridgeport— the “Socialist” city—where on some projects the workers receive $5.60 a week. We demand union wages and a minimum scale for unskilled labor which will enable the workers to live. Even $12 a week means hunger, especially in view of the| soaring cost of living. We also oppose the use of labor for non-productive work, or for the construction of war vessels and bar- racks, and insist upon the erection of workers’ homes, nurseries, hos- pitals, schools, ete., in working class neighborhoods. If the government program (which it is not), call at- tention to the resolution adopted at the last national convention of the National Unemployment Coun- cil, which pointed to the need of 367,000,000,000 worth of construction of the above mentioned categories of structures im the United States. In such work, as im relief, we de- mand an end of discrimination against Negro and foreign-bern workers, Bnd the €.C.C. Campsi We demand that the C.C.C. and transient camps be terminated, that the young and single workers be given relief and work at home. We call upon the workers in the camps to demand union wages, the aboli- tion of military control and their right to discipline under workers’ control. We emphasize the brain- storm attempt of the Roosevelt “braintrust” government to escape the contradictions of the situation by the creation of subsistence home- steads. In this situation, the central de- mand for security is unemployment and social insurance. That is the only guarantee under the present system that the workers will have any of the “safeguards” that Roose- velt demagogically speaks about. The government has no intention of launching any wide-flung build- ing construction program. The whole relief program is for the “emergency” and is onty “tem- Roosevelt is trying to biuff the people of this country into the belief that we are emerg- ing from the crisis, whereas every sign, without exception points to a deepening of the crisis, The only other possibility that exists is to come out of the crisis through war, for which many capitalists are praying and energeticaHy working. New “Promise” of Ridicutows Insurance Plan ‘That social insurance is no longer a promise, but only a myth, in spite of the appointment of a committ- tee is now evident. The Industrial Advisory Commitee of the N.R.A. has evolved a system of “insurance” which is not for an “emergency” but for “normal times.” The com- mitee assumes that the “emer- gency” is over. Its plan will take care of a maximum of 880,000 per- sons in a year, and then only of such persons as have been pre- viously employed for a period of 100 days in a year. The remainder of the population, who are not successful in obtaining work, are considered “idlers”—ne’er-do wells, bums, hoodlums, and are not covered by the insurance plan. Harry L. Hopkins, in announcing the new program, according to the the fight for relief for the unem- ployed. under four headings: (1) Changes in and additions to the present laws to provide relief for unemployed members. (2) Revision of the present laws governing strikes and lockouts to increase powers of local unions and curtail the present powers of the executive council, (3) Closer affiliation between al- lied printing trades unions. (4) Changes in laws governing endorsements for I. T. U. can- initiative referen- While the I. T. U. convention is employed union members will Chicago. The conference, dues payment, reduction in wages, for example) ment and Social Insurance Bill. Briefly speaking, main issues of the convention. sults, These three points are not a re- | versal of, bet supplementary te and | explanatory of the former three We workers are not opposed to work relief and to a civil works program. We demand, however, ‘hat the pay on the jobs is serious about this aspect of the | ‘The recommendations are grouped being held, a conference of un- simultaneously go into session in in- itiated by the Unemployed Associa- tion of Bix Six, is expected to pro- pose that the convention abolish the one per cent limitation on un- employment relief assessments, that it authorize the local unions to in- stitute an emergency four day week, that it exempt the unemployed from that it guarantee local unions the freedom to negoti- ate scales (30 hour week without without interference of the I. T. U.|) president, and that the convention endorses the Workers Unemploy- these are the It is impossible to predict at this time just what will be the concrete re- To Urge Real Insurance for J obless County, State Groups, Amter Declares New York Times of August 24th, states that “although some kind of unemployment insurance is inevi- table, receiving cash benefits over a long period of time is not the answer im America.” This is a promise of forced labor for the so- called “idlers,” While in Europe, however, Hop- New York Times of Aug. 17th re- | ports him as declaring that: | | “The United States must work | out a system of its own in accord- | amce with American conditions ef | life. There is enough work avail- | able to keep every American busy | for twenty-five years. Americans wil not stand for a dole and we are going to put them to work on great public projects and pay them decent wages. There is no loss of a person’s self-respect or morale under such a system.” That we heard from Hoover—and it was repeated by William Green. Then we heard it from Roose- | velt—but unemployment insurance had to be held forth at least as a “promise.” William Green, who ac- cepted Hoover's position on unem- ployment insurance, altered it to suit the Roosevelt course. eH did not know of Hopkins’ veering again towards the Hoover position, for on July 28th (New York Times), he