The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 19, 1934, Page 5

WALL STREET’S CAPITOL ——By SEYMOUR WALDMAN i ASHINGTON, May 18.—Last Tuesday afternoon a tall, 1 slim, impressively bearded figure entered the sitting om adjoining the small office of Ambassador Alexander Union. After introductions to the members of the press, Otto f [eter ine of the Soviet We vich Schmidt, forty-three ear old scientist, Arctic ex- lorer, mathematics profes- br at the Moscow State Uni- fersity, head of the Chief} fdministration of the Northern fa Route and, among other hhings, the holder of the prized jrder of Lenin and the Order of Red Star, sat down and un- ided the stark, amazing story qe recent Chelyuskin expedi- igs attempt to negotiate the br€aeastern passage from Lenin- pad to the Pacific in one season. } Perhaps an American or Soviet j tist will some day give per- anence to that warm scene, that Bean as a press conference, by facing it on canvas. At one end | the table, Schmidt seated deftly, ngering a pencil over the dotted vutes on the maps spread out ‘fore him, his manner easy but ith a commanding dignity. Near- 7, on the side of the room, the g white bust of Lenin, elbow esting on several books, with atch in hand as if timing his marks to the conference. In ack of and facing Schmidt, news- npermen, noticeably excited, and nbassy officials enraptured and ‘oud of this brave countryman ho talks of harrowing experi- nees with such arresting self- Ssness, equanimity and quiet hu- janness. Just behind Schmidt ould be the younger Ushakov, ne chief of the recruiting party ho is also a distinguished ex- “Now, so, so, here,” the Professor ould say as he marked a spot 1 the map. The heads following im bent lower. “As you know our purpose was » come once more through the retic Ocean as in 1932, In July, 932, I went through Archangel, ind through ~=- Viadivostok. = In 933, with Chelyuskin . Hére round Cape Chelyuskin—that was ne first time ships came to the houth of the Lena . . .The first ¢ September we were here, so marking the place), so, and the rst. of November we were here, D, 80.” “How did the ship sink?” a cor respondent asked. “So, Schmidt replied as he held the pencil at a sharp angle to demonstrate just how the stern looked before disap- pearing below the drifting ice. ‘A great pressure of ice—and ‘n one moment two-thirds of the ship opened. In two hours it sank. Of course, we were pre- pared for such a thing. Every- “ @ing was on the upper deck. . Messages, yes, every quar- ¢ of an hour we sent a short @legram to Moscow. We took off six small motorboats (2 small airplane, tents and so forth. In avery tent we had a stove. Chel- kin (smiling as he looked ip at his listeners) was very ind to us.” * HAT was the purpose of the trip, professor?” “To increase the network of lar stations, to make a road m our western to our eastern ts and to explore the northern t of our country. Here we ave coal, here we have oil, lum- er and # forth.” J DE Sr SES es tees “Did you have severe hard- ships?” “No. ing, fur and so on. 40 degrees below zero. difficulty was the weather. We had warm undercloth- It got exactly The chief Also, airplanes. drifting ice changed our position in a few hours made the work of the aviators difficult.” taken off first?” would not go. their husbands and many insiste' on staying as a matter of principle. The women, Schmidt explained, declared that Soviet law gives them equal rights and that therefore they had the right to remain. He seemed pleased to recall this incident. women and children along?” Wrangel Island meteorological station there. the child was named Karina,” he spoke fie name Karina. ship?” “How did you happen to have! _the day which had been endorsed Schmidt replied, smiling happily as|to be one arrangements committee “Who'was the last man off the| Slogans was agreed upon. “Just before the ship sank only| Would have the right to carry its Failure to Get Unity Will Lie With YPSL Heads | By J. MARKS IF THE militant youth of New York are not united in a single demonstration against war and fascism on May 30, | the occasion of the bosses’ Memorial Day, the responsi- bility for this crime against every night our astronomers took | the working class will rest with the our position to radio it to the|leaders of the Young People’s So- | But the fact that the] cialist League. At the mass youth conference against war held on May 13th, the “Were the women and children| ¥-P.S.L. leaders came as observers. | They refused to join the conference | “ 7 e wo-| 4S active participants. They pre-| wee Sid chndeed esrb 8 ferred unity with the Trotzky anti- | Some stayed with Soviet youth sect to unity with the q| Youth from Y’s, Boys’ Clubs. Settle- | »| ment Houses, unions, church clubs, ete. That in itself was enough to show the most inexperienced dele- | gate that here was a group that dis- united the ranks of the youth. But the conference ignored this fact in the interest of National Youth Day by the macs U.S. Congress Against “We were bringing eleven men to) War and which has become the to operate our) traditional fighting day of all honest | Many | anti-war fighters since the first Na- | were married. One woman had a/| tional Youth Day in 1931. The dele- year-old baby; the other baby was| gates of the Y.P.S.L. renegade group born here (indicating a spot on the] voiced only one objection to the pro- map approximately halfway be-|posals of the conference through tween Archangel and Capé Chelyus-| their spokesman, Ben Fisher of the kin), and I think it is the farthest | Y.P.8.L. This objection in reference point north a baby was éver born.