The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 15, 1934, Page 6

Daily <QWorker RUT RA, CREA COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A (SECTION OF COMMUMIST UTERRATIOMERS “America’s Only Working Class Daity Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 15th Street, New York, N. ¥. Cheago, 1_ year, y.75 cents 1 year, except $6.08; $3.50; 3 ; monthly, 75 cents. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 15, 1934 Soviets Fight the Drought HILE American farmers are pitilessly crushed, desperate and foodless, by the great drought which has ravaged the land during this summer, latest reports from the Soviet Union declare that the U.S. S. R. expects to reap a grain harvest as large as last year’s, which was the big- gest he history of Russia ands of farmers are starving in the United S Over 10,000,000 farms have been burned by the intense unrelenting heat. Cattle have been slaughtered by the thousands. Almost 2,000 men and women have died because of the drought Why is it that the Soviet Union is able to har- vest a crop as large as the one which it reaped last year? The drought also ravaged Soviet farm country. In many regions of the U.S.S.R., just as in the United States, not a drop of rain fell for weeks, Despite this the New York Herald-Tribune reports: “It is now safe to predict that there will be no shortage of bread in the U.S.S.R. next winter. ‘There will be drought-stricken districts in which the state levy probably will not be met, but on the whole the state grain collections will be car- ried out in accordance with the original plans, and in all likelihood will enable the Soviet Union to throw on the foreign market in 1934-'35 no less grain than last year, while at the same time re- taining the same level of consumption within the country.” How was this accomplished? The Herald-Tribune again reports that it was by “the efficient organiza- tion methods introduced in collective farms by the Politodtel (the political division of trained Com- munist administrators sent into various villages), the availability of increased machine power and the generally improved attitude of the peasantry toward collectivization. These factors counteracted the unfavorable climatic conditions.” OW different this is from the situation in the United States, where the government, facing the same conditions, but immeasurably better equipped technically, did nothing for the common welfare of the farm population or the American masses as a whole. Here the administration concentrated—as all capitalist governments do—on insuring higher profits for the wealthy farms and trading concerns. It introduced the Agricultural Adjustment Adminis- tration (A.A.A.), which plowed under thousands of acres in order to boost grain prices so that traders would reap a large profit. The profit, not the har- vest, mattered. Here cattle were slaughtered, and banks were al- lowed to foreclose on farm-mortgages. Homesteads went under the sale-hammer by the thousands. The result? There will be a food shortage here this Fall and Winter, high forbidding prices for the great masses of the population, and huge profits for the rich. In addition to this, hundreds of thou- sands will be permanently driven off the land. These are the two worlds—the world of collec- tive effort under the Communist leadership of the dictatorship of the proletariat guiding the masses toward Socialism and plenty, and the world of capitalist anarchy, exploitation, plunder and hunger for the masses. Two Approaches PEAKING over a radio network Mon- day night, Frances Perkins, Roose- velt’s Secretary of Labor, made what the tapitalist press universally described as a “plea for social insurance.” Actually Miss Perkins was concerned with reducing government costs in relief, in saving money for the bosses and rulers of this country. She stated this quite explicity when she said that federal expenditures for relief in the United States have been too great. Miss Perkins made no direct statement of her social insurance proposals, but we already know the policy of the administration of which she is part. It is to pare relief to a miserably inadequate mini- mum, by providing funds only for a limited period of time, to insist on a heart-breaking red tape process by which needy workers wiil be forced to prove their eligibility for relief, to raise the funds for jobless workers from the employed and scarcely better-off fellow workers. Contrast this approach—that of saving money for the administration and the employers—with a true working-class approach, as embodied in the Workers’ Social and Unemployment Insurance Bill, known in the last Congress as H. R. 7598. These proposals approach the problem of relief from the point of view of actually improving the conditions of the jobless, the aged and those who cannot work because of industrial casualties. Miss Perkins cites some figures on the number of people in this country who are hungry, destitute, Starving. “Sixteen million people,” she says, “are dependent on the public for support. In prosperious periods, around 25,000 workers are annually killed accidentally in industry; 150,000 suffer permanent injuries and nearly 3,900,000 some temporary