The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 30, 1934, Page 5

i; DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JUNE 30, 1934 Page Five By CARL REEVE ‘HE N.R.A. finds itself in great | need of perpetuating the illusion | that it guards the interests of the | workers. The N.R.A. has behind it a long record of broken strikes, unions smashed, workers fired and blacklisted, company unions estab- | lished, and economic demands of | orkers lost, under the N.R.A.| Hence the ballyhoo re-| garding the removal of the Blue Eagle from the plant of the Harri- man Hosiery Mills in Harriman, Tenn. A study of the Harriman case, however, reveals that the N.R.A. de- cisions regarding the Harriman tex- tile strikers is no exception to the strikebreaking record of the Roose- velt government. What is the situation in the Har- riman mills? For more than eight months the workers of the Harri- man mill have been on strike. The strike began when twenty seven of the most active members of the| United Textile Union were fired. Six hundred walked out on strike, of which 450 were in the U, T. W. ee WORKER correspondent writes to the Daily Worker, “The strik- ers believed in the N.R.A. and KRAUS & SONS, Inc. Manufacturers of Badges-Banners-Buttons For Workers Clubs and Organizations 157 DELANCEY STREET Telephone: DRydock 4-8275-8276 Concert and Dance Roof Garden of Bronx House 1637 Washington Ave. Saturday, June 30th 8:30 P.M. Dancing in open to good jazz band. Chalk talk by Del. Benefit Daily Worker Adm. 25c. Auspices Section 15. . AVANTA FARM Ulster Park, N. Y. Good food. resting place. 3:20 P.M. Train to Ulster ound ‘Trip $2.71. SUPERFLU HAIR ON FACE RMANENTLY REMOVED s Guaranteed — Personal Service MY METHOD ENDORSED BY PROMINENT PHYSICIANS Will give treatments to unemployed free every Friday from One to Four ig 171W.7ist St.at B'way C,H. Landis pion: eneicott 2.9150 | Rent a Bungalow for the Season at MIRTH COLONY Mountaindale, N. Y. For information write or Phone f Woodrich 1: ‘ LAWN DANCE and MOVIE SAT. June 30, 8:30 P.M. at 8665—21st Avenue Near Bay Parkway Sta. (B.M.T.) Brooklyn, N. Y. Auspices: Prof, Committee for Support of Struggles on Waterfront. Day and M oonlight EXCURSION of American, Brownsville and Hinsdale Youth Clubs Sailing on CLERMONT to Hook Mountain Saturday, July 7th Tickets in adv. 75c—At Boat $1 DANCING — REFRESHMENTS SPORTS — ENTERTAINMENT GALA PROGRAMS! Red Gondola Night CAMPFIRE Dedicated to the DAILY WORKER @ Living Newspaper @ Red Vedvil Team @ Dancers ® Singers @ Pyramids @ Moss Singing Saturday Night @ NEWSBOY By Unity Players @ Hans Eisler Trio @ Werkers Dance Group and Solos @ Wear Isadore Begun Schools and the Crisis And Rare July 4th Program! s<Hsoum ZC vepna ALgonquin 4-1148, Subscription 59 cents | Why Was the Blue Eagle Taken Off the Harriman, Tenn. GENERAL HUGH JOHNSON First lieutenant to Strike- Breaker - in - Chief, Roosevelt. | Helped engineer the auto and | steel sell-out. The great cavalry— man is now conducting a sham battle against the Harriman Milis. Only workers will be found on the casualty list. trusted its Labor Boards. lieved that the once reinstate the 27 fired union men, and that the union would be recognized. This is the way they |interpreted section Seven A. They went to Washington to see the N. R. A. officials. When they got back to Harriman they went to jail.” More than eight months later we find that an injunction is in force against the Harriman strikers. The leaders of the U. T. W. strung along with the N.R.A. The strike was smashed during the course of these months by injunctions, by arrests, clubbings and the bringing in of outside strikebreakers. The workers were starved out. The strike- breaking was carried on while the Labor Board officials sang one re- ae “The strike must be called off.’ They be- When Thieves Fall Out The gesture of the N.R.A. of re- moving the Blue Eagle of the firm does not cover up the strike- smashing which went on backed by the Rocsevelt government and the N.R.A, In a letter to General John- son, the attorney for the company, T. A. Wright, reveals that the N. R. A. officials worked hand in out. He says, “In our opinion the National Labor Board is not qualified to judge ‘bad faith. Their general | counsel in a meeting with mill officials suggested that trickery be utilized to decieve the strikers in setting the strike. This scheme was aiso suggested by the director of compliance. “We were advised by those two gentlemen to make the strikers believe we were going to take them back and then take a few, and that this sort of cheap trick- ery would satisfy those two branches of the ‘New Deal.’ “Even your own secretary in dis- cussing ways and means of settl- N.R.A. would at/| }glove with the company through- | Delude the Workers Into Believing That the N. R. A. Helped Them ing the strike, advised us to take back 50 strikers, work them for a week or 10 days and then let | them out.” | This letter exposes a little of the | inside workings of the N. R. A. | N. R. A. Protected Scabs What was the N.R.A. proposal for | the “settling” of the strike. The! first proposal was “The strike to| be called off.” The second proposal was “Picketing, intimidation andj} coercion shall cease.” The decision called for the re- tention of the scabs in the mill. It was worded in this manner. First, it stated that “Replacements to keep the payroll at 623 will be made by the company in ratio of three strikers to one non-striker. Payroll additions above 623 to be made solely from the list of strikers.’ But then came another clause, “Paragraphs seven and eight (quoted alone) will be considered fulfilled when fifty strikers have been re-employed.” HE best the six hundred strikers could get out of this N.R.A. decision was that 50 of their number be re-hired. The rest were subject to blacklist. The decision is so worded that even these fifty would find it impos- sible to get back into the mill. Nothing was said, of course, about any form of union recognition or the economic demands. This N.R.A, decision meant the smash- | ing of the union, the blacklist of the strikers, the loss of all econ- omic demands and the loss of union recognition, When the Harriman Hosiery mills refused to take back even the fifty strikers, the N.R.A. made the empty gesture of removing the Blue Eagle in order to maintain the fast dis- appearing illusions of the workers that the N.R.A. would give them protection. N. R. A. Broke Harriman Strike That the removal of the Blue Eagle does the workers no good is seen in Milwaukee where the street car men employed by th Milwaukee Electric Company are now on Strike. The Blue Eagle was re- |moved from this company. But this did not prevent the domina- tion of the company union. As in Harriman, so in Milwaukee, the en- tire force of the government and the N. R. A. is now in play to smash the strike. The police, the courts, the hired gunmen are attacking the workers. The national guards is being held ready. The N.R.A. offi- cials are crying, “the strike must be called off.” They are maneuvering to get the men back to work, with- out winning their demands and under the domination of the com- pany union. * * * “(UR biggest mistake was our trust in the Labor Boards,” one of the active Harriman strik- ers writes the Daily Worker. "We ought to have stopped the scabs, instead of fooling around with the Labor Board while the mill was working with scabs. We have to have an industrial union and look at things from a viewpoint of fight, from a class viewpoint.” The N. R, A., working together | with the company and the U. T. W. | officials, broke the Harriman Ho- siery Mills strike. Against Lewis Machine Coal Diggers Realizing! How Roosevelt Is | Fooling Them By TONY MINERICH fact that the Roosevelt gov- ernment and all of the other so- called “friends of labor’ are for the company unions and against the| rank and file of the miners is be-| coming more clear. Many coal miners, under the influence of Roosevelt and the N. R. A., are see- | ing that they were again fooled. That there was only a difference in methods, in being fooled by Lewis in 1922 and Roosevelt, Pin- chot, McGrady, Johnson and Lewis in 1933 and 1934, In 1922 the miners had a great strike. Lewis sent the other miners back into the mines and forced the coke region miners to also go back. There was a big difference in the | slogan of “one for all and all for | one” and the deed of dividing the} miners. The same is true of Roose- | velt in 1933-34. | They waited and waited for union recognition. They Many times the miners were told | that they had it, Phil Murray, In- | ternational Vice-President of the U. | M. W. A. also told the miners that | they had recognition. But still they | did not have it’ Again the miners came out on | strike. Again the government and | the U. M. W. A. leaders got busy. Discrimination Under N. R. A. In the meantime the Company union and the Frick Coal Company was busy. They did not want an | election. They