The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 26, 1934, Page 2

Page Two iLD Exposes Change In Police Document During Victory Trial Defense Blasts Lies of Police and Coached Ac- euser in Monstrous Frame-Up of Negro Worker By A. B. MAGIL (Special to the Daily Worker) DETROIT, June 25. — Sensational proof of the clear frame-up character of the arrest and trial of James Victory, Negro worker and World War Veteran, was introduced into the-trial today when Maurice Sugar, Attorney for the Inter- , revealed that an official police docu- national Labor Defen ment, which had been placed *~- = g 9 eased’ Kridny. had Krumbein Urges Party the week-end Tn N. Y. to Pass Quota; been altered over the third day of the tria BA Ex z TS he (Umts Will Act: Tonight slashed 1 a knife and robbed _—_— Mrs. Carl Kaye, Southern-born and (Continued from Page 1) educated white woman, on the 1 t _ —— of Saturday, May 12. A mass pr plan an even greater role in the test movement has been organized | bigger class battles ahead. by the International Labor Defense . . bd and League of Struggle for Negro|7F REAL serious efforts are made to smash this vicious frame-|I hy every reader of the Daily prevent the duplication of the Scottsboro case Detroit Attorney Sugar also revealed that when Victory was arrested on May | 14, he was taken into a room at the Worker and particularly the Com- munists, to reach the workers with the Daily Worker and especially those mentioned above then the doubling of the circulation of the RED BUILDER TALES HOLY SMoKe! y'm } } ON MY WAY Home | {FROM work and | | 'S STILL THERED) AWAY FROM BLUFF HIM Zs conuen! F | LIE tii New York added 26 new Red Builders to its Shock Brigade last week, They have heen assigned to busy intersections and other hot spots for selling the “Daily.” Even vje were surprised at some of the records hung up by these newcomers their first times out. But lots of Communist Party Sends g, r, Call for| United Front Against Fascism and War N.R.A., the ascendancy of fascism in Germany and the growth of the war danger, many of those who (Continued from Page 1) diate relief, for building a strong Unemployment Council movement,| now control the National Execu- and unifying all mass organizations| tive Committee of the Socialist of the unemployed. | Party declared that they favored 3. For the immediate enactment | such united action, but were pre- of the Farmers’ Emergency Relief| vented by the then dominant Bill, to secure the farmers in posses-| group in the N.E.C. (Hillquit, {sion of their land and tools, to pro-| O’Neal, Waldman & Co.) who vide them with the means to culti- | were already exposed te the | vate their lands, and to produce the |ebundance of food that the masses |need. This is the only measure be- fore the country which, if carried | out, will really meet the needs of | the masses of farmers. masses by their red-baiting and their hostile attitude to the So- viet Union, as the equals of Fish, Hearst & Co. Today, the Na- tional Executive Committee, which claims that its policies represent Connors St. police station, where an officer pulled a gun, pointed it at him and ordered him to confess. ‘When Victory asked what crime he was being asked to confess, the of- ficer told him meaningfully that in Ohio people were “strung up for that.” Victory did not know what he was being accused of till he was formally charged in court ‘The disclosure of the alteration of an official document was made during cross-examination of De- tective Martin, one of the two de- tectives who had been originally | Qssigned to “investigate” the case. ‘The typewritten memorandum on the case handed to Martin and ‘Detective Thompson on the morning of May 14 gave the following de- scription of the alleged attacker on the basis of the story first told the police by Mrs. Kaye: “Six feet, dark clothes, felt hat pulled down over face, unable to give age.” Document Changed In Court Martin said he and Thompson went to see Mrs, Kaye and from her got the following additional in- Daily Worker is a small task indeed. | Will Achieve Quota The quota assigned to the New York District (increasing its cir- culation by 10,000 within the next 2 4. For the immediate enactment | of the Bill for Negro Rights and to} suppress Lynching, proposed by the | League of Struggle for Negro! Rights; for a daily struggle to im- | months) can and will be over-ful-| mediately win equal rights for the | filled by the supporters of the Daily Worker since they see more more the tremendous role it has been playing in the struggles of the masses of New York and must be | convinced by this time. that if we gain 10,000 more readers in New York City the revolutionary move- ment will be much stronger. Let us put our shoulders