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DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JULY 7, 1934 Page Seven | CHANGE | ——THE— ' WORLD! By JOSEPH FREEMAN I OUR CURRENT discussions ahout the possibilities of learning from the schools of |the elegant, royalist, Catholic T. S. Eliot, we seem completely to have forgotten = much bigger poet, much nearer to us, from whom we zan learn things of profound import. I mean America’s greatest proletarian poet, Walt Whitman. Very well: Whitman was not a “Marxist”; but he loved and understood the American work- irig class; he was flesh of its flesh and bone of its bone; he sang and celebrated it; his whole vision—so rich, so vast, so all-embracing, was the vision of the American worker filled with democratic dreams. Those dreams were betrayed by the bourgeoisie. How can you have democracy when the few expleit the many? Those dreams will be fulfilled by the classless Communist society. But it was be- cause Whitman saw those dreams expanding down the vistas of the future that he is our contemporary. May 31st—about five weeks ago—marked the 115th anniversary of Whitman’s birth. Our literary press ignored it. Perhaps that is natural; we are too busy with the present to bother about the past. Yet we devote time to Eliot and Pound, who belong much more to ‘the past than Whitman. Because it is the voice of bourgeois reac- tion today, the Eliot school goes back to the classicism of the 17th * century, to the Restoration period, when the feudal counter-revolu- tion overthrew the Puritans and reorganized the monarchy. Whitman essentially stems from the utopian visions of the 18th Century.’ So does Marxism. The ideologues of the French Revolution, with their insistence on the material basis of the world and on universal free- dom, are our philosophic precursors; Whitman, the poet of those utopian visions, is our poetic precursor. Whitman himself knew he belonged to the future; advanced Europeans knew it; Soviet writers know it; it is time we knew it, too. - . . . Part of the American Mass aa WAS ERRAND BOY, printer, carpenter, school-teacher, editor, vagabond, always part of the American mass, always its poet, That is why from the beginning he repudiated the aristocratic notion of art, the hokum about the dignity of letters and the precise rules of style; the fear of “vulgarity”; the pretence that certain words, ideas and themes are not suitable for poetry. Above all he repudiated the aristocratic prejudice that the life of the masses is no fit theme for poetry. He loudly announced himself the bard of America, the bard of democracy; and by democracy he meant both the dignity of the individual and the dignity of the mass. He cele- brated “one’s self . . . a simple separate person,” yet uttered “the word Democratic, the word En Masse.” And because his whole being moved with the democratic instinct, he set himself some rules for the writing of poetry which our young revolutionary. poets might well consider: “Avoid all poetical similes; be faithful to the perfect likelihoods of nature—healthy exact, simple, disdaining ornaments . Be full of strong sensual germs.” And consider this especially: “Poet! beware lest your poems are made in the spirit that comes from the study of pictures of things—and not from the spirit that comes from the contact with things themselves.” Whitman sang out of the spirit that comes from the contact with things themselves. That is why America, especially the America of factory, mine, and farm, lives in his poems. “See!” he cries, “steamers steaming through my poems! See in my poems immigrants continually coming and landing; see, in arriere, the wigwam, the trail, the hunter’s hut, the fiat-boat, the -maizeleaf, the claim, the rude fence, and the backwoods village; see on the one side the West- ern Sea, and on the other the Eastern Sea. “See pastures and forests in my poems; see animals, wild and tame; see, beyond the Kansas, countless herds of buffalos, feeding on short curly grass; see in my. poems cities, solid, vast, inland, with paved streets, with iron and stone edifices, ceaseless vehicles and commerce . .. See the electric telegraph stretching across the continent . . . See the strong and quick locomotive as it departs, panting, blowing the steam-whistle. See the ploughmen ploughing farms—see miners digging mines—see the numberless factories. Hear the loud echoes of my songs there!” To save space, we haye set this poem in running prose-form; yet it loses none of its poetic qualities. The poetry comes not from metrical tricks, but from vision and feeling. It springs, Whitman told us, from an idea of democracy “carried far beyond politics into the region of taste, the standards of manners and beauty, and even into philosophy and theology.” The Americans he loved, he tells us in one poem, are the men who live among cattle, or taste of the ocean or woods; the builders and steerers of ships, and the wielders of axes and mauls, and the drivers of horses. “Workmen and work- women!” another poem says. “I will be ever with you, and you shall be ever with me!” . . . . Foresaw a New Culture