wanted time. They asked the government for time. They got it. Lewis gave them more time. The company was busy. U. M. W. A. miners were fired. Strikes took place. The U. M. W. A. and the N. R. A. people sent the miners back into the pits. “There will be no discrimination,” these officials said. And yet this discrimination took place in every mining camp, The more the officials said “no discrimination” the more discrimi- nation took place. Coal miners knew that as soon as their place in the mine was finished, they were also finished. The com- pany hired new men, all supporters of the company union. The old miners were let go—fired. Then the company started the evictions. The miners appealed to | their “friends” in Washington and | Harrisburg. They received many let- | ters, but that is all they received. Take the example of Grindstone. This was the center of the strike. This is the home local of Martin Ryan the leader of the so-called “insurgents.” The company carried through an election against the check weigh man. The day men were allowed to vote. This is con- | trary to procedure. Only those that pay for the check weighman can vote for one. These are the coal diggers and the machine men. But the day men also voted here. | The National Run Around The loaders called a strike. Their jobs were given to supporters of the company union. The U. M. W. A. supporters were fired and are being evicted. They at once notified their “friends” in Washington. did not get it.| +. 7 Labor Board, received a reply from Benedict Wolf, executive of- ficer, “questions such as you raise are being handled by the Bitu- | minious Coal Labor Boaré* We | are forwarding your letter to the The miners wrote to Wagner the| to Mr. John Carmody.” The miners wrote to Roosevelt, They felt that he was being mis- informed and that he would help them, A reply was received from N. W. Roberts, Assistant Deputy Administrator, Coal Section. “President Roosevelt has re- quested us to acknowledge and thank you for your joint letter of April 16th, conceyning the refusal of your company to accept a check weighman elected by the miners, and your inability to secure help from the Labor Board. “We are forwarding your letter | today to the Chairman of the | Labor Board for your district, Mr. |John M, Carmody, Division No. 1 North, 910 Farmers Bank Building, Pittsburgh, Pa., with the request that he give this matter his con- sideration.” “W. ROBERTS, Assistant Deputy Adminis- | trator Coal Section. Then the miners decided to write to that great “liberal” Miss Perkins, Secretary of Labor. This was done. They received a reply from H. L. | Kerwin, Director of Concialition. It | passing the buck. Here is the letter: “U. S. Department of Labor, “Office of the Secretary. “The Secretary (Perkins) referred to the Conciliation service your let- ter concerning the mining situation at Grindstone, Pa., with instruc- tions to render every possible as- sistance. “We took the matter up with the International representative of the also with the officials of the Coal Administration of the N. R. A., and communicated by telephone with Mr. Hynes of Uniontown, President of your district. In fact, several complaints had been received from Mr. Hynes and others, prior to the receipt of your letter. “The matter of holding up evic- tions, and returning the men to work as rapidly as possible was placed before the company some weeks ago by representatives of the were told that there was no dispo- sition to evict the families then, but eventually they would need the houses for employees of the mines. “We have recent telegrams stat- ing that some families were being evicted, and conveyed this informa- tion to the Deputy Administrator, N.R. A. We are informed that the Divisional Board for your section has the matter before it.” This is what is taking place in Fayette County. The Frick Coal Company is getting rid of the mili- tant miners. The government and the U. M. W. A. leaders are helping. These miners are seeing that the fight against the Company Union is ficials. Rank and file slates are be- A letter sent to the N. R. A. ing proposed in quite a few locals. | auto union was a master piece in the art of | also the fight against the Lewis of- | Miners’Fight Against the/ Rank and File Auto Workers Mills ? Company Union Is War Fight for One United Union Workers Assail Green Proposals To Divide Auto Workers’ Strength | By NAT GANLEY DETROIT, Mich—The rank and| file delegates to the first A. F. L.