to the wheel in the next two months and show the Daily Worker that they | underestimated the possibilities of increasing the circulation in New | York City by putting forth a counter |plan, on the nart of all of us, thru jactually doubling our circulation |here which means | vy readers. Sugar again put Mrs. Kaye, who is the wife of a U. S. Reserve of- and | gaining 14,000; Negroes in every phase of life; for | the unconditional liberation of the | Scottsboro boys. | 5. For the united struggle against | War and Fascism, to stop shipments | of munitions, to defend the Soviet | Union, ete., along the lines of the | program of the American League | | Against War and Fascism, adopted | unanimously by the great U. S. Con- |gress Against War on October 1, 1933, by 2,616 delegates from the} broadest variety of organizations | | ever gathered together in the United | States; for the freedom of Thael- ;mann and all other anti-Fascist prisoners in Germany. 6. For the broadest possible united action in localities, in the factories |and trade unions, on every question | \affecting the workers and toiling | masses, to win better working con- ditions, relief for the unemployed, | a repudiation of that group, and which poses as a leftward group, can no longer offer the old excuse for an inability to establish the united front with the Communist | Party on issues which concern the most immediate and vital inter- ests of all the toilers. The National Executive Commit- | |tee must state definitely where it) stands on the issues which concern the most immediate and vital inter- ests of all the toilers. The National Executive Committee must state definitely where it stands on the is-| sue of the united front of struggle. especially in the light of the rapid sharpening of the class struggle, the growing acuteness of the war dan- ger and the serious menace of fas- cism. The Communist Party reiterates its readiness to develop such a united front of struggle on any or all of the issues raised in our let- ter to the convention and which we here repeat. We stand ready to meet with the National Executive DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JUNE 26, 1934 Lp Tom Wins a Steady Customer (in store) and ask for Williams. local, controlled by the rank and file, is growing, whereas locals con- jlosing ground. He explained that jan all-inclusive industrial union is necessary in order to unite the auto |workers in the fight for their | | economic demands for union recog- |nition and against the company | junions. Only such a united organ- ization of the auto workers, he said, will have the strength effectively to combat the company unions, and | the attack of the corporations on | the auto workers’ standards of liv- | ing. | The Washington Agreement Sophie Kushley of the ‘Ternstedt | Local, Detroit, declared: “The na-| tional council would be a mere) shadow and not a union. The chair- man would be a tool of William} Green. The auto workers’ lack of confidence in the A. F. of L. has its basis in the bureaucrats’ policy of class collaboration, of dropping the workers’ economic demands, and re- fusing to carry on any struggle for! the needs of the auto workers. For) example. the loca] president of the | Ternstedt local joined the company union and called on the workers to do likewise. This is the logic of| Green’s no-struggle policy and of the | Washington agreement signed by the A. F. of L. leaders, whereby they agreed to “arbitration” of the Auto Labor Board sanction to bring for- ward the company unions. The auto workers should support the motion for an all inclusive industrial union.” Green's Maneuvers Green told the convention that if the international is formed now when the members are dropping out, the employers would break the union. He said the intelligence and experience necessary for running an international is now lacking. The employers would like to see the in- ternational now, Green said. He in- good locations are still untouched. Unempleyed and part-time workers can earn expenses selling the Daily Worker. Call at 35 E. 12th St. trolled by the burocrats have been Taxi Union Leaders _h ly. ¢. L. Convention Son wie Wrewe | Cheers 3 Injured $ pee poInTe! \BEP BUILDERS) ae | (Continued from Page 1) By HARRY GANNES |commissions to take up detailed | problems confronting the youth in the various basic industries. Most Delegates Speak | In the afternoon Claude Lightfoot, | |young Negro leader from Chicago, | | who in last year’s election received | 33,000 votes, reported on the Negro! question. | | The majority of the delegates to} the Seventh National Convention | |thus far have participated in the} discussion. It appears now that be- | | with very few exceptions, all of the! | delegates will