dis- ability.” She goes on to say: “There are now in this country above 6,500,000 men and women over 65 years of age, a large percentage of whom are _ financially dependent.” * . * dab Workers’ Bill makes actual proposals to better the plight of these workers. It provides for a sum of not less than $10 weekly and $3 for each dependent to be paid to every unemployed adult, and for those incapacitated through sickness, old age, accident, maternity, etc. It includes all work- ers, with no discrimination against Negroes and foreign-born. Age, color, race, and political opinion make no difference in H. R. 7598. The Workers’ Bill also insists—unlike Miss Perkins and the New Deal administration—that the insurance be provided at the expense of the 9. m. | | THE | $9.00; | | How Many Unemployed? DAIL government and employers; that insurance distribu- tion be controlled by workers through insurance commissions made up of rank and file workers in each industry. These are genuine proposals for unemployment and social insurance. They show clearly the dif- ference between Miss Perkins’ plans for saving money for the government and employers, and the plan of class-conscious workers who base their proposals on the actual needs of the working class. War Provocation HE raw provocations of the Japanese im- perialist government against the Sov- iet Union are breaking out with renewed intensity along the Chinese Far Eastern Railway. Those developments make energetic preparations for the Second Congress Against War and Fascism all the more urgent. Raids, arrests of Soviet citizens, damaging the railroad lines, and crudely brazen press scares about “Red plots” are but part of a deliberate campaign of the Japanese militarists to provide an “incident” to justify an interventionist attack against the USSR, The Japanese have refused to buy the Far Hast- ern Railway, despite the fact that the Soviet Gov- ernment has persistently offered to remove this “cause of friction” by proposing to sell it for a minimum price. The Soviet Government has offered to give the Japanese the best possible terms. But to sell there must be a will to buy, as the “Izvestia,” organ of the Soviet Government, stated recently. And the Japanese imperialists have not the slightest intention of buying the road. They are planning to seize it in an intervention war! . . . 'HE peace policy of the Soviet Union is a firm policy based not on pacifist weakness, but on its revolutionary strength, its desire to continue to build Socialism within its borders, its utter lack of any imperialist aims, aims which were forever abolished with the abolition of capitalism by the October Revolution. But the Soviet Union, as Stalin and Voroshilov have made unmistakably clear, will not yield an inch of its soil to any imperialist invader. If the Japanese attack, they will find enemies both in the working class of the Soviet Union and in the working class at home, led by the intrepid Japanese Communist Party, as well as the working class of the world, The Soviet Union is the world bulwark of peace. But the imperialist ambitions of the crisis-racked Japanese imperialism makes the menace of war in the Far East extremely serious. In such a war of intervention, American impe- rialism could not remain long “aloof.” American imperialism has too heavy stakes in China. Amer- ican imperialism also would like to see the Socialist Republic crushed and divided for imperialist loot. The American workingclass organizations must organize to stop imperialist war and to defend the Soviet Union, which alone stands for peace. The preparation for the Chicago Congress, to be held on September 28, must be pushed. ? HE figures of the A. F. of L. on unem- ployment in the United States are challenged by the United States Chamber of Commerce. The gentlemen of the C. of C. state that Mr. Green’s figures of 10,- 100,000 are “too high” and will “tend to unsettle conditions.” The statistics of the Chamber of Commerce are “more correct” and will not “tend to unsettle conditions.” Their figure is 7,000,000. At the risk of further offending Mr. Green and incurring the displeasure of the Chamber of Com- merce we must state that both sets of figures are false. The figures of the Chamber of Commerce are evidently inspired statistics. The figures of the A. F. of L. would appear to be better grounded. Actually they are not. They also conceal the terrific extent of unemployment for the same reason as that of the Chamber of Commerce—in order to hide the extent of the capi- talist crisis and to minimize the necessity for the passage of the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill. There are four obvious mistakes in the methods by which the A. F. of L. arrives at its figures: Firstly—The A. F. of L. estimate does not cor- rect the census of unemployment in April 1, 1930, on the basis of which their figures have been drawn. Secondly—The figures of the A. F. of L. count as employed those living on the farms with rela- tives, on the supposition that they have food and shelter—an obvious mockery, particularly in the face of the drought. Thirdly—The A. F. of L. statistics do not take into account the natural increase in those seek- ing employment (young people