| conference made a| good showing in their battle) against the Green-Collins machine | chairman. They received a reply|in the Sunday sessions at the Fort | from N. W. Roberts, Assistant | Wayne Hotel. Deputy Administrator, Coal Section, | 137 regular delegates, 152 includ- | N. R. A. He wrote, “this matter is | ing alternates, from 130 locals and being referred for direct handling/17 states. Latest figures show | The real fight started in the | afternoon when the hand-picked | Resolutions Committee tried to stifle discussion after they boosted | Collin’s resolutions to the sky. The | delegates overwhelming voted down | | this attempt to gag them. Dele- gate Mortimer of the White Motor | Company Local in Cleveland took) the floor and spoke in favor of a/ | substitute motion, endorsed by a) |Tank and file caucus, which called) | for the formation of one industrial | union in the auto industry con- | trolled by the rank and file, includ- ing all other unions in the indus- | try (except company unions), whi hn! | would exclude all superintendents, foremen, and officials of the A. F. L. at present on full pay, and which | would be based on a policy of de- termined struggle against the em-j| ployers, the company unions, and | the N. R. A, Boards. | Blast Burocrats | Speaking on Collin’s resolution | for the formation of a National Council of 11 men Mortimer pointed out that there were three loopholes in the proposal. (1) The chairman | | of the national council was to be} appointed by Green. A big sec- |tion of the delegates were opposed | to this provision. They knew that| it would perpetuate the policy of | j the burocracy against strikes and) in favor of the Washington agree-| ment which legalized the company | unions. (2) The National Council | could not act for the union but ‘could only “advise the appointed representative of Green,” which is| Collins. Only Collins is to have| U. M. W. A. here in Washington, | full authority to act and speak for| union.” He was greeted with a big the union nationally. (3) The Na-| tional Council can only meet when | it is called together by Collins. | Green Opposes Unification | In the morning sessions William Green made a speech against the formation of any kind of a na-| tional or international union at the | present time. He backed up Col-| | lin’s resolution for a National Coun- | |cil. You need intelligence and ex- | perience to run an International! Union which is lacking at the pres- | ent time he stated. Green tried to confuse those delegates who saw in the formation of a national union a means of unifying and strength- ening their union. He admitted) that many members were dropping | out of the A. F. L. auto locals and| insisted that at such a time the| founding of an international would | play into the hands of the manu- facturers and they would proceed | | to break up the union. He insinu- | ated that some company stool} pigeons in the conference favored an immediate national unification lof the union. But Green did not |try to explain why it would be| | easier for the manufacturers, who} organized nationally them- selves, to break up an Interna- | tional Union, than to break up 130! | locals. What Green really wanted | are Green. What is this talk we hem at this conference of a growing lack of confidence in the A. F. L. by | the men and women in the aut plants. This lack of confidence ha: | its basis in the no-strike, dilly | dallying policy of the burocre | She gave an example of the pol of the burocrats from her o Ternstedt local. The president | the local joined the company unic and called upon all the other mem bers to do likewise. The member. | rejected it, elected her as a mili- tant delegate to the conference, anc | instructed her to introduce th: | Workers Unemployment Insuranc: | Bill H. R. 7598 to the conference WILLIAM COLLINS Agent of the auto barons in the ranks of labor. Detroit represen- tative of William Green. Is fight- ing against the idea of a united industrial union of auto workers. was to continue having undisputed power over the auto locals, receiv- ing direct per-capita taxes, etc. He| didn’t want to take a final stand, at this stage before the next na-/| Fight Inside Burocracy The conference recorded a figh inside the burocratic machine fo) power. Arthur Greer, president o: the Hudson local in Detroit on < salary of $50 weekly, opposed Col lins in the Conference. Greer har the backing of Richard Byrd, tl so-called labor man on the N. R. 4 auto board. The open letie the