| to slogans for the narade was vith-; We were then in the Kara Sea, so| drawn a few minutes later. The terms were clear. There was for the parade, The nature of the It was also agreed that each organization three were left on boatd the ship,}OWN banners. The joint committee the captain, myself and a young] WS instructed to work out only the man, the only one we lost. We all| details of route and preparations. jumped, but he was caught by the] But at the first meeting of the falling deck. On the ice I lookéd| committee the so-called desire of at my wrist watch (gazing at it for| the Y.P.S.L. leaders for a united @ second), I remember, and it was| front began to reveal itself. They just 52 seconds after I jumped that | objected to the term National Youth the ship sank. But the Chelyuskin| Day. “It is a Communist term and was kind to us, as kind as she could] unacceptable to us. The arrange- be. After she went down, the bar-| ments committee of 13 should re- rels of ofl and the wood for fires} voke the decisions of the conference that we had on the uppér deck|0f 253 delegates,” they said. floated up again, so we did not suffer! They ignored the fact that the from the cold the two months we| conference which approved of Na- lived on the ice.” tional Youth Day was the largest ; Pete a one: and most representative in New| “TyOW did you spend your time on] York City, in which the young Com- the ice?” munists were a small minority. Thev | ‘e passed the time working,|ignored the fact that National} doing such things as building har-| Youth Day ts fast becoming a tradi- | racks, a kitehen, a tower to show tional youth anti-war day of a wide! the aviators our position and level- | section of youth of all opinions.! ling off a place for planes to land.} Their action was pre-arranged to! ‘We were always busy, We had toj produce a split, to destroy any at- move our tents on the shifting ice| tempt to unite the youth in one to avoid the crevasses all the time.| demonstration, No, we never doubtéd that we would! row else can we explain their be.rescued. absolute silence at the ‘conference ‘Every day our government gave} which decided upon the National! us @ short digest of the news of the| Youth Day anti-war demonstration | day.” and their bombastic disapproval| On April 13th the last of the ex-|two days later at the meeting of pedition had been flown to the| the committee? mainland. Schmidt had expected to be the last one to be taken over, but he contracted pneumonia and was the fifty-seventh to be removed —the ordér having been decided ac- The Young Communist League has no lusions regarding the ma- chinations of the Y.P.S.L, leaders! and their renegade friends. It be- lieves that no mention of National cording to the strength of the mem-| youth Day was made by them at bers of the expedition. He was car-| the conference in front of the mass ried by plane to Nome and placed | of delegates, because it was reserved immediately in a hospital. as a means for creating a split. The “What T liked about that fellow | recent action of the Y.P.S.L. leaders Schmidt,” said one of the news- | is the old resistance to any united papermen as he passed through | front activity under a new guise. In the Embassy door Ié¢ading into | the past these leaders expelled 16th Street, “was his absolute lack | dozens of their members because of of heroics in telling a great story.” | their support for one united strug- NafLY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1934 For One United Youth D ay March! New York students, rallied by the National Stu- League for Industrial in a recent anti-war demonstration dent League Democracy, and Student gle of the youth. Hundreds of other, Y¥.P.S.L. members had been brought up for expulsion. Have these same leaders who threatened and expelled members for their loyalty to the interests of the working s, become the champions of united front? There has been no repudiation of their past stand. And there will not be because it is unchanged. Only the method of defeating united front has been changed. In the past Y-P.S.L. leaders evaded and rejected offers for united struggle against hunger, war, fascism and the other issues facing the youth. They relied} on outright refusals and lies to make a united fighting front impossible. That tactic left them isolated. That exposed their reactionary character before large numbers of youth. Mar of their members joined the Young