graduating from schocls), Between April 1930 and November 1933 this increase amounted to 2,500,000. Obviously there has been the same increase in the last period alse, im Fourthly—The A. F. of L. has consistently re- fused to reckon those working on temporary relief jobs as unemployed, condemning them to this starvation level and thus “reducing” the total of unemployed for Mr. Roosevelt. ’ . . E are not discussing here such things as the drought which must have placed another mil- lion people in the category of unemployed. Sureiy these agricultural laborers and farmers who are driven off their lands must now be considered as members of the jobless army. ‘That the Daily Worker is not the only one that states that Mr. Green's figures minimize the extent of unemployment is clear by the estimate of the Benjamin Franklin Institute, a statistical organi- zation, which puts unemployment at 12,000,000. An Associated Press dispatch of June 12 of this year stated on federal authority that there were at that time 17,000,000 people (4,000,000 families) on the re- lief rolls, and this without attempting to estimate the number of single men and youths who were con- sidered ineligible for relief. The figures gathered by the Labor Research As- sociation for November 1933 are today substantially correct, with the possible necessity for the upward revision of the unemployed figures in agriculture, steel, and a few other industries. However, at that. time, the Labor Fact Book (International Publish- ers, 1934), published by the L.R.A., estimates there were a total of 16,886,000 unemployed. Defenders of the capitalist system may not like this figure. But honest statisticians will have to admit its correctness. Mr. Green and the Chamber of Commerce want to minimize unemployment figures. Their differ- ences are only in degree. But for the workers the actual facts of unemployment are but another reason to strengthen all their forces for the passage of the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill in the next session of Cong F Japanese Seize 30 USSR Men Renew Provocations ov Fake ‘Plot’ Charges SHANGHAI, Aug. 14.—Wholesale raids and arrests of Soviet citizens on frame-up charges of “plotting to assassinate” the Japanese chief of the military commission in Harbin are the latest provocative actions of the Japanese government agains‘ the U. S. S. R. Thirty soviet work- ers were sized two days ago. The arrests follow a long series of destructive acts, arrests, incite- ments along the Chinese Eastern Railway which the Soviet Union has offered to sell to the Japanese for a record low price. The offer has been refused. Damage has been inflicted on the railroad where Japanese troops have jailed Soviet workers on the road. ‘The Izvestia, official organ of the Soviet Government, writes edi- torially: “The anti-Soviet campaign by the Japanese and Manchukuo press coincides with the fresh outbreak of crude provocations on the part of Japanese and Manchukuo officials. Arrests of Soviet citizens and illegal searches of Soviet organizations have again started on the Chinese Eastern Railway. In other words, the familiar game is being carried on, designed to provoke incidents along the eastern frontier of the “Soviet Union.” C. P. Offers Joint Action In Saar Vote PARIS, Aug. 14. — The District Committee of the C. P. of the Saar district addressed an offer of united action to the Executive of the social- democratic party of the Saar dis- trict. The Committee states in its letter: “Hitler must be defeated in the Saar district. The anti-fascist worx- ing class must prevent, by means of mass truggles, the handing over of the working people of the Saar to the Hitler fascist regime of blood and starvation. Union with’ Ger- many would mean the murdering and imprisonment of hundreds and thousands of champions of the anti- fascist working class, abolition of the most elementary political rights of the workers, complete enslave- ment and suppression of all toilers, wage-cuts, closing down of the mines and increased unemployment, handing over of our youth to the fascist warmongers as cannon fodder, jand the ruin of thousands of toil- ing small traders and small peas- ants. “Inspired by the inflexible will to do everything in order to unite the working class in the struggle against the fascist deadly enemy and against the threatening danger of war, we propose to you a united front struggle on the basis of the following demands, slogans and measures, which are in accordance with the interests of the working class: “1—Immediate adoption of fight- ing measures for the zelease of Ernst Thaelmann and all impris- oned anti-fescists. “2—Organization of mass self- defence units in all localities and factories. “3—Fight against any restriction of the freedom of meeting, demons- trations, press and combination of the anti-fascist working class, “4—Joint mobilization of the workers for the struggle for wage increases and unemployment relief. “S—Formation of fighting com- mittees against union with Hitler Germany, and, in the event of an imperialist compulsory plebescite, for the maintenance of the status quo as the relatively most favorable fighting ground for the working class,” Italian Communist