Auto Workers Union, affilla with the T. U. U. L., had alrea warned the conference delegate: against Greer Greer Maneuvors Greer had a resolution before conference favoring a Nati Council without a Green appoi chairman—that the Council i should appoint the chairman. W he took the floor in the discus: tional A. F. L. convention, which| he shifted his position to an would throw him into a fight either | definite opposition against Coll with the burocrats of the existing|in order to confuse the rank a crafts, or the burocrats led by John L. Lewis of the U. M. W. A. who| favor new Internationals. | Rank and Filer Applauded When delegate Mortimer of Cleveland spoke he exposed the stand of Green. He denounced the statement that the auto workers| “are not intelligent or experienced enough to run their own national outburst of applause when he declared: “We auto workers are in- tellegent enough to decisively reject Green’s proposal!” He gave the example of his own local in the White Motor Co. which is run by the rank and file. This local de- cided to fight for an increase in wages and when the A. F. L. of- ficials tried to decapitate their move they were kept out of their meet- ings. As a result the workers fought for and won their increase and their | local is growing. Contrast this sit- uation, declared Mortimer, with locals in Cleveland that are domi- | nated by the burocrats. These locals are not fighting and are losing] members. To get the same results on a national scale as his local got we need one all-inclusive industrial union uniting all auto workers and controlled by the workers them- selves. Such a union could win im- proved conditions in a struggle against the employers. Women Militants Speak Sophie Kushley, another rank- | Internationals who want the auto| file; | locals broken up into the various | favors a national union, when |the rank and file caucus, wher | pretended that he favored the | confusion. | tion, but he refused to do s0. | L. in order to pretend that really is opposed to it. This ma euver of Greer was used to the ¢ tent of sending Richard Byrd in e lution for one industrial beeeel the industry if the word “fight F- “against the N. R. A. boards” were stricken out. Your correspondent must admit that this tactic suc- ceeded in creating a good deal of in the rank and file ranks. In the course of Greets speech Collins challenged him ‘to speak in favor of his own aged feared that his stand for a “Coun- cil” did not differ basically from “Collins’ Council,” and this would only expose him among the rank and filers. Company Hand Seen After the Conference Greer o:- ganized a caucus and the rumors floating among the delegates were that he favors a split in the A. F. If this is so then it would be in line with the policy of the Ger- eral Motors Co. to break up the federal auto locals and build ther | company union. They haven’t coi!- fidence in Green-Collins that they can hold the members in eheck, prevent strikes, etc. Delegate Shepley of So. Bend | spoke and said he had a compre- hensive proposal for an industrtat® union; that he was against craft | unions and any attempts to split and-filer from the Ternstedt Local | in Detroit also made a_ brilliant) speech. She explained that Col- lin's National Council would be a mere shadow of a national union. The chairman of such a council| confuse the delegates. up the auto workers. Woody, presi- dent of the Pontiac local, a Collins man, wes shouted down by the delegates when he started to, fil. buster the morning sessions and Martin of would be a hand picked tool of| Kansas City, Mo. a spokesman {ot Cecil E. Allen, of Indianapolis, secretary of the Committee of Ten of the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers (A. F. of L.) has issued a statement, exposing the role of the Committee of Ten in preventing the general strike of the steel workers. The Committee of Ten was elect- ed at the April convention of the Amalgamated Association by the rank and file delegates, in order to carry out the preparations for the steel strike decided upon by that convention. The rank and file elected the Committee of Ten for the express purpose of thwarting the attempt of the A. A. president, Mike Tighe, to prevent the steel strike. The convention placed in the hands of the Committee of Ten the authority to present the eco- nomic demands to the steel com- panies, and to prepare and call the strike. The election of the Com- mittee of Ten expressed the will of the rank and file