Communist League as a result of this enlightenment. Others were ex- pelled. held under the Now the tactic of the Y.P.S.L. leaders is revised. They have reason- ed as follows: “Let us form our own snug little united front. We can pick up the Trotzky and Lovestone rene- gade sects a our own half dozen groups. We will then have a united| front. More than that, we will turn] right around and propose united| front activity to the Young Com- munists and their supporters in-| stead of receiving embarrassing pro- nosals from them whith find such favor among our 0% members. If our proposals are accepted, then we will meet in committees, safely away from the eyes of the world and propose terms that the other] groups cannot accert. In this we will get the support of our Trotzky and Lovestone friends. They are bitter fighters of Communism also, but they do it in the name of Com- munism. By this maneuver we will try to convince our members and aus! of the es Student’s Sub- Section of the American Leacue Against War and Fascism in Madison Sq. Park. generally that front is impo; le. In all ca can fall bac our united front own mem| ame time save our pear as having the ng class at This has been the tactie that the | leaders have been follow- same old tune They hope by ctic to stem the tide of with di branches supporting National Youth | ’, Seattle, Connecticut, them. They separate the Socialist and try schemes ranks of the young Communist youth and the ranks of the non- Party youth. The schemes of the ¥.P.S.L. leaders must fail. There must be only one fighting demon- | stration on May 30th. j to Is Self-Determination Jim-Crowism? | ical groups are in the main caused by | By CYRIL BRIGGS ‘OULD it be jim-crowism for the Negro majorities of the “Black | Belt” of the South to control the government of that territory where they constitute the majority of the population? In an editorial in its April issue, captioned “Communist Jim-Crow- ism,” the Pittsburgh Courier quotes| a sentence from one of the docu-| ments of the historic 8th Conven-/| tion of the Communist Party, which | met recently in Cleveland: “The Neste people will obtain full equality and the right to gov- | ern as they see fit in the black belt of the South where they are | a majority.” With shameless dishonesty, the Courier proceeds to read into this sentence, wrested from its context, the distorted meaning that full equality for the Negro people, under a proletarian dictatorship in this country, would -be limited to those territories where they constitute a majority, stating: “This sounds very much like the 49th State idea. Negroes should be grateful to the Communists for letting them know in advance that only in some sections of the South where Negroes constitute the ma- jority of the population will they be veuchsafed full equality after the Revolution.” Courier Realizes Difficulty of De-) This is a lie, and the Courier ® | ; there would be no black or white, knows it—as evidenced in its ad- mission, albeit made in reactionary mockery of the revolutionary strug- gle for proletarian internationalism and solidarity of all toilers, that the Communist program calls for the wiping out of all color lines and na- tional and racial oppression: “We had erroneously assumed that in the Communist Valhalla race lines would be obliterated; that but simply American workers skip- ping together in the streets and tossing nosegays hither and yon.” The Communist program of self- determination and universal equal- ity for the Negro people has been brought forward not merely in words, but in hundreds of struggles led by Communist workers, against segregation, lynching and all fonms | of Negro oppression, persecution | and inequalities imposed upon the Negro people under capitalism. Moreover, there is the living ample of the Soviet Union, where, natonal oppresson has been abolish- ed along with unemployment and the exploitation of man by man. “Facts are stubborn things,” and before these facts the Courier edi- tors are forced to reveal their fear that they can no longer decrive the Negro mi on the Communist program, or divert them from the necessary revolutionary struggle for “Equality, Land and Freedom.” ctivity Among the Irish-American Masses Is ® ecretary of Communist Party of Ireland Relates | ‘her upsurge af the revolutionary Struggle of Irish Workers at 8th national struggle and the class struggle of the workers, And in Convention of the C. P. By SEAN MURRAY lecretary of the Communist Party of Ireland ixcerpts from a speech at the 8th ‘onvention of the C. P., U.S. A. at * Cleveland) ie 2k OMRADE Chairman and Comrades: : be will take away from this eat convention of the Com- unist Party of the United States something which will @ a real encouragement and ispiration to {he Communist Party Ireland and to the Irish work- 's. I will take away very definitely le proof demonstrated by this ongréss—that the American Com- unist Party is on the way to be- ming the revolutionary . mass of the American working I have listened with the