Spurns Dishonorable Pardon by Mussolini ROME, Aug. 14—The young Com- munist Emilio Sereni, sentenced in 1931 to 15 years of prison for anti- fascist activity, has been recently offered full freedom on the only condition that he writes a letter to the Duce. : Emilio Sereni, as many other de- termined militants did in the anti- facist fight, indignantly refused such a proposition. He declared that he was not afraid of prison. life, and that if fascism awaited from him a sign of repentance, it would have to wait eternally. This heroic gesture of moral strength will serve as an example in the struggle against fascism. U.S. Embassy Refuses To Meet Scottsboro Delegation in Paris PARIS, Aug. 14—A delegation, composed of French workers and Negro workers living in France, went to the American Embassy in Paris to protest against the lynch sentences pronounced on _ the Scottsboro boys. The American Ambassador refused to receive the delegation. PROFITS UP AS PRICES RISE In contrast with food incomes of workers and farmers, which continue to decline, profits for capitalists. and other investors show an upward trend according to the Labor Research Associavcon. Dividend payments of a group of companies, regularly compiled by the Now York Times. showed Tune payments slightly higher than those a year ago, WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 15, 1934 “PLOWING” UNDER NEWS ITEM: Despite the drought, the Soviet Union will have a record crop this year. By NEMO XI, Socialists at Headquarters (Continued) HE Social-Democratic leaders prophesied, from the development of monopoly capiiaiism, economic- ally the ending of competition and politically the ending of war, and they have still only seen the source of a danger of war in the “Bolshevik Dic- tatorship.” Organized capitalism would banish all disputes by means of arbitration, an era of eternal world peace would be begun, the working class would come into power peacefully, if they were to win ministerial seats for the Social-Democratic leaders with the aid of a sufficient number of votes. Not dictatorship, but “democracy” was said to be the path of the working class to economic and political emancipation. That is what international Social Democracy whispered into the ears of the masses, The leaders of the Second International in the post-war period linked themselves absolutely with the capitalist apparatus of governmént and power. “Since the World War, participation of So- cialists in coalition governments is no longer a rare exception, but a widely occurring phenom- enon, But, of the many Socialists who have entered such ministries, not one has been lost to the party, not one has given up anything in character or respect,” Thus announced the poisonous provocateur of in- tervention, Kautsky, (Verwaerts, Jan. 1, 1930), while Vandervelde coined the phrase of the international of past and future ministries, which was said to be a “proof of increased power.” Who is it that supplied the world bourgeoisie with hangmen for suppressing the rebellious work- ers? The Second International. Who is it that declared that as doctors of capitalism they must save and heal the deadly sick capitalist system? The leaders of reformism! Who is it that has pre- pared the way to fascism through the “policy of the lesser evil?” ‘International Social Democracy! Whose path has led to the establishment of the fascist reign of terror? The Social-Democratic path of bourgeois democracy! The world bourgeoisie obtained their poisoned arrows against the Soviet Union from the armory of the Second International. Kautsky equally with Leon Blum, Scheidemann equally with Otto Bauer, Henderson equally with Vandervelde, stood at the head of the ideological preparations for war against the Soviet Union. There was no campaign for in- tervention in which the Social-Democratic leaders did not take an active and leading part. The catch- word of “red militarism,” which the bourgeoisie used as a demagogic pretext for sabotaging disarmament. and for increasing preparations for intervention, was supplied by those Social-Democratic parties which, according to Vandervelde’s words, were “up to the neck in social patriotism.” If these social- patriots had had their way, the only workers’ state would have had to submit to the fate of China and would have today become a part of the historic past. The Second International disarmed the workers but armed the reaction, It divided the ministerial seats with the bourgeoisie, but it sabotaged the unity of the revolutionary workers, It organized pilgrimages to the country of the “rising sun of Dawes,” but it expelled workers who went to the Soviet Union. The Second International was united in hatred against. the Soviet Union, but broken to pieces when it was a question of: uniting interna- tional struggle egainst world capital and world im- Pperialism. The foreign policy of the Social-Democratic parties in the post-war pericd was the foreign policy of their national bourgeoisie in each case. Mon- sieur Leon Blum wrote: “If it should prove neces- sary to compel Germany to respect the regulations which limit its armaments, the French Government | | will find us by their side.” And in Vorwaerts (March 11, 1931) one could