steel workers to struggle for the strike for their eco- nomic demands. History of Betrayal But the Committee of Ten al- most immediately betrayed the April convention and the rank and file of the steel workers by accept- ing Tighe as the leader and hand- ing power back into his hands. They rejected the unity appeal of the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union, dropped all the economic demands, and instead of preparing strike, entered into futile, time- killing negotiations in Washington. They completed their betrayal by killing the strike at the re-convened convention in Pittsburgh on June 14, when they declared they had no differences with Tighe and ac- cepted the proposals of Green for calling off the strike and accepting compulsory arbitration of a Roose- velt appointed board. Cecil Allen, of the Committee of Ten, tells of the betrayal by the Committee at the June 14 conven- tion, and proposes concrete steps for the achievement of the eco- nomic demands of the steel workers. The statement of Cecil Allen fol- lows in full: “Steel Workers—You have been systematically betrayed. Fellow Steel Workers: As a member of the Committers of Ten. elected at the 598th Annual Allen, Secretary of Committee of ‘Ten, Attacks William Green’s Proposals | Workers and as Secretary of that committee, I feel that I am duty bound to make the above state- ment at this time. Not only that, I am duty bound to say that the Green Proposal was railroaded through the June 14 Convention. Also that this proposal means ex- actly nothing so far as benefitting the Steel Workers is concerned. I make this statement, realizing full well, the far-reaching effect it will have on myself, on the A. A. and uvon the broad mass of steel werkers. BUT I feel that I have held my peace, I have been “the gentleman” too long already. The WELFARE of the workers in the entire steel industry demands that I speak NOW and speak PLAIN. First Mistake of Committee of 10 The’ railroading through of Green's proposal at this last con- vention was not the beginning of this betrayal. It started, in fact, just as soon as the steel workers began to organize and demand bet- ter wages and working conditions from their emnloyers. The case at Weirton, W. Va., is an outstanding example of such betrayal. All that the workers in Weirton got was promises which have never been fulfilled. All that the steel workers of the entire country got at this June 14 Convention was more such promises, just as meaningless. Ever since our Program of Con- certed Action, calling for a nation- wide steel strike, was adoptel at the 59th Annual Convention, over the heads of the Amaleamated of- ficials, these same officials have worked, in every conceivable way, to “head off” that strike. First—They refused to take any steps to organize and prepare the strike, because they were opposed to the strike from the very start. Second—They refused to recog- nize the Committee of Ten elected at our convention in April to have charge of the strike. By doing this they started a split in our ranks. The International officials not only refnsed to recognize the Committee of Ten, but even threatened to im- mediatsly exnel any member or members of that Committee, who might attempt to act as instructed by the Convention. The Committce of Ten made the gross mistake of not calling their hand, of not daring these International officials to do their Convention of the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel ee Tin 1 worst, They should have dared them to expel this committee! Third—They further fomented a split in the ranks of the workers by dragging in the old “Red Scare.” Instead of leading our fight against the Steel Barons, they launched into a nonsensical attack on the Communists. Using this as an ex- cuse, they refused to carry out the program of United Action, or any other program of action for that matter, for the workers in the steel industry. Fourth—Our economic demands for the six-hour day and five-day week; $1 per hour minimum wages; abolition of the differential between the North and the South; equal rights for Negroes; passage of the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill, H. R. 7598; none of these things were ever mentioned by the International officials of the A. A. They were never allowed to be pre- sented to our employers. The only demand that was presented was the demand for Recognition, and even President Tighe cannot explain what sort of recognition they ac- tually