greatest ntion to the reports of successes the trade union movement, in mine fields, in the big trans- industries, and—what is still re important and significant for. ‘eland—I have listened to repor‘s the powerful work and successes uu have registered among the Ne- o masses of the U. S. A. From we can draw the important clusion that the Communist arty of America has conquered the rritory as well as how to drive #0 the industries and conduct the ' nomic struggles. I. think this is _¥y important because the na- And so I will now have raise the skeleton in the cup- rd, namely, the Irish queés‘ion hich is possibly the weakest point our ermor at the moment. Sationel Jorn2 in Ireland The nationel issue is the jcsus nfronting the Irisn Party, And it is clear that in the United States the Irish population, as the Negro comrades stated yesterday very cor- rectly, constitute a mass basis for the ruling class, who utilize national sentiment for imperialist chauvin- istic ends. Yes, the work among the Irish masses is a weakest spot of the Communist Party. And the | weakest spot of the Communist Party is the strong spot of Amer- ican Imperialism. It will help us if we take away from this Con- vention a definite idea of why this is so. And I think the answer can be stated in a few words: namely, that in the past, the American bour- eoisie has known how to utilize the revolutionary struggle of the Irish people for independence against imperialism in England in the interests of Amreican imperial- ism, and we in the Communist Party both here and on the other side have not yet mastered the way to utilize the Irish national strug- gle for the proleterian revolution and proletarian internationalism, This is exactly our problem. ‘What are our perspéctives? What are the possibilities for carrying on work among the Irish? I think that in this crisis situation there are possibilities we have not had is no longer on the upgrade, no longer an alternative to British im- perialism for the Irish dispossessed farmers and impoverished workers. This has tremendous affects in Treland. It helps shatter the illu- sions of large masses in Ireland | about the possibilities of Amezican imperiglism being the way out of the misery and opvression of the Irish people wrought by British im- perialism. The Dollar Republic with an advertisement for thé capitalist system among the Irish. Quite the 1 reverse. Secondly, the situation in Ireland ‘itself is ere which 13 ravidiy de- veloping toy $ a nw crisi-, t ‘wards néw conflicts, towards fur- Io 2 *. . sno Jonly that the Irish workers this situation we have the possibi- lity of tackling the problem of win- ning the Irish masses from the Tammany politicians here and from the bourgeois nationalists over in Ireland because the struggle in Ire- Jand has now become so sharp that the middle class nationalists, who have hitherto monopolized the polit- ical field in Ireland, are being more and more exposed. They are be- ing exposed on the ground of the national struggle itself. It is more and more being demonstrated that the middle class nationalists are not leading the fight for national independence, but are leading the Irish masses to national disaster. to national capitulation to Great! Britain, This exposure is being hastened -by the changed political situation in Ireland resulting from the 1921 trea'y. The bourgeois nationalists are no longer a mere opposition to British imperialism. They are now in charge of the state; they are now in charge of protecting the Trish capitalists, protecting the c2pi- talis: state in Ireland against the workers. And this is a very im- portant thing which is opening the eyes of the masses in Ireland to; the character of the middle class nationalists who have been able to up till now to maintain suth a po- litical monopoly in Ireland. A few facts will indicate the kinds of before. First, American imperialism | struggle that arc taking piace. Struggles in Ireland The crisis has tremendously af- fected the country. Cut of a popu- Jation of four and half million, ere are almost a quarter of a million industrial workers unem- ployed. And in the cource of the past year in all the main industries, ; but ef particular importance, in the j three principal transport industries, | 16,009,000 cut of work is no longer , yyy. the railways, the docks, and the coastwise sea traffic, each of these} have had long strikes, the railway strike lasting for ten weeks. And in practically every industry that is arising under the tariffs of ithe De Valera government few of f the fasteriss get under w ‘4 - piesis ee nab) are | LEADER OF IRISH WORKERS Scan Murray, Secretary of the Communist Party of Ireland, who will bo banqueted at Irving Plaza May 39th, before his departure to Ireland, struggling on a national and poli- tical field against British imperial- ism, but are fighting their own cap- italists for economic demands. At the same time, the situation among the farmers is serious. Just as the American impoericlists no lenger need the Irish