have participated ac- | tion proceedings. = the 0 Co U | League from three to six thousand n mpany nions | members in three years, John Marks a ae sufficient in view of the extremely Orner, Gilbert, Gandall | tavorabie situation which confronted | year of the great strike wave. in Court Tomorrow | “The comrades were impressed by | Gita coal and steel industry they tell us NEW YORK. — Joseph Gilberts! they are making progress. That is| leaders of the Taxi-drivers Union of |in pittsburgh, the steel center of | Greater New York who were ar-|the country, there is not one Y. C. mass meeting in front of Arthur’s| apolis strike, though our comrades Garage protesting against the firing | were active they did little recruiting. fore the close of the convention, | I Co t f Fi ht tively on the floor in the conven- n ur or Ig | Discussing growth of the |said that this gain is entirely in- To Act Ten Defense | "° Y ©. L. leadership in the past |Gil Green’s report, and from the Samuel Orner and William Gandall, | po0q. But we cannot forget that rested last week while holding 4/1, nucleus in steel. In the Minne- of A, Rabin, leading member of the|The same is true in many other | Steel Delegation « Militant at Capital (Continued from Page 1) ing for civil war,” Dunne, Cush and Egan told Elliot. Dunne added: “This is a critical situation for the Federal government and the N. R, A—it’s got to move openly now, either against the steel companies or against the workers. This is the way it prepares for its complete ex- posure as an impartial agency . “Your suggestions are right to the peint and intelligently presented,” Elliot said. “We will transmit them exactly as the A. F. of L. and other proposals were transmitted to the employers, through the Secretary of Labor, for their consideration. “In_ addition, we will carefully tonsider them in the Department.” A puzzled young lawyer, Elliot faced the seven S. M. W. I. U. dele- } gates leaning back in his chair, smiling shyly and generally look- ing embarrassed. The cleancut steel workers and their veteran leaders presented their case calmly but with deadly precision. Elliot had very few answers or interruptions to offer. Negro workers spoke on specific is- sues of special discrimination against them, Rank and file union members gave particulars of intimi- dation and terror in the plants in which they work. 300 workers have been fired since the A. A. and Green betrayal in Sparrows Point alone, “The steel companies and their newspaper publishers are constantly complaining of the danger of vio- lence and bloodshed,” the delega- tion told Elliot. | lice and had Gilbert, union, for refusing to join the com- pany union, will be tried in the 57th Street Magistrates Court tomorrow at 10 a. m. on a charge of disorderly | conduct. Adolph Rabin went to work at the Arthur Garage on the morning | of June 15, Instead of being handed a car he was hailed into the office and was given an application for membership to a company union and asked to sign it. Upon Rabin's refusal to become a member of the company union he was denied the | right to take out a cab and was) later fired by Arthur. Mass Meeting Called As part of its campaign against company unionism, the Taxicab Union arranged a series of mass meetings in front of Arthur's Gar- age on East 23rd Street to protest the firing of Rabin. | On June 20 Arthur called the po Orner and Gandall arrested. Gilbert, Orner and Gandall will defend themselves in court acting Strike situations.” Dealing with the central task of work in the shops, and the building of shop nuclei, Marks said: “We | “Our proposals, if | enforced, would obviate the neces- | sity of bloodshed. And, although we | are not against violence in principle, believing that workers have tha have a number of nuclei in Cleve-| right to defend themselves when at- | nuclei. land, in Chevrolet in Detroit, and in Baltimore, but the overwhelming number of shop nuclei did very little recruiting. . . . We tell the comrades here that we have 56 shop This is correct and is an improvement over the period before But a lot of water has passed under the bridge in this period. “IT want to give a picture in New York for instance. three or four months we built 20 shop nuclei. We lost 13. In Boston they had two nuclei about a year ago and they have two now, but the hitch is that they are in dif- ferent places. A few have reached he age of one year.” Fluctuating Membership Marks specially made a sharp at- tack on the heavy and increasing In a period of | | tacked, they would incidentally save | hundreds of thousands of dollars |that the steel companies are now spending on thugs, gunmen and | ammunition, although here again | we are not especially interested in the Party Extraordinary