declared that the A. F. of L. execu- tive is “preparing to fight off the efforts to scuttle Roosevelt’s social insurance plans.” These efforts are being made by big industrial and financial institutions and associa- tions of the country. Now with the new course in operation. Green will have to reverse himself once more as he already has done in his de- mands for a new C.W.A. program. Thus social insurance—the “dole” —is scuttled and we are promised “great public projects at decent wages”—“enough work for every American for twenty-five years.” This program sheerest poppy- cock—pure demagogy—and will not and cannot be achieved under cap- italism. The erection of new fac- tories meets with the opposition of present factory owners, who, owing to overproduction, need no new ones and no new equipment. New railroads are not needed. The erection of private buildings and homes meets with the united op- position of real estate owners, and # not intended to be rented at cost, and to the unemployed free, will be of no avail, and therefore will not be undertaken. The whole Program is being announced as part of the election campaign,—some more “promises,” like in 1982. Workers Demand Enactment of Workers’ Bifl For four years, through the Com- munist Party, the National Unem- Ployment Council and other mili- tant organizations, the workers of this country have been demanding work at decent wages or unemploy- ment and social insurance. Work at decent wages wifl not be granted by the capitalists and the govern- ment. The workers cannot and refuse to continue to suffer and starve, and now demand in an increasingly determined manner the enaetment of social insurance— and specifically the Workers Un- employment and Social Insurance Bill as the only bill of service to the working class, Around this bill in the struggle for social security, the National Unemployment Council is calling for a broad united front action in Washington In January, 1935, upon, the opening of the next session of the U. S. Congress. Acting on the basis that thousands of locals of the A. F. of L. independent and T.U.UL. unions have endorsed the bill; that the convention of four international unions of the A. F. of L. state fed- erations and central labor bodies, the first national Youth Congress, veterans, farmers, fraternal, Negro and other organizations, municipal councils representing more than 4,000,000 of the population of the country, support the Workers’ Bill, the National Unemployment Coun- cil believes that the time is auspi- cious to draw these organizations into the planning and organization of a mass congress for social se- curfty in Washington to voice in firma, determined manner the de- mand for the enactment of the Workers’ Bill. A National Arrange- ments Commitee for the Congress is being formed. It will hold a preliminary meeting on Aug. 30, in New York, and its first constituent meeting in Chicago on October_1. Mass Congress for Social Security —tocal, State Conferences It is obvious that much work must be done. The success of the mass congress depends on local. county and State activity. The experiences of the National Unem- ployment Council is that the activ- ity of the unemployed, like that of the employed workers has risen during the past months. Dissatis- faction with the N.LR.A,, the clear- ing up of illusions about the “new deal,” have led the workers to struggles unequalled in the past fif- teen years. The coming winter will be one of intense struggle for the right to live. What therefore have we to do? In every locality and county a broad Local Arrangements Com- mittee should be set up, consisting of representatives of the Unem- ployment Council and such other unemployed organizations as exist, unions, fraternal organizations, vet- eran, farmex, homeowners, Negro |Suceess Rests on Local, | ¢hureh, youth organizations, ‘branches and locals of the Socialist, Communist = Farmer - Labor Party, etc. Under the auspices of this Arrangements Commitee, plans should be worked out for reaching |further organizations and drawing | them into action on the basis of the loeal needs and demands. Stmi- |lar action should be taken on a state scale, providing for state con- fraternal, youth, farm organiza. tions, clubs, etc. In the course of preparing and carrying out the local, county and state actions, we must accomplish two things: Build Unemployment Counctls and United Front 1—BUILD UP THE UNEM- PLOYMENT COUNCHLS. The prestige and standing of the Na- kins stated frankly his position. The | ventions and marches, of Workers Smelter Workers’ Uinion, tion of approach. The endorsement and city. District Councils of painters, District Boards of miners, regional conferences of railway en- gineers, the national convention of the Unemployed Leagues, ete. etc., having endorsed the Workers’ Bill, should serve as a key for entering the locals of these organizations. The endorsement of the Workers’ Bill by nearly fifty municipal and village councils, should give us access to every working class or- ganization of every character in these cities and towns. Various church and fraternal organizations have gone on record for unemploy- ment insurance. It is our task to get in contact with their member- ship and bring forward the Workers’ Bill. We must try not only to draw these organizations into the local, county and state Arrangements Committees, but also into ali actions in the struggle for relief, jobs and for the Workers Bill. We should try to do something more. We should endeavor to prevail, for instance, on the union locals to call conferences of locals of their international on a local or state scale, and also to call general trade union