wanted. Unless our economic demands are popularized before the workers in the steel mills, we will never be able to unite and involve the men in a fight for better wages and working conditions. Not only that, without presenting clear Economic Demands, we lay ourselves open to just such be- trayels as has been shoved down our throats and down the throats of our delegates to the reconvened 59th Annual Convention. We also make it possible for the steel com- nanies to say “that the workers have NO GRIEVANCES.” We make it possible for them to say that the company unions are just as good as a bona fide union for their em- ployees. Above all we must stress our Economic Demands before the workers! The Steamroller at Work! Every action of the reconvened 59th Annual Convention was rail- roaded through by the International officizls, with the open suppcrt of members of the Committee of Ten. William Green, president of the A. F. of L., the man who yoted for the open shop Steel Code, for the Rocsevelt sell-out auto agreement; MIKE TIGHE One of those chiefly responsible for the fact that the steel work- ers have not put up a spirited strike before this. 75 year old, the last 40 of which has been spent in keeping the steel workers from or- ganizing. who was allowed to present a pro- posal to the Convention. What does this Green proposal mean to us? Everyone, including the public press, agrees that in sub- stance the Green proposal is the same as the Roosevelt Bill just rushed through Congress and fs substantially the same as the Steel Institute proposal, lauded by “Cow- boy” Hugh S. Johnson. A proposal which the steel workers, including members of the Committee of Ten, had previously rejected. The Green proposal calls for the appointment of an “impartial” board of three by President se~ velt. Ask the auto workers what they got out of the “impartial” board appointed by the President. The whole labor movement knows that the auto workers have been shamefully betrayed. Knows that the auto bosses were able under the Roosevelt board, to strengthen the position of the company unions and weaken the bona fide trade unions. Ask the auto workers what has happened to the election. Ask them what has haprened to the workers that were blacklisted and discriminated against because of their union activities. The Green proposal is a shameful sellout and betrayal. Those who engineered it and are responsible for it must not who is a member of the strikebreak- g N.R.A. (National Run Around) Labor Board, was the only one escape their just reward. They are the enemies of the steel workers in our midst, So long as they control our future, we are licked before we start. At the reconvened Convention, immediately after Green's pro- posal was heard and the formal reports of the various lodges given, the Tighe machine proposed that the Program for Concerted Action be referred to a committee to be appointed by Tighe. Amendments to were not allowed! The whole strike action was left in the hands of this picked com- mittee. The decision of this com- mittee, which considered nothing but Bill Green’s proposal was rail- roaded through the Convention. So afraid were the International offi- | cials, that the delegates might get out of hand, that the Convention was kept in session until almost 10 o’clock at night and several motions this proposal This outrageous, dastardly be- trayal, proposed by Bill Green, which delivers the steel workers to an “impartial” board, appointed by President Roosevelt, the man who has handed over billions of. dollars to the bankers and industrialists, the man who has steadfastly re- fused to meet delegations of steel workers, has for the moment, been shoved down the throats of the A, A. membership. Merged with Tighe Machine The Committee of Ten of which I am a member, must give an ac- count of itself. Whether con- sciously or unconsciously, they have laid the basis of this betrayal at the hands of Tighe and Green. They laid this basis by capitulating to Tighe and failing to put forward, independently, the, omic De- mands of the Cor “tion. Had the Committee of. % ‘acted in open defiance o! had they carried out the il es 4 the April Conven- tion and ‘ned preparations for the strike on every front, this be- trayal would have been impos- sible. Instead of doing that, however. they spent most of their time in Washington in a fruitless attempt to “see Reoseveit.” This running | aronnd after Roosevelt, created the impression among th? steel worke>s that a