Conference. | saving money for the companies. “These proposals are the only ones that deal basically on the | situation in question.” “You have presented a very in- teresting case,” Elliot remarked at one point. And again, “We will give your suggestions very careful attention.” “Tell us whether it would be | necessary to enact any new laws to | carry out our proposals,” Dunne | suggested at one point. “We think | these proposals could be enforced | without any new laws, despite the fluctuation of the League member- | restrictions that now exist.” ficer in the Aviation Corps, on the formation which Thompson wrote | stand. As on Friday, her memory | in pencil on the bottom of the| was not only remarkably vague, but sheet: “Thirty eight or forty—hun-|she remembered differently at dif- fi i th lo- ete, and to build and unify the| Committee, or with any of existing mass organizations of the | C@! organizations or groups for the working class. | purpose of taking up these ques- as their own attornies. The Union Hackie has issued a call to workers to come to the 57th Street Court at 11 a. m. tomorrow ship, saying that though 15,000 members were recruited since the last convention only 6,000 are still sinuated their stool pigeons in the conference supported it. Arthur Greer, Hudson Local, De- “That's right,” Elliot said, The delegation demanded that | the same publicity for the S. M. W. tions. in the League. “an extent that they refused to seat dred sixty-five or hundred seventy— six feet or more—light brown skin | cross-examination Mrs. Kaye, again | Negro—dark trousers—dark brown hat—dirty gray top. coat comes above knees.” This was all that was on the| document when it was psesented in court Friday. But today there was written after ‘knees,” the words, “long hair’—in a different hand writing and with lighter pencil. Victory’s long hair is the one dis- tinguishing physical characteristic which Mrs, Kaye now claims to re- member. The alteration of the document as well as other evidence indicates, however, that she said nothing about this prominent phys- {cal feature to the police until after Victory had been shown to her and she had supposedly “identified” him. Sugar also revealed that the original police teletype described the attacker as a -“lone white man,” but the word “white” had been crossed out and “colored” in- serted. Testimony of Accuser Confused W ho Are the Caadideten we 4 | ferent times. In the midst of the as on Friday, broke down and had to be led from the Courtroom in sses introduced by the de- sted the description Mrs. | fense Kaye gave to the clothes Victory was supposed to have been wear- \ing at the time the alleged attack | took place worker, testified that between 8:15 and 8:30 p. m. when the attack was | supposed to have been made, Vic- | tory was driving with him in his |car far from the scene of the as- sault. ‘Though the so-called evidence in- | troduced thus far has been of the | flimsiest and most unreliable char- acter, it would be foolhardy to as- | sume that Victory will be automa- | tically acquitted. The evidence in the Scottsboro case was no better, It is clear that only the most de- | termined mass protest of workers | and intellectuals can free this in-| nocent Negro worker. | In the N.Y. Painters’ Union? By HARRY RAYMOND NEW YORK.—As the date draws | Rear for the election of a secre- fery-treasurer and business agents of the Painters’ District, Council 9, fank and file members of the 14/ focals of the Painters’ Union should | take careful stock of the activities | of the candidates whose names will @ppear on the ballots. | Whom will the painters choose to lead the work of their union? i Louis\ Weinstock or Philip Zaus- ner? if The records of both these men} ate well known in the labor move- | ment, | Weinstock, member of local 409, | 4s the choice of the Painters’ Rank | and File Protective Association. His record in the labor movement is one of constant and militant fight for the rank and file and against the) corrupt and dead hand of the A. F.} of L. officialdom. Organized Rank and File Group In 1932 Weinstock, in opposition | tothe entire A. F. of L. bureau- eracy, organized the A. F. of L. Rank and File Committee for Un-| employment Insurance to fight for) the passage of the Workers’ Unem- ployment Insurance Bill, which) designates that all jobless workers | shall receive unemployment insur- | ance at the expense of the bosses | and the government. Leading the campaign for unem- | ployment insurance in all sections | of the A. F. of L., the Rank and| File Committee with Weinstock at the. head was successful in getting | 2,000 locals of the A. F. of L, to endorse the Unemployment Insur- ance Bill, This included four State Federations and 28 Central