UT OF THIS “restless, resistless race,” Whitman foresaw a new culture, “recruiting myriads’ of men, able, natural, perceptive, tolerant, devout, real men;” and women working and partaking in real “life with calm and dignity, comparing with superior carpenters and farmers, “and even boatmen and drivers” without losing the warm charms of womanhood; for “it is as great to be a woman as to be a man.” And he saw other visions: “Years of the modern! Years of the unperformed! Your horizon rises—I see it parting away for more august dramas; I see not America only—I see not only Liberty’s na- tion, but other nations preparing; I see tremendous entrances and exits—I see new combinations—I see the solidarity of races... I see men marching and counter-marching by swift millions; I see the frontiers and boundaries of the old aristocracies broken; I see the landmarks of European kings removed; I see this day the People. beginning their landmarks (all others give way). Never were such sharp questions asked as this day; never was average man, his soul, more energetic, more like a god; 10! how he urges and urges, leaving the masses no rest.” These lines say what Karl Liebknecht said: “The future belongs to the People!” They say what Eugene Debs said: “The day of the People has come!” Whitman’s sweeping revolutionary poem expresses the democratic ideal when capitalism was young and progressive and raised false hopes. Today capitalism is dying; it has dropped the mask of democracy; its politicians maintain or prepare fascist dic- tatorships; its literary critics ignore Walt Whitman; to celebrate him who celebrated democracy would ‘be too ironical—or too dangerous. . . . . “Warlike Flag of the Great Idea” BRB THE REVOLUTIONARY PROLETARIAT, which is fighting for ‘a classless Communist society, is heir to the best culture of the past. It is heir to Walt Whitman, who sang of the American toilers. He stands first among our revolutionary poets, for he was not afraid of “propaganda” in his “art.” Think of all the hypocritical twaddle that revolutionary poetry is the product of Moscow gold—and ponder these lines: “For the great Idea! that, O my brethren—that is the mission of Poets. Songs of stern defiance, ever ready, songs of the rapid arming, and the march, the flag of peace quick-folded, and in- stead, the flag we know, warlike flag of the great Idea!” These lines say what the proletarian writers say: “Art is a weapon!” And when our poets fight in the spirit of Whitman for the great Idea which inspires them—the idea of Communism—let them see the collision of social classes throughout America, throughout every land in the world, not out of the narrow windows of the tight little poets, but directly, in contact with things themselves. And let them speak, like Whitman in broad elastic cadences woven out of the thoughts and feelings of the American masses and their words, so that the simplest worker may stop and listen, understand and act. NADIA CHILKOVSKY And Her Dance Group In a Program of Modern Interpretative Dances Saturday, July 7th Brighton Center At 8:30 P.M. 3200 Coney Island Ave. (Of Brighton Station) ALSO ON THE PROGRAM “The News Boy'’ performed by the Workers Lab. Theatre; The Mapelton Workers Club Chorus; Brighton Club, Dram. Seetion DANCING AFTER THE CONCERT Arranged by Artet Workers Club Admission 30 Cents Inside Story of Corruption of Nazi Regime Shows How German Socialist Leaders Aided Advent of Fascism By HARRY GANNES HILE Hitler with rifle fire and rivers of blood seeks to wipe out some of his most faithful followers, we are able to open the secret records of his rise to power. The cor- ruption and the filth of the fascist regime in Germany is so limmense that not even fire and murder can wipe out half of it. Just before the present crisis of the Nazi regime, an important book was pub- lished entitled, “The Berlin Diaries,” by General X, ed- ited by Dr. Helmut Klotz (William Morrow & Company, $2.75). The anonymous general has been identified. The New York Times proves quite conclusively he is General Hans von Seeckt, one of the organizers of the. Reichswehr, the Ger- man Army, which plays such an important part in present day events in Germany. Very close to the inner ruling circles, apprised of every move of Hitler's rise to power, on the most intimate terms with the leading figures of the Nazi regime, many of whom have now been shot and cremated by Hitler, his book is of the utmost importance not only in understanding what is hap- pening now in Germany, but in appreciating the whole course of Hitler’s rise to power, especially the aid rendered to fascism by the Social Demo- cratic leaders. The conflict within the German bourgeoisie is so bitter that they have no hesitation in killing one another. No wonder, in this situation, that we got the whole filthy story of their intrigues, of their rotten corruption, of the inside life and crimes of members of a decrepit ruling class stop- ping at no criminal deed to preserve its system. Harry Gannes Despises Social-Democratic Leaders ‘ENERAL VON SEECKT is no friend of the Com- munist Party of Germany, though he has