workers and have stopped immigration, so the British imperialists no longer necd the Irish farmers’ cattle. An eco- nomic “blockade” of the Southern Trith area is now two years in ex- istence. They have put such tarifis on importation cf cattle into Britain as makes it impossible for the Irish farme:s to sell their cattle. The De Valera government has to spend millions in subsidies to the cattle export industry — in other words, pay the English for buying the cattle! And this is the basis cf the rise for the fascist movement Wsd by O'Duffy, which is one of the Rrestest problems facing the Iris Party and the workers at the pres ent time, The Irish workers’ and farmers’ movement is developing towards new Struggles and it is in this situation) that the Irish Communist Party has | been launched last year. We have the doubtful distinction of being the last country in Europe to form al Communist Party. This in itself} will indicate to you that our tasks are not easy. I can say, however, that as a result of our activities in the struggle of the Irish masses since the formation of the Party and prior to it, the Irish Commu- nists have definitely won a place in the movement of the Irish workers, in the eyes of the masses. I think} this is of some importance to the American workers in the fight we have now entered for the leader- ship here in this country, in view of the influence which Irish events play in the political life of the Irish here. The development of 2 strong Communist Party in Ireland can be a source of much assistance to the Communist Party of the U.S. A. In this connection I will mention that in Belfast in the North of Ireland a year ago there took place one of the biggest mass upheavals that has yet characterized the workers’ struggles in the British Isles, namely the famous October struggle for relief, which was organ- ized by our Communist Party in Belfast and which resulted in dem- onstrations amounting s¢ imes to forty and fifty thousand workers, which for a city like Belfast is a tremendous achievement. TAp- | Plause.] And this struggle was’ a successful struggle, which tripled relief scales, Belfast was for two days turned into a city resembling) civil war—barricades. The workers | tore up the streets when the gov-) ernment force prevented the mass} demonstration and march on the! city council; they barricaded the stree‘s and two wi were killed by state forces, Breaking Down Religious Barricades The Communist Party has ¢emon- strated that only under our lo: religious bar and which divide the Irish the first time in men: Catholic and Protestent Belfast jcined han against the state fore’ And here I would like to say tnat Negroes Would Enjoy Full Rights in a Soviet America In a Soviet America, the Negro people will enjoy full and uncondi- tional equality throughout the whole country. Such equality neces- sarily includes the right of the Ne- gro majoriti in the Black Belt to determine and control the form of government in that territory. With- out this democratic right, equality would be a mockery. This need not necessarily majorities will up a government, apart from the govern- ment of the Negro and white work- ers and farmers in the rest of the country. That, however, is a ques- tion they themselves will decide, set | with democratic guarantees to the toiling white minorities in the Black Belt territory, who now suffer only er degree from the pre- le of the white landlord- capitalists. These rights will not be “vouch- safed” to, or conferred upon the Negro people, but. will be won by the Negro workers in joint revo- lutionary struggle together with the | white workers. The Daily Worker, America’s only workingclass daily newspaper, fights for the interests of the worki class. Read the Daily Worker. Buy it at the newsstands. Three cents a copy. our Party in the North of Ireland hitherto had been confined chiefiy to the Nationalist section and now unity. The sight of Y.P.S.L.| young | mean that these Negro | separate | ! | Deepgoing Rank and Fi | BY MARTIN YOUNG | Is sees Socialist Party Conven- ion will tak troit early in June. The So-|} | cialist Party is at present in| la state of great ideological jconfusion. Various political | trends have developed in the ke place in De-|S. P Coming Socialist ConventionReveals -d Trends | Confuse le Discontent Developing Against Second International’s Betrayals nce were involved in spite of e sabotage of the leaders. Of | eon ie sence upon the rank an e were also some | of our successful applications of the ited front by which we estabe ed er comradely contact with rs who began to se@ etness of our program and ies of their We allowed to get some credit |is deep discontent with the policies | for trying to bring about the united ot the American ieadaranio end the | 2 complain many socialist fj leaders today s of the Second International. | * The 8. P If admits that at| ¢) The death of Hillquit deprived has no official netional program. Various gro! ing up in the organization. < independent and at time to the views