Labor | bodies. Weinstock likewise led the fight in the A. F. of L. for rank and file control of the unions, for dues ex- emption for the unemployed and against racketeering. The Central Trades and Labor Council officials of Greater New York, with the infamous Joseph P. Ryan, who is now attempting to break the west coast longshore strike, at their head, feared Wein- stock’s sweeping indictments of theit anti-labor activities to such him as a délegate to the council after he was elected by his local union, Painters Local 499, 4 | Sider the records of the two candi- Weinstock has led the fight! in the Painters Union against the | corrupt Zausner machine which has spent thousands of dollars of the} members’ money to smother the/ voice of the rank and file. Louis Weinstock represents the policy of militant class strugglis against the hosses—a policy of trade union democracy, a policy of fighting for real union con- ditions for the painters. Zausner Was Boss The record of Zausner is one of | | the worst in the New York labor | movement. | In 1932 Philip Zausner, then) working as a boss painter connived with officials of local 102 to allow union members to work for him for wages almost 50 per cent below the | union scale, | At that time Jake “the Bum”| Wallner, business agent of the Brooklyn Painters Union, and one Jake Holtz helped to get union men} to work for Zausner at any price. | Men who worked for Zausner say that they were paid from $6 to $7) and sometimes $9 a day, while the! union scale was $13.20. Zausner,| painters report, used his friendskip | with the gangster Hymie Curl the brother of Jake Holtz, to de fraud union members of their | wages. | It is clear that Philip Zausner | represents the racketeering, gang- ster element within the union. In| fact, he is the leader of this ele- ment, His is the policy of class collaboration with the bosses. Should Consider Records The painters in the locals of Dis- | trict Council 9 should carefully con- | dates for the office of secretary. The records of the candidates show the policy which they represent and will carry out while in office. Zausner represents all that is cor- | rupt and reactionary in the Amer- ican labor movement. Weinstock represents an honest | fighting policy that will win union | conditions in the trade. | For union conditions, for trade | union democracy ; for rank and file | control—that is the program of | the Painters’ Rank and File Pro-. | tective Association. | Support this program by voting | on June 30 for Louis Weinstock for secretary and Frank Wed! and L. J. Stevens for business agents. James Spain, a Negro | | Servant of the Thyssens. | everyone who understands the situ- | ation must realize that this is the | Convention Ignores C. P. Proposals We have received no reply from | the Convention to this proposal. We | understand that this whole ques- We call upon all workers, Social- ist, Communist, and unaffiliated workers, to at once and everywhere | tion was referred to the newly elect- Set together, and organize united led National Committee of the So-Pftont committees of action to an- cialist Party for action. However, | SWer the challenge of the capitalists | we have not as yet received a reply| and their government. |from the N.E.C, | Party In the face of the rapid develop- ment of events the time already lost since the close of your conven- | tion is most costly. The reasons. stressed in our letter, for the need of such united action have greatly of the Socialist | multiplied since it wag written. To-| day, more than ever before, in the | | face of the growing and vicious at-| | tack of the employers, backed by the Roosevelt Government, the need of the unity of the workers is a life and death question for the labor movement. The steel trust in the most brazen and cynical manner refuses to con- sider the demands Of the steel work- ers, but on the contrary is forcing them into the company unions and is preparing with bayonets and poi- son gas to suppress the struggles of the steel workers in blood. This challenge is part and parcel of the) whole attack now being launched against the workers and their or- ganizations. The approval of Gen- eral Johnson, agent of the steel barons, of the proposals of the Steel Institute, and the contemptuous manner in which he treated the representatives of the steel workers. can hardly be matched by Hitler, Certainly whole policy of the Roosevelt gov- ernment, which is the government lof the big trusts, the government of monopoly capital. This attack of the employers was clearly revealed in the recent strikes in Toledo, Minneapolis, Birming- ham and San Francisco, The grow- ing resistance and new fighting spirit of the workers was also dis- played in these strikes, in