un- bounded praise for it, and evinces the bitterest contempt for the Social Democratic leaders who licked his boots, and the dirtier boots of every other representative of German capitalism. Von Seeckt is now military adviser to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, training Kuomintang crack armies for war to the death against the Red Army of China. Whatever his motives, the General has published his personal diary, fully documented, presenting the record of the secret intrigues and political cor- ruption of the whole German ruling class in its drastic efforts to save itself in the face of the onrushing proletarian revolution. Every worker, who can get ahold of it, should read this book. We recommend it especially to Socialist workers. Let them read for their own edification how the ruling class consciously utilized the willingly offered collaboration of the Severings, Brauns, Leiparts, Wels to bring fascism into power. As far as possible here, we shall endeavor to utilize the most salient facts of this book to de- scribe Hitler’s rise to power and the forces behind him... The book is a day-to-day record of one who was closely connected with all the leading militarists, bankers, landlords, and Social Democratic leaders, from May 30, 1932 to January 30, 1933; that is the period from Bruening, von Papen, Schleicher to Hitler. Nazis Groomed for Power ITH the. exit of the Bruening government on May 30, 1932, and the entrance of the now much-headlined Franz von Papen to the chancel- lorship, the Nazis were being groomed for power. The author of the Berlin Diaries accurately tells the role of the Social Democratic in this process. “But the Social Democrats were scared to death of that; so as to ‘guard against’ something worse, they were tolerant, sickeningly tolerant, and slowly but surely dissipated what remained of their authority, until their ‘policy’ (of the ‘les- ser evil—H. G.) actually made the advent of Hitler inevitable. They quite openly admit this wretched strategy today and don’t even seem to feel anything approaching shame.” ‘Von Papen counted on the Social Democratic leaders to hold the workers in check. He knew that every new decree for lowering wages would be ac- cepted by the Social Democratic leaders to “keep back fascism.” “He (von Papen),” writes the author, “no longer counts the free Social Democratic unions as a power factor; he believes that these died long ago of softening of the bones, only they haven't realized it yet.” Sought Alliance Against U.S. S, R. ION PAPEN while in power made his program very clear. He sought a Franco-German-Polish alliance against the Soviet Union. The International Press Correspondence of June 9, 1932, quoted from one of his speeches at the “Deutscher Herrenklub,” the aristocratic hostelry and intrigue center of the German bourgeoisie, so often mentioned in the Diaries. “This alliance,” said von Papen, “described as an ‘accord a trois,’ (a triple agreement) shall serve the purpose of an economic alliance against the Russian Five-Year Plan. Within this ‘accord a trois’ the French will also be in favor of Germany being allowed to arm ... The ‘accord a trois’ must have regard to the fight against Bolshevism.” But to save von Papen, the “lesser evil,” the So- cialist leaders supported his regime. Seeckt who was afraid of the Red Army, afraid the German bourgeois would lose all in this mad gamble, raged against the Social Democrats. “These idiots of November, 1918!” he cries, “Why didn’t they hang the whole crew of these people? They had the power, but they hadn’t the pluck. Afraid of their own revolution. A crime of ommission by the Socialists which should be punished by the death penalty.” At the time von Papen made his speech against the Soviet Union at the Herrenklub there was present applauding him none other than Herr Goering, Herr Roehm, Dr. Goebbels, and Count Helldorff. Of this crew, Roehm, and Hell- dorff are now ashes ignominiously scattered some- where in the fields of Munich, and Litchterfelde “Goering, Goebbels and Roehm greeted von Papen’s idea with enthusiasm,” says the general. Then he tells about Hitler. “In the evening I met Hitler (at the house of a Bank and Stock Ex- change king, of Jewish extraction too!)” ‘The Ger- man Jewish bankers helped finance Hitler to power. “Hitler's volubility is surpassed only by his poverty of thought.” German Militarist Traces the Daily Course of Hitler’s Bloody Rise to Power In “The Berlin Diaries” ION SEECKT, like the present General von Blom- berg of the Reichswhre, was quite willing to use the Nazis against Bolshevism, but they did not want them to infiltrate the Reichswehr, the last bulwark of German capitalism. “I have little in- clination,” he writes, “to throw the army open to a gang of dope-taking homosexuals like Captain Roehm.’ General von Blumberg must have echoed this not so long ago. Recognizing the role of von Papen in opening the way for Hitler, the Communist Party proposed a united front with the Social Democratic trade unions. Faithful to their class collaboration polices with von Papen, the Socialist leaders refused. The General has a word or two to say about it: “The Social Democratic Trades Union League have declined the Communists’ offer to form a united front. Good. When anyone wants to com- mit suicide, he shrouldn’t be hindered. The Social- Democratic press is jubilant, naturally, over this heroic decision. Long live the Party!” “But the Red trade unions themselves! Splendid fellows and a splendid idea.” Again, as a militarist and strategist, who for his own reason has no love for the Fascists, de- clares: tution must be preserved, even for the Nazis! “The attitude of the official representatives of the Social Democrats is classic, as ever: The Com- munists. defied the authority of the State!’ And who told these clever poltroons that it was only Communists? I hope with all my heart that Social Democratic workmen had a hand in scattering that brown-shirted mob. Who gave Herr Wels the right to defame his own people so persistently?” On July 20, 1932, the Communist Party calls for a general strike against von Papen, as the fore- runner of fascism, as the precursor of Hitler. How do the Social Democratic leaders answer this appeal? They declare that the general strike has been provoked by Hitler! Sham Battle Is Staged NEW election has been called. von Papen stage a sham battle. “The Nazis are urging a furious battle against Papen. If their people only knew that the whole thing is only a lying maneuver to cast dust in their eyes and that Papen is in reality only an agent of Hitler they would sing a different tune, I fancy, from their everlasting, ludicrous ‘Heil’.” Hitler in shooting Roehm on June 30, pro- The Nazis and Berlin Before Hitler ‘nd Nazis Came to Power | A Communist Party demonstration in Berlin during the period described in “The Berlin Diaries.” The signs held by the Communist work- ers read: “Join the Party of Lenin,” and “De- fend the Socialist Construction of the Soviet Union.” General yon | “The Communist counter-movement against the Papen policy is splendid. If only the Social- Democrats, who are terrified to death of a united Red front in case it should prejudice their party, wouldn’t keep on putting obstacles in the way! Much might be affected, but for that. But as things are!” Praises the Red Army As member of the chief of staff of the Reichswehr, the general gets secret reports of the state of the Red Army in the Soviet Union. He comments as follows: “An interesting report from our military ex- pert in Moscow. The condition of the Russian army must be excellent! (That's why von Papen who had the support of the Social-Democrats and the Nazis didn’t start his pet war against the U. S. S. R.—H. G.) Splendid human material, clever, and (what with us is, unfortunately, still a sore point) incorruptible officers, clear-cut. or- ganization, and above all, an almost inoredible technical perfection.” He has many more complimentary things to say about the political intelligence of the Red Army, but..we can’t stop to quote them all. Incessantly, the Communist Party of Germany, under the leadership of Ernst Thaelmann, was calling for united front actions, for general strikes against von Papen, to smash the intrigues to put Fascism into power. Again and again the Socialist leaders, to preserve capitalism, to preserve the empty shell of the Wemar constitution, already bedunged by the German bourgeoisie, refused. The general, who from his ciass view point, sees why the Socialist leaders fought with might and main against the united front, declares: “They must not deceiye themselves; there was no dowbt whatever that such a general strike would fuse the Social-Democrats and Communists together for good or evil, but with that fusion the fratridicidal struggle between the workers, which had served the Right Wing’s interests so well, would be abolished, and that was something to be avoided at all costs.” We are sure at this point the Trotzkyites will call this book a Stalinist plot. That the General is at the present leading 1,000,000 Kuomintang sol- diers against what the Trotzkyites call a non- existant Soviet district, is of no moment to them. Such accurate confirmation of the conscious be- trayal of the German working class by the Social- Democrats recorded by a member of the ruling class which they were trying to save, in the eyes of the Trotzkyites and Socialist leaders, couldn't be anything short of a Stalinist forgery. Hits S. D. Police Chief /ECENTLY the Nazis butchered a number of Com- munists because of the Altona events of July 12, 1932. At that time, the Nazis in order to provoke the workers, marched’ throvgh the workingclass dis- trict of Altona, with the protection of the, Socialist police. chief Grzesinsky. (Grzesinski now, alas, has joined von Seeckt in service to the Chinese butcher, Chiang Kai Shek.) Von Seeckt, in his Diary, is merciless with his comrades in misfortune. “The attitude of the chief of police, a-Social Democrat, is incomprehensible, even criminal; he expressly authorized the Brown Shirts to march through the streets where only workmen live. And he did this although he was urgently warned from every side, even by the Reichswehr in Altona, Of