conferences to take up the question of work, relief and the Workers Bill. By activizing these unionists not only to the extent of endorsing the Workers Bill, which is an excellent first step, but of Participating im struggle for real- izing the Bill, we will be estab- lishing the movement that prom- ises to make the Mass Congress in Washington the most sive, effective and comprehensive of its kind ever held in this country. We should proceed similarly with Negro, We Must Reach AH Organizations Today we have access to thou- sands of organizattons, which al- ready have endorsed the Workers Bill. Thus all locals of the Amal- gamated Association of Iron, Tin and Steel Workers, the Mine and United Textile Workers, American Federa- Full-Fashioned Hosiery Workers, the internationals, which at conventions have endorsed the Workers’ Bills, should be open to of State Federations of Labor and of | central labor bodies should open | the doors of all locals of the state tonal Unemployment Council is incontestable. The workers; are looking for organization struggle. NOW is. the ti opportunity to build the with the Mass Congress. 2-BUILD THE WU PLOYED ORGANIZATIONS STRUGGLE. This is an standing task and one that be eastiy realized owing to urge of the rank and file for unity, in spite of the opposition and splitting action of the re« fermist leaders. This is to be ac- complished in the local and county struggles, and showld lead to the merging of the unem- ployed organizations Mto one. The tentative plans for the local, county state and the National Mass Congress have been sent out, The final plans will be worked out by the National Arrangements Committee. Steps should be taken in all localities by the Unemploy- ment Councils to form the eo ments Committees in the localities, so that with growing pressure and struggle, Roosevelt will learn at the National Mass Congress that un- employment and social » insurance is no longer to be played with either by him or his associates as a “promise,” but is now the CHN- TRAL demand of the working pop- ulation of the country. The gov- ernment must be made to under- stand—and before that every candix date for office in the coming elec- tions—that we have in mind only ONE bill that meets the needs, not of the government for its own demagogie purposes, nor of the A. F. of L. executive for its struggle against the rank and file; nor of the American employers who want no unemployment insurance, but of the American working class, This Mass Congress and the work for it will exert such pressure that the realization of “security through social insurance” through the Workers Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill will be assured.” Concentration on the Mass Con- gress for Social Security in Washington — broadening of the united front—activization of ail Possible forces—building wp of the Unemployment Councils — rooting the Party among the masses—that is our task. Principles of Communism Political Economy Marxism-Leninism Organization Negro Problems Trade Union Strategy Historical Materialism English, Russian, ete, of students will be limited, WORKERS SCHOOL 35 East 12th Street, New York City—Tclephone: ALgonquin 4-1199 REGISTRATION BEGINS SEPT. 4th! REGISTER EARLY? No registration will be taken after classes begin, and the number NEW COURSES INTRODUCED FOR THE FALL TERM, SUCH AS: History of Science and Technology Origin of Man and Civilization Elements of Political Economy Decline of American Capitalism Problems of Socialist Construction History Soviet China, ete, Ask for Decriptive Catalogue, heroie white and Negro toilers August issue, which was seized You, too, will want to read to aid these struggles. | DEFYING POLICE AND K.KK, Company deputies and White Legion gangs, thousands of copies of the new issue of the Southern Worker are being distributed by stand trial on charges e¢f criminal anarchy for possession of the Toilers, right hot from the scene of struggle. You, too, will want of the South, while two workers by Birmingham police. this only Voice of the Southern Subscription outside the South itself: $1.25 for 26 issues, 60 cents for 12 issues; 5 cents the single copy. SOUTHERN WORKER Paper of the Southern Toilers Birmingham, Ale. — Box 572 CAMP Wingdale, Enjoy Indian Summer at Beautiful We Remain Open AH September for Your Fall Vacation $14 a Week—Best Accommodations—Real Rest—AH the Sperts Study—Fun! Oar Schedule is advertised in our other ad. UNITY New York 58,235 Members Death Benefit: $4,888,210.93 Death Benefit according to the age classes. at the age of 44, CLASS: Parents may insure their children another forty weeks. for another forty weeks. Workmen's Sick and Death Benefit OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ORGANIZED 1884—INCORPORATED 1899 Main Office: 714-716 Seneca Ave., Ridgewood Sta., Brooklyn, N. Y. Total Assets on December 31, 1931: $3,488,895.98 Benefits paid since its existence: Total: $17,050,262.66 Workers! Protect Your Families! In Case of Sickness, Accident or Death! OLASS A: 40 cents per month—Death Benefit $355 at the age of 16 to $175 B: 50 cents per month—Death Benefit $550 to $230. Death Benefit according to age $20 to $200. Sick Benefit paid from the third day of filing the doctor's certificate, $9 and $15, respectively, per-week for the first forty weeks, half of the amount for Sick Bonefits for women: $9 per week for the first forty weeks; $4.50 each Secretary, or to the Financial Secretaries of the Branches. For further information apply at the Main Office, William Spuhr, National Fond in 351 Branches Sick Benefit: $12,162,051.73 at the time of initiation in one or both in case of death up to the age of 18.