which Negro and white workers showed their unmistakable desire for mili- tant united struggle. The whole Roosevelt program is becoming more openly and more brazenly one of attack on the work- ers and masses of farmers, who suf- fer wage cuts, unemployment and starvation. New miseries have been brought upon the farmers by the drought, and upon the city workers by the ever-increasing high prices, all of which increases the profits and the power of the monopolies. N.E.C. Must Take Definite Stand The capitalists and the govern- ment are replying to the efforts of the workers to improve their con- ditions with a new wave of terror and lynchings. They are robbing the workers of their most elemen- tary rights, to organize, picket. strike and assemble. The Roose- |velt government is now trying to pass new legislation designed to le- galize the company unions, outlaw strikes and enforce compulsory arbi- tration. These are clearly new and more rapid fascist developments, which represent a real and pressing danger to the entire working class. In New York City, the LaGuardia- O’Ryan regime in the most provoca- tive manner is making war on the workers in the interests of the bankers. The imminent trial of Ernst Thaelmann before the Fascist “Peo- ples Tribunal” raises the task of making the movement for his lib- eration a smashing blow against Fascism and for the freedom of all anti-fascist. prisons in Germany. A year ago, when we proposed | the development of a united front of struggle against the threaten- ing attack as represented by the Praternally yours, Central Committee, Communist Party, U. 8. A. EARL BROWDER, | General Secretary. Auto Men Demand Industrial Union (Continued from Page 1) Green’s proposal.” Mortimer showed that the aim of Green in proposing the council was to take all power away from the rank and file and from the local unions and vest it in the Collins-Green A. F. of L. ma- chine, which works hand in glove with the Auto Labor Board and which has worsened the conditions of the workers. Mortimer showed that his own troit, bureaucrat, representing the opposition in the machine backed by Byrd of the Auto Board, presented a resolution for a national council without a Green appointed chair- | man. In the discussion he shifted his position to an indefinite opposi- | tion in order to capitalize on the sentiment against Green and Collins. Collins challenged him to speak for his own resolution, but he didn’t. | He feared exposure of the fact that) he has no basic difference with Col- | lins, Green organized a caucus after the conference. There were rumors | he favors a split. If so, this would) be in line with the General Motors plan to split the A. F. of L. in direc- tion of the company unions. The Collins machine allowed a vote only on concurrence or non- concurrence with the resolution committee report. This banned other motions, including the motion for an industrial union. Despite the confusion this caused, approximate- ly 50 delegates voted non-concur- rence. There are 137 regular dele- gates, 152 including alternates from 130 locals in 17 states. After the conference there was big rank and file disgust with the machine. to protest against the jailing of the union leaders. “No Strikes,” Says Jersey City Mayor (Continued from Page 1) Kiss, Rose Vicktor and Alfred M. Bingham, editor of the magazine |“Common Sense,” are to be tried in the Criminal Court today at 10 a.m., for the “crime” of picketing. Gale Strauss, A. Thomashefsky, Max *Mortman and a Federated Press photographer, Martin Harris, are to come up in court Friday. This group is charged with inciting to riot, a felony, which carries a heavy prison sentence. On top of this, William Betsch, a representative of the Woodcutters Association of the A. F. of L., was arrested at Journal Sq. for talking to a Miller Company worker. A photographer and a reporter were arrested while taking notes and pictures in front of the Mil- ler establishment. Youth Work in the Trade Unions Is By HARRY GANNES NEW YORK —To a convention of young workers from basic indus- tries, most of whom had played an active role in strike struggles, the report of Lou Cooper for the Na- tional Executive Committee on trade unions was greeted as a con- tribution to clarification of youth work within the trade unions. “We are creating a basis for win- ning over the working class youth away from reformism for the strug- gle against capitalism,” said Com- rade Cooper to the delegates at the ‘7th National Convention of the Y. C.L. “We cannot jump over this obstacle of reformism.” He pointed out that the youth have become an important section of the A. F. of! L. Since the N.R.A., with the great increase of strike struggles, the youth have more and more par- ticipated