read: “At the conclusion of yesterday’s session, Schoepflin (Secial-Democrat) once again vigor- ously attacked the Communists, declaring that since 1819 he had stcod in the National Assembly for the creation of a defense force. Social- Democracy had always assented to the Reichswehr and in every year had voted the defense budget. That they had moved the reduction of single items made no difference to their basic attitude. On the basis of their positive state outlook, Social- Democracy had always given assent to the de- fense of the fatherland, even during the period of the Kaiser. He was not only a Social-Democrat but a German, and if he was reproached with having complied with orders of the Minister of the Reichswehr, then he would have to answer the Communists that if it was a question of the Ger- man people and the German fatherland he would rather go ten times with the Reichswehr Minister Groner than once with the Communist Stocker.” Can there still be any doubt that the armored- cruiser policy of the Social-Democratic Hermann Mueller government forms the basis for the present- day armament policy of the Hitler regime? Can one forget that a Social-Democratic government threw hundreds of millions into the maw of the Hohenzollerns and prince of the church, while it let the people go hungry? At the time when Paul Boncour drafted the law of the armed nation, was he not an ornament of the Second International? Did not MacDonald as leader of the Labor govern- ment convert Singapore into a naval base and institute bloody massacres in India and Palestine? Did not Henderson cover with his name the Geneva. disarmament deception, and did not the leader of the British fascists, Mosley, come from the ranks of the Labor Party? August 1, 1934, with its danger of war. and in- tervention, which has been intensified to the ut- most, once more sees the Second International split up and divided among the imperialist war camps. The strongest parties of the Second International in Germany and Austria. are completely bankrupt. In France, part of the Socialists have openly gone over to fascism and in other countries also the same process of the decomposition of Social-Democracy is being prepared. In England, Bromley, the Secretary of the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen, declared that a situation was pos- sible in which trade union members would have to agree to war and one should not “prematurely” proclaim oneself against war. Under the demagogic banner of the struggle of “democracy against dicta- torship,” the parties of the Second International are attempting to drag the wide masses into a new world slaughter. The Social-Democratic parties of the victor countries, side by side with French im- perialism and in alliance with the fascist military dictatorships of Eastern and Southern Europe, want to win the masses for the preservation of the Ver- sailles system. German Social-Democracy, on the other hand, already on May 17, 1933, voted for the Hitler foreign policy of armaments and war. The Second International has proved itself the most important tool for the preparation of world war and of intervention. On the eve of the second world war there remains nothing more to be done by the Second International as a whole. It can split up into its national component parts and as in 1914 openly betake itself to the headquarters of im- perialist war. But, branded with the mark of Cain of August 1, 1914, and with the criminal social- fascist. history of. the post-war period, the Second International will not be successful again in shat- tering the international working class on the out- break of war and leading it into the imperialist war camp. The toiling masses must recognize that the struggle against the imperialist war is inseparably bound up with the struggle against the social pa- triots of the Second International. (To Be Continued) Nazis Seek to Stifle Workers’ Opposition by Heavy Jail Terms BERLIN, Aug. 14—The Berlin Assizes have sentenced five work- ers from Demmin, Pommerenia, to terms of imprisonment and penal servitude varying from eight months to two years. The Darmstadt Special Court sentences cati-fascists one after an- other with the reguiarity of a con- veyor belt. A workman from Darm- year stadt, alleged to have “spread un- true assertions” about the 30th of June, hes been sentenced to one imprisonment, from Unerach to ten months’ im- prisonment for “insulting Hitler,” a Jewish tradesman from Heusen- stamm, who had attributed the col- lapse of his business to the boycoi- ting of the Jews, to seven months’ imprisonment, and an inhabitant of Gross Zimmern to three months for "detracting from the prestige of the German government.” The Baden Special Court has sentenced a workman from Lorrach, | todyy who had “insulted the state gov- ernment” in connection with the mining disaster in Bt en, to eight months’ imprisonment, and an inhabitant of Kleinkrotzenbach, 50 years of age, to four months’ imprisonment for “spreading lying foreign reports on the German con- centration camps.” A master baker from Kitzingen, who had dismissed one of his as- sistants because he had taken part in a march of the Hitler youth, has been taken into preventive