of their Na- and State organization Neith has the S. P. a united ship, looked upon and ac- | leader | cepted by the membership as such, | | As an organization, the S. P. stands today to a very large degree ideo- ally and politically med because, as some of the leaders say, Roosevelt “stole our show linent party leaders like call openly for a “radical overhaul- ing” of the Party. matte’ stand now,” writes Reinhold Nie- buhr, one of the editors of The ; World Tomorrow and leading so- cialist figure, “the party is Jacking morale and actual faces tegration.” Similar is the tone of complaint coming from many sec- tions of the party. In this sense we can speak of a crisis in the Socialist Party. Causes of the Situation What caused the present situa- j tion in the Socialist Party? The divisions inside the Socialist Party, the developments of various polit- trends and crystallization of the following factors: a) The economic and political consequences of economic crisis and the rising wave of struggles in the fascist theories of the crisis-proof American capitalism, of 2 contented working class and the impossibility of developing revolutionary %ass actions of the American proletariat. b) The collapse of the Second In- ternational as a world organization The entire Socialist Party is very much agitated with questions of taciics, strategy and program of the | Second International, particular! as expressed in the German and Austrian situations. Considerable | sections of the Socialist Party mem- | bership raised serious doubts con- cerning the correctness of the tac- | ties of the Second International and | openly express their criticism and disagreement. c) Continuous successes of so- cialist construction in the U. S. 8. R., appearing before the S. P. mem- bership, not merely as socialist | achievements, but as a result of the | correctness of the policies of the ic‘atorship of the proletariat and s the fruits of Soviet power, as against the counter-revolutionary attitude of social democracy to- wards the Soviet Union. d) The achievements of our own Party in participating and leading numerous struggles, strikes, mass unemployed movements, anti-war and anti-fascist campaigns, etc., in which many workers under socialist Weak Spot of Party gen “De Valera Governmen locals have adop‘ed their own | disin- | country. The defeat of the social) it is the other way about. We are | winning the membership and in-| fluence in the Orange section, which | the S P. of a force able to keep the united and to supply it with p. Hillquit combined his jan or‘hodox “Marxism” with activity, cheap govern- of the Milwaukee he trade union bure- and at the same time su combatted the leaderless g “militants.” Present Trends the main the pres in nt political trends in the 8. P. are expressed by | the folowing groups | a) The Revolutionary Policy | Committee. This group is the most '“Left” of all similar groups of the past. It even talks about the dic | tato , the es- tab! | or ler hment of workers’ councils as ns of the new State, of a gen- trike against war, and of the | united front. b) The Committee for Democratic | Socialism. This group is under the leadership of Abe Cahan and the | Jewish Daily Forward gang. It em- | braces the most reactionary and anti-Soviet elements. The main aim of this group is to combat all | those within the Socialist Party who, as they say, have “surrendered to Lenin outright or went in for compromise with Leninism.” cy The third political crystalliza— tion is definitely of a nationalist and fascist character. It is best expressed in their pre-Convention discussion by some socialist leaders j of Ohio. The Revolutionary Policy Committee Prior even to the formation of the Revolutionary Policy Committee (R.P.C.) and particularly since the collapse of German Social-Democ- | racy, the group centered around the American Socialist Quarterly, head- }ed by Haim Kantorovitch, indulged in occasional criticism of the Second | International. It is also character- | istic of the R.P.C. and its program, that whatever criticism it advances, jis primarily levelled against the Second International and almost | nothing is said of the role of the | Socialist Party of the U.S.A. The | entire past history of the American S.P. is wiped out. The program of the R.P.C. is studded with many jhigh sounding “revolutionary” phrases. Many of the S.P. leaders have been labelled it a “commu- nistic” program. The renegades of all shades, too, have showered their praise upon this “revolutionary pro- gram” (Cannon), “Marxian pro- gram” (Lovestone); while to Gitlow it “is like a breath of fresh air.” But what is the main aim of the Revolutionary Policy Committee in the present situation of the Ameri- can S.P. and the Second Interna- tional? One of their members, a (Continued on Page 8) t Is Leading Country to National Disaster and Fascism;” Tells Role of Irish Workers in U. S. was one of the hardest sections to penetrate; the Orange section is akin to the 100 per cent American section of this