course, he knew better; when has cne of these petty despots ever not known better, The consti- i claimed to the world that Roehm was a disgusting pervert. In fact, he said, he found him in bed with a male companion in the most disgusting posture. ‘The readers of the capitalist press are supposed to take this as a sudden discovery, as a complete shock and surprise to the ingenuous Hitler. So im- poverished are the Nazis te explain their bloody | deeds against their own followers, that they are forced to dish up the most disgusting stories that have been public property for those who wished to see for years. The author of the Diaries tells us: “A political journalist had published — his (Roehm’s) pederastic correspondence (Roehm is a | hundred per cent homosexual of the most disgusting type) months before (this is way back in July 26, 1932—H. G.), and driven by necessity, the ‘Chief-of- Staff, had thereupon responded by laying a charge against him -asserting that the letters were for- geries.,. The letters are genuine and Herr Roehm, Hitler's right hand man and better half, is one of the most notorious pederasts walking about on this earth, “And what was the creature I had to receive today! Schleicher (who was assasinated along .With his wife on June 30, 1934—H. G.) advised me to leal' with him sitting and not to leave my chair even for a second. ‘Then nothing can happen to you. But be on your guard. Herr Rothm is sup- posed to be very ardent’!” Roehm’s only answer to the charges was that as long as he served the German bourgeoisie his private life didn’t matter, and besides Herr Goering had been shut, in. og gpouse as a raving, dope fiend wees gas! Comm” #3 Lead Anti-Fascist Struggle LE all this filth and conspiracy goes on, the Communist Party relentlessly carries on the anti- fascist struggle, just as ardently as the Socialists, cooperating with the scurviest agents of the Ger- man bourgeoisie, stab the workers on the back. “The Communists are very active,” writes the General. The ‘antifascist campaign’ is flourishing, grows and gains ground and has even infected the Reichswehr.” Among the bourgeoisie the intrigues go on. Safeguarded by the Socialist leaders, they have tre- mendous scope for their maneuvers. The elections take place, and both the Communists and Nazis gain, bringing the issue to the sharpest cleavage. ‘Von Seeckt from his class viewpoint estimates the results of the elections: “But in effect the Communists are the real victors; they have won three-quarters of a million new voters and muster now 90 seats (in the Reich- stag). Some food for thought there. “For behind each of these 90 men stand not merely 60,000 sheep-like voters, as in the other parties, but active fighters, who are resolute and prepared for battle.” Von Schleicher and Von Papen 'HE July 31, 1932 Reichstag elections brought a stalemate for the bourgeoisie. Neither Hitler, hor the other capitalist parties won a victory, though Hitler had increased his votes. It was at this point that the ill-fated von Schleicher began to maneuver with von Papen, hesitating between the Nazis and a military fascist dictatorship’ sup- ported by the Reichswehr. We turn from the gen- eral’s diaries, to an analysis of this situation by Karl Rad which throws great light on the pres- ent situa‘ion in Germany: ss On August 25, 1932, Comrade Radek wrote: ~ “What forms the main support of the Reich President (von Hindenburg, the same “lesser evil” crook of Neudeck that the Socialist leaders helped put into power) is obvious. His main support is the armed forces of the Republic subordinate to him: the Reichswehr. This force sprang into be- ing in the struggle for the bourgeois state of so- ciety against the proletariat striving towards s0- cialism. In every critical moment of Germany's post-war history the Reichswehr has uttered its decisive word in the language of the machine gun. General Schleicher has stated that the govern- ment must be borne by a broad current of the people. But to what broad current does he refer? His relations towards the Nazis are not known, But already the Papen-Schleicher government is not suspended in the air. It is backed up by a fair- ly strong social factor, though this has not its base in the masses. The press of the opponents of the Schleicher-Papen government has designated it as a “government of the Gentlemen's Club (“Her- renklub”). The “Herrenklub” today, the club of the Thyssens, Krupps, and other financiers of Germany, is the real cabinet, the real ruling house of Germany, the source from which emanate the orders for the ex- ecution of the played-out Nazi leaders, and the slice ing away of the mass base of the deluded petty« bourgeoisie. * * * E return to the Diaries. The great Hitler is hys- terical because the Herrenklub group, fearing his rabble, are pondering whether to utilize him or General Schleicher. Hitler has one of his frequent hysterical collapses. We can be sure in the present events he is a perfect wreck, and not the hero the American correspondents make him out to be. “Hite ler’s nerves have ‘completely broken down,’ writes General von Seeckt (as if Hitler's ‘nerves’ had ever been in proper order!). He has been packed away to a sanatorium in Thuringia.” These madmen need frequent medical attention. On August 30, 1932; the Reichstag opens, and Clara Zetkin, because she is the oldest member, has the privilege of making the opening speech “The speech of Clara Zetkin, the day’s President by virtue 6f seniority, made a great impression,” records the author of the Diaries. War Plans of German Capitalism 'HE bourgeoisie have reached an impasse. The Reichstag is called and then dissolved, and then called again. New elections are set for November 6th. The general meanwhile discusses the war Dlans of German capitalism. He tells of the horrendous gas and bacterial warfare plans. We quote a sample: “Highly interesting are the experiments that are being carried on with animals and plants. At any rate, it has been demonstrated that the stuff works even when diluted to the last degree; in other words, with a trifling amount one could gas any large city, and destroy life; that is the main point. Ten of our ordinary passenger aeroplanes could in normal cir- cumstances carry the necessary dose for a million and a half human beings.” On September 19, 1932, after the Communists had forced the dissolution of the Reichstag, the Party issued a manifesto to the German workers, which completely barred the drive towards fascism and the role of the Social-Democratic Party. Addressing the workers in the Social-Democratic Party, the Manifesto said: “Class comrades in the Social-Democratic Party! Whilst the will to resist and to fight against the cap- italist offensive is growing among the masses, the social-democratic trade union leaders talk about ‘Socialism’ and do everything to prevent the com- mon fight of the workers. The voluntarily surrender trade union wage rates and social legislation. With their demand for ‘distribution of work,’ for shorter hours without wage compensation, they gave the Papen government the cue for reducing wages and violating collective agreements. Social Democraey Capitulates o 'TH Bruening they introduced the policy of emergency decrees; they themselves dictated wage cuts, reduction of benefits and taxes for the masses. Behind the mask of ‘Fight against fascism,’ they elected their Hindenburg into the saddle. “On July 20, they miserably capitulated and de- nounced as provocateurs those workers and trade union members who advocated. the general strike, They thus encouraged Papen to put through his emergency decrees. Just-as on June 20th they sought to console the workers with the Reichstag elections and the state constitutional court so now, by means of big talk about a referendum, they wish to hold back the workers from the strike struggle against wage cuts. “Today the workers are to accept wage cuts im the deceitful hope of a referendum next year. Im the interest of their Hindenburg policy the sociale democratic and free trade union leaders forbid the social-democratic workers and lower organizations to fight together with the Communists. The social democracy supports the Papen dictatorship!” How accurately this is confirmed by events, and by the admission of this general of the Reichswehr in. his intimate diaries. Reichstag Dissolved Again I eed lines were now being rapidly drawn for the assumption of power by Hitler. The Reichstag was dissolved again because the bourgeoisie, on the basis of the usual parliamentary bickerings, could no longer reach an agreement. The dictatorship. of capital must now drop its flimsy mask. o. The author here advances one of his pet theories as the motivating factor for the final switch of von Hindenburg to outright fascism and Hitler. Von Hindenburg and von Blomberg had been bribed with huge estates in East Prussia. They had filched mil- lions from the East Prussian Relief Fund, a huge government pork barrel the socialist leaders had enabled the junkers to provide for themselves out of the state treasury. To hide the brewing scandal, von Hindenburg, according to the author General von Seeckt, dismissed the, 57-day old Schleicher cab- inet, and brought Hitler into the Chancellorship. There then followed the Reichstag incendiary of the Nazis, and the bloody road to power. ; For some time, von Hindenburg had been delaying ~ turning the reigns over to Hitler. Von Seeckt writes - on December 3, 1932: “Herr Hitler’s modesty is touching! Today Hin- denburg has received a long letter from him (in his ‘public meeting’ style: half-impudent and half-de- vout), explaining that ‘in the future also’ he would = ‘always’ be ready to take over supreme power in the- Reich. But any cabinet save his own he would. refuse to acknowledge and would oppose with all the. means at his disposal. ““Supreme power’ is good. Herr Thaelmann, too, would no doubt ‘be ready to take it over. And I am ~ even convinced that he would know betfer what to » do with it than Herr Hitler of all people, this rat- ~ catcher from Braunau (Austria, Hitler's birth place). = * * * . EANWHILE, the Nazi cohorts were plotting against one another, scheming and intriguing ey teas Wataenss .(Continued on Page 8) 5