cus- a workman On the World Front ——By HARRY GANNE: |The United Front —How It Works in France The Lot of German Farmers FTER the signing of the United Front agreement between the Communist Party and Socialist Party of France for a struggle against war and fascism, the issue is not being left on paper. Wide- spread efforts are being made to translate the slogan and agreement of the united front into action. Since the formal united front pact was adopted, many confer- ences of the lower organizations of both parties have taken place. . Shas IN THE North of France, the rep resentatives of the Communi: | and Socialist Parties held a con# ference to work out the ways anc, means of making the united front a reality in action and in life in their district. The conference was addressed by the Communist Dep- uty Ramette, and by the Socialist Mayor of Lille, Salengre, as well as 9“) other leaders of both parties, The upshot of the conference was that four great demonstrations would be held in the towns of Tourcoing, Valenciennes, Douai, and Cambrai to protest against the fas- cist drives in France and against fascism throughout the world. The conference further decided to stru; gle against the world. The confer« ence further decided to struggle against the Doumergue governs ment’s emergency decree laws (which in their basic aspect are similar to Roosevelt's emergency laws—N. R. A. A. A. A, R. F.C. etc.). They also decided to take up the cause of the defense of the victims of fascism in Germany and other countries. * * 8 IN THE Paris district joint united front demonstrations, under Com- munist and Socialist auspices are held nearly every day and are gain- ing tremendous force in the strug- gle against the French government's war plans and the fascist groups, One of these demonstrations in the town of Saint Pierre des Corps was attended by 3,500 persons. The speakers were the Socialist Mayor of the town and Communist Party leaders. On July 24, the Socialist Party organ, “Populaire,” published a front page appeal to all Socialist Party members, and to all organs izations under Sociaist infuence, to act conjointly with the Commu- nist Party members and organiza- tions for the purpose of calling con- ferences to work out the practical carrying through of the united front program. a deer pie iS we see after a long series of actions against fascism, after a long and bitter fight, after in- numerable discussions, the united front was established in France, the so-called democratic country, de- spite all the fulminations of the leaders of the Socialist Interna- tional that the united front could be established only after the vic- tory of fascism. Every Socialist Party member in the United States, reading the un- deniable facts of the united front against war and fascism in France, should ask himself: Why is this not possible in the United States? Are the conditions so basically dif- ferent? Is French capitalism of dif- ferent bone and sinew? Aren't there more elements of similarity with the United States than dif- ferences? Why, at least, can’t there be the preliminary conferences of the leadership of both parties in which the real issues can be brought out in the full light of day and put to the test of open, honest dis- cussion so that all may know about them? ee ipa OMEWHAT like the Chinese peas< ant, millions of whom face death, like the Kansas farmer, the peasants of Fascist Germany are up against a catastrophe as the result of the drought, coming on top of all of the measures of the Hitler government. The German peasant is, first of all, forced to sell his depleted grain at a price fixed by the government of the iron and munition kings, the bankers and rich landowners. They are forced to deliver their grain to the speculators. The junkers (wealthy landowners) get special subsidies, and are permitted to keep their grain and speculate on future price rises, eed ne HEN the farmer has sold his grain, he then is constrained to buy fodder for his cattle. The price of the fodder, likewise, is fixed by the fascist government, or it is manipulated against the farm- er, so that he has to pay more for his fodder than he received for his grain, Despite all fascist threats, the German farmers are not parting with their grain so easily. Instead, they feed it to their cattle, as it is cheaper than selling it and then buying fodder. The result will be, of course, starvation for the factory workers, not because of the deeds of the farmers, whose position in some instances is worse than even the unemployed, but flows out of the economic policies of the fascist butchers. At the same time, the farmers will come more sharply into clashes with the fascists, and new revolutionary battalions will be forced to hammer away at the fiend on the countryside. Two Boys Hang Selves After Nazi Torments HAMBURG, Aug. 14—Two work- ers, sixteen-year-old boys from Hamburg, were forced against their will into the “Land Aid” service, and sent to a Nazi farmer near Elm- shor They were oprosed to the Nazi -egime, a reason more for their being hunted and harried from morning till night, given inferior food, and forced to carry out all the howe work. The two boys finally hanged themselves in a barn. 4