country. So that the Party in Ireland is launched on the Formerly it used to be that revo- lutionary workers would say to the republicans and | “You're for a capitalist republic, nationalists, land, without the connections be- tween the Irish movement and the American movement, it will be a difficult and a long process to get basis not only of the struggle of | we're for a workers’ republic.” We| the masses of the Irish workers in the nationalist masses for indepen-| have gotten beyond that sectarian| America under the leadership of the dence, but on the basis of the class struggle of the workers against the capitalists in the very heart of the imperialist center. Irish Republican Movement The second important point that stage and definitely put forward the | line that the Party stands on the| | policy that the bourgeois national- | Party. But I believe we can do this and consequently at the present ists cannot lead the nation to free-| time I think we should take off dom, cannot lead it to an indepen- |; dent Ireland, can only lead to co | our coats to the problem of tackling the Irish wi rs and be able to I want to stress here is in connec- | promise and capitulation ublet Brit-| report at the next Congress achieve- tion with the Republican move-| in, and the only way the ficht for} ments in this field equal to what we ment. Our Party in the South of Ireland came largely from the Re- publican movement and especially from its more militant sections. a very confused leadership. You see s lack of under: Ps aczainst participation in parliament. But among these groups are the best. revolutionary elements of the | Trish wy and peasants. And Commie ideas and influence are growing a®enz the Republitan rank and file projetarians in Ireland. The Communist Party has been able, in conducting the struggle against the rise of fascism. to over- come somewhat its weaknesses among the industrial workers in the South. Our fraction in the Dublin | Trades Council, a mest imoortant body of the industrial workers in Ireland, wes able to get a resolution carried f6 a general strike against f mon May 1. So that we have get over some of the major initial difficulties the form: n of the Party. We have got over the that could be made egain g thet the je masscs, out: movement, etc, We have t because we have pur- a corzect policy ia ticnal fight for imdenondence, with- cut which if tyould have heen ut- terly imressibie to g2in a foothold among the Irish masses at all. y independence can be won is by working class headed by the nationalist fight. The qu | lead the national struggle. get to large numbers of the w and peasants in the coun | have organized the Party. They our Party headquarters | enemies | against down 2 on the same pre! ducting our work and carrying on a fight in Dublin in spite of a a bers of our Part; bered in hund to Dublin and Be'fast. j the main provincial centers. | diffiew! are certainly tre {| because We are ! tack. The American Irish Workers + all the diffic in the present Communist Pi in Ireland, the leadership of the We can, I believe, wii: class be: Although Communism is weak in Treland, you would not think that by seeing the capitalist p2pers Our} guarantee for securing an indepen- pogroms | burned in| | Dublin to try to drive the Party | of town. They failed—we aro ises, still con- TAp- plause.] Iam glad to say that mem- which is still num- } aS eee | leadership of our Part i But the endous ¢ the frenzy with which } the enemy is now launching the at- d with we can. I believe, tnation build up a, Will be the greatest inspiration that can'the Trish workers and our Party this as a definite lever for drivinz | Soviet U.S.A,., which points to s by the | are doing among. say, the Negro its own! | workers and the other sections. We party coming to the leadershin of| should tackle it, I think, along the ‘On! line of exposing how the bourgeois Certain groups are influenced by | before us is what class is ey eo nationali the basis of that policy and pre-: can imperialism has utilized the sented in this way we are able to Ss in Ireland are leading the workers to defeat, how Ameri- Irish national position for its own . and is preparing to use ‘Ss OWN war purposes in the coming conflict. We should make clear to the messes that the surest dent Ireland from British impe- i| vialism will be the building up of an independent working class move- | ment and leadership. The De Valera government is leading the country to national dis- aster and leading to a fascist dic- torship. We have now to organize the revolutionary forces of the workers and peasants under the and in this work I believe the mest tremendous ance, the most tremendous in- ce will be made on the Irish ‘ers by the success of your Party in the present drive that you are making to build up the Communist Party of the American working | Class. This will be the message that I can give to the Irish workers, and | will receive, namely, that you are | sfully driving forward to =| su | |the path to a Soviet Ireland. {. as