in these struggles. “The A. F. of L.,” he said, “are starting to organize the so-called youth trades, such as radio and light metal, We also see & large num- ber of young workers being drawn into industries as a policy of the employers to counteract the or- ganizational activity.” Failure to understand the correct trade union policy in the A. F. of L., and organizing the revolutionary trade unions, he said, accounts for the isolation of the League from the masses of young workers in indus- try, and especially those entering strike struggles. Radio Union Speaking on the experiences in the radio field in which he has been most active, Comrade Cooper said: “In New York, our policy has been to build an independent class struggle union. The Y.C.L. has been mainly responsible for establishing the union. We were clearly brought to the struggle against the A. of L. bureaucrats. At the time of building this organization, carrying on our opposition work within the A. F, of L,, we were able to utilizé the discontent within the trade, and gain organizationally.” He described the fight of the “ F.| not yet begun sufficientis to tackle Discussed by Lou Cooper at YCL Meet | young workers in one of the largest radio shops, employing over a thou- sand, against the company union, When the bosses tried to reestab- lish the company union, the work- ers, inspired by the strike in Tele- radio led by the Y.C.L., drew up their demands and struck for them. The Y.C.L. gained great influence in this strike. +! Comrade Cooper summed up a vast amount of rich experiences of the League in trade unions, saying: “Today in the radio field we can see how flexible forms of organiza- tion, not based on air, but on the concrete conditions of the trade, are built. For example, in the A. F. of L. we have spread our opposi- tion groups to many shops, basing it on the concrete conditions of the youth that we find there. In the Mechanics’ Educational Society we have to work for winning over of whole departments of this union through the building up of oppo- sition groups and through the move for unity of the auto unions. Mine Work Comrade Cooper dealt with op- position work within the — United Mine Workers of America, saying, “We considered that the U.M.W.A, was completely exposed and could never come back as a force in the bituminous fields of western Penn- sylvania, This was absolutely wrong. With this conception we failed to develop opposition work within the U.M.W.A. Nevertheless, the young miners played a very active role in the huge strike wave in 1933. They developed special forms for spread- ing the strike, such as night riders, and formed the backbone for the continuation of the strike over the protest of Louis Fagan and Co. Though we were able to bring 25 youth resolutions before the U.M. W.A. national convention, we have the job of winning these youth in the U.M.W.A. for the opposition groups and for the Y.C.L.” It is especially important, Com- rade Cooper said, to develop youth work in the steel industry because in recruiting younger elements for the industry on a mass scale as 8 bulwark against some of the older workers in the unions. “We must counteract this in our activities, by mass agitation, by building the shop nuclei in this most important basic industry, by directing our main fight against the company unions. A comrade will tell me we knew that before. There is nothing new in it. That is right, but it is not being done. We have to put an end to these things and see that we understand our problems not only in words but in deeds.” “One of the major achievements reported by the Party at its Eighth Convention is the organization of more than 6,000 sharecroppers in the Share Croppers Union in the South. One thousand of these are young Negro share croppers, organ- ized into 30 locals and 30 youth sec- tions. Not only here, but generally in other parts of the country, our League is beginning to pay atten- tion somewhat to the farming prob- lem, In the South this problem be- comes one of national importance, raising a national problem, the struggie for Negro liberation, on a solid footing, allowing us to be able to conduct a struggle at the heart of the capitalist system, spreading to the steel mills and or mines around Birmingham, carrying through the Negro liberation movement. “These are some of the experi- ences of the League. From the re- ports of Comrade Green it is seen clearly that the League has gained wide experience, in carrying through and applying the decisions of the Young Communist International. What remains for us to do is to col- lectively discuss our problems, and come to the best conclusions as to what has to be done. We have learned from this discussion: First, concentration of. our