strike was unnec ry. That Roosevelt would step in at the last minute and help them. A thing which he had net done! for “recess” were not considered. | As a member of the Committee For Calling Off Steel Strike; Urges Preparation for Nation-Wide Walkout every criticism, which has been or may be placed, against that Com- mittee for its weakness in carry- ing out its work. A weakness which has actually merged the Commit- tee of Ten with the Tighe machine. Steel workers! You must now put forward, from your own ranks, men whom you can depend upon to lead you forward in the fight for higher wages and better working condi- tions. Men who will not be as so much putty in the hands of Tighe or Green, but who will be capable and courageous enough to carry out a Program of Concerted Action for a nation-wide steel strike. Steel Workers! Act Now! | | | side and outside the the Resolutions Committee, jas charged on the floor with ng 3 special agent of Green on a salary of $250 monthly. Wood of So. member of the Resolutions tee, spoke up against the tees Report. Delegate eof the Buick local in Flint complaine? that the officials didn’t give tI locals enough time to prepare fr the conference. In the Saturde session Ramsey, Toledo mis-leade launched into an attack against tr open letter of the Auto Worke:» Union. He said the Communis are trying to disrupt us from ir Kec the Communists and Ui € Leaguers out of the union he sai Byrd of the Labor Board also spok on Saturday and admitted that the have hundreds of cases of diseri mination before the board whicr ¢ are not acted on. . Late Sunday afternoon, just be- fore the final vote, Collins took the floor and started to tell the dele- gates that he was doing them good and if they wanted to vote for his Demand that a Special Meeting | resolutions he would appreciate it. of your Sub Lodge be called at once.|A number of delegates took the Get every steel worker to attend | floor and said he was out of order, this meeting and join the A. A.| that a motion was on the floor: At this Special Meeting demand that the Green proposal be re- seinded. Demand that the Program | | | Steam Roller At Work The vote finally came. Collins as of a nation-wide Strike be carried | Chairman would not recognize any out unless we are granted an im- mediate wage increase of at least 35 per cent in the North and 55 per cent in the South. Demand recognition of our Union with agreements signed by our employ- ers covering such wage scales. In order to carry out this strike action, do not depend uvon Tighe and the International Officials, but elect a broad Strike Committee to have control of the Strike. This Committee to consist of at least 30 men made up of delegates from the various Districts. Elect and maintain only reiiable steel workers in the various offices and en the committees. Clean out all Tighe agents and all those who have betrayed the Strike. Act Now! Do Not Wait! In addition to the above:—Every Steel Worker should immediately send letters or telegrams of protest to—Mike Tighe, Pres. A. A. of 1. 5. & T. W., 500 S. Main St., West End, Pittsburgh, Pa. — to Wm. Green, Pres. of A. F. of I. and ta Pn Roosevelt, both at Washington, D. C. Flood them with letters d-mand- ing that the Green Proposal be re- seinded, Yours for a reconstructed gamated Association, yours clear cut Progrem cf Action, chips fall where they may. CECIL E. ALLEN. Member of the Committee of Ten. Address: — 2309 Reformers St.. Indianapolis, Ind. I would be glad Amal- for let the of Ten I accept my full share of lto hear the sentiment of the boys. iopcai to the Council. jmachine. “What the hell motion except the motion to concur or not concur with the Resolutions Commit‘ee report. The burocrats even refused to read the rank and file resolution for one industrial union. Even the attempt of dele- gate Shepley of Indiana to amend the proposed by-laws of the Na- tional Council was ruled out of order. Despite this railroading ap- proximately 50 votes were recorded against the Collins Resolution Com- © mittee Report: Before the dele- © gates had a chance to think 3 it the Collins machine sh through their slate on the Natiot Council. Greer’s Hudson deleg: didn’t even participate in the n Rank and File Disgust After the railroading and conference was quickly ad accomplish!”, “I'm what happened here!”, were — of the delegate’s expressions. jie delegates, not in the rank ar % can continue | struggled . the ee ot ey employers: improvements in ditions, ‘ a pis »