activity. Sec- ond, developing of new cadres and this will always be the problem as our work proceeds, and third, that Jearning from these lessons we will go forward in building trade union of the maneuvers of the steel trust youth movement, and building a| struggle for a. Soviet America and mass Young Communist League, | freedom. for the Negro people.” “We have slogans and resolutions about fluctuation, nu we don't take steps to overcome In closing, Marks said: not regard the question of recruiting and fluctuation as technical mat- ters. It is of the highest political importance, bound up with the whole question of building a mass United States.” In reporting on the Negro ques- tion, Claude Lightfoot said that the activities of the bosses and their agents among the Negro youth are becoming sharp, especially on two fronts. On the one hand, he said, we have increased terror, lynchings, and all manifestations of white chauvinism, and, on the other hand, greater evidences of Negro petty- bourgeois nationalism, both of which are bound up with every measure of the New Deal program. “This worsening of the conditions for the Negro youth in the factor- ies, among the unemployed, farm- ing and student youth is closely linked up with the greatest terror wave against the Negro masses since the period of Civil War and Reconstruction. Nineteen thirty- three was a record year of lynch- ings—49 known victims were claimed; scores were lost, many of | who were arrested, and some of them are still in jail for distributing our leaflets.” Elliot nodded, whom were Negro youth. Hundreds | of Negro youth in the so-called lib- | eral North have been victims of the | Most, savage attacks on the bathing | beaches, white neighborhoods, etc. | Heroic Negro Youth Now, comrades, we must ask our- | selves this question, While the! white ruling class oppresses the Negro people, adult and youth, as a | national minority, why have the Negro youth especially been victim- ized? | “It is because they noted the role | played in every majer struggle in this country by these youth. They parable. They are taking a leading role in many struggles of the un- employed, Strikes, etc., not only of youth, but of adults as well. This is why that heroic young Bolshevik, Angelo Herndon, who has been a symbol of leadership, is facing 20 years on the chain gang of Georgia. In the unemployed struggles in Chicago in 1931 the Negro youth played an important role. In the strike of 1,500 Negro girls in St. Louis and Chicago last year, these youth displayed remarkable courage in defeating the most vicious forms of terror against them, and were in- strumental in inspiring thousands of workers to take part in the struggles. . . . “In all of our struggles we must. utilize our main leyer—the united front tactic, involving all organiza~ tions in the struggle for Negro rights. Here, comrades, I want to Place before this convention one organization that can be used to develop the widest forms of united action and also will be a means of defeating the influence of the re- formists, the youth section of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights. Our Young Communist League must take the responsibility for the building of these sections embracing all existing Negro clubs and the independent building of young Liberator Clubs. “In the building of all these or- ganizations we will build our Young Communist League among the Ne- gro youth. We must be the leaders in organizing the Negro youth to take their place side by side with the rest of the toiling masses under the leadership of the Communist Party on the barricades of class “Let us| are showing heroism that is incom- | I. U. proposals be provided as the A. F. of L, and other proposals got, | Elliot. replied: “I promise that we will give this the same publicity that Green’s and Tighe’s proposals got.” | When Dunne emphasized that the steel union was demanding only | “the same guarantees as are sup- Young Communist League in the| Poséd to exist in other elections in carrying out the American Consti- | tution,” Elliot heeded, saying that in many cases local governments had the only jurisdiction. “What about Homestead, where | Secretary Perkins wasn't allowed to | speak?” asked Cush. “We haven't forgotten that,” El- liot_blushed. “Do you mean to tell us that the Federal government can’t function for free speech within its own boundaries?” asked Cush. ‘Free- |dom of speech doesn’t exist in any company town. You know that’s a fact?” “Yes,” said Elliot. Egan told Elliot: ‘The steel com- panies flooded the whole area with |their propaganda for company |unionism and their fake strike | Votes. Nobody interfered or could |interfere with them. 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