The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 5, 1934, Page 3

A.F. of L. Locals Auto Employers Get Huge Profits As Men Get Wages Slashed Rooseyelt’s Company Union “Agreement” Fits Bosses’ Tastes Very Nicely By Labor Research Association “We aré very grateful to the President and to General Johnson that they have been able to find a settlement in accord with the principles in which we believe,” said Alvan Macauley, chairman of the anti-union National Automobile Chamber of Commerce, on the occasion of the Roosevelt-A. F. of L. leaders’ sell-out of the* DAILY WORKER, N e City Councils Foreed * To Act on Bill | NEW YORK. ey the greedy, labor-hating, la-| oor-exploiting political and fi-| nancial bosses, assisted by demagogues and fake labor leaders, are using every means at) hand to defeat this bill, therefore be it resolved that the Central La- bor Union of Gibson County, con- vening at Princeton in the state of Indiana, properly heads and circu- lates a petition . . . demanding the auto workers, March 25, 1934. Macauley and his 32 fellow auto employers in the N. A. C. of C. might well be “grateful.” For they expect an uninterrupted flow of fat profits and rich salary and bonuses. Even during crisis years, which have brought unemployment, low wages, speed-up and joblessness to auto workers, the lords of automobile manufacturing have benefitted by this flow. Take Macauley’s own firm, the Packard Motor Car Co., of which he is president. Its preliminary 1933 financial report indicates a $500.000 net profit for 1933. And for six years, 1928-1933, it paid Mac- anley a total of $827,441 in salary and bonus. For the years 1928-1130, inclusive, E. F. Roberts of the same company netted $301,391, and J. 8. Vincent $317,458, according to re- cent figures released by the Fed- eral Trade Commission. General Motors Corp., which op- erates extensive company unions in its units, was threatened with a walkout of its workers, and may likewise rejoice at the strikebreak- ing move of the Roosevelt govern- ment. For in 1933 it reported a (preliminary) net profit of $83,214,- 000, as compared with $164,979 in 1932! General Motors thus expects 1934 profits to continue at the same rate, if not higher. No doubt cam- paign coniributions of $25,000 given by John J. Raskob, director, and the $10,000 given by James D. Mooney, vice-president of General Motors, to help elect Roosevelt in 1932, is considered well repaid. Threatened by strike also was Hudson Motor Car Co., which re- corded a profit of $184,583 for the six months ending Sept. 30, 1933, in addition to a $49,328 tax refund from the government, for alleged “over-assessment” in 1919. Here are some salaries paid to Hudson executives: Roy D. Chapin, former Secretary of Commerce in Hoover's Cabinet, 1928-1933, inclusive, $301,- ; R. B. Jackson, 1928 and 1929, 500; J. McAneeny, 1926- . inclusive, $616,095; A. E. Barit, 1928-1933, inclusive, $481,572; J. H. Whitaker, 1928, 1929, 1930, $279,356. ‘This makes a grand total of $1,265,944. Then there is Nash Motors Co., from four to five thousand of whose workers at Kenosha, Racine and Milwauke, Wisc. are on_ strike, Nash paid dividends in 1933 amounting to nearly $2,000,000, and on Feb. 1, 1934, it paid a dividend of 35 cents a share. Nash officials have also been among the impor- tant beneficiaries of high salaries and bonuses. For example, the company paid in 1928 and 1929 alone $390,025 to W. H. Alford and the same amount to J. T. Wilson; in 1928 alone, E. H. McCarty was handed $146,081; M. H. Petit in the three years, 1928-1930, drew $515,002. This makes a grand total of $1,441,- 223 for four men. Or look at the Hupp Motor Car Corp., whose president, C. D. Has- tings, declared on March 19, six days before the “truce”: “For the first. time in three years I am very optimistic.” His salary for six Years, 1928-1933, was $244,333 plus a $50,000. bonus in 1928; Dubois Young’s salary for the same years amounted to $789,583 and bonuses for 1928 and 1929 gave him another $300,000; A. von Schlegell received ae one Bmp ge i! as his are of @ loot. Grand — $1,483,916. i Mack Trucks, Inc., another big anti-union company, paid its stock- | holders dividends of $664,998 in 1933. Its officers received salaries and bonuses for the years 1928-1933, in- elusive, as follows; A. J. Brosseau, $306,846; R. E. Pulton, $283,836, and E. C. Fink, $282,916. There is also Auburn Automobile Co., of which the notorious union- wrecking E. L. Cord is chairman. ag Aaa gees Paid to stockhold- ers amounted to $553,000. Cord himself was the recipient of salary and bonus totalling $2,096,454 in six ese 1928-1933. And this company just one of the man: which he dominates. Pierce-Arrow Motor Car Co. is another company that fights work- ers’ efforts to organize while pay- ing huge salaries and bonuses to its executives. Here are some of them: M. E. Forbes, salary for 1928 and. 1929, $100,000; A. R. Erskine, salary, 1928-1932, inclusive, $215,555 and bonus of $73,305 in 1930; A. J. Chan= ter, » 1929-1933, inclusive, sie a and bonus of $43,166 in Willys-Overland Co. paid salaries and bonuses to John N. Willys, $239,220 in 1928 and 1929; $345,001 to L. A. Miller, 1928-1932, inclusive, and $202,000 to J. H. Gerkens in 1929. This makes a total of $786,221. The robbery of the auto workers indicated by the above facts shows cere that Megs Roosevelt ” operates solely in the interests of the companies, such as those we have mentioned. Suc- cessful organization and strikes of auto would mean that the huge profits and salaries of the of- ‘Which are taken at the ex- pense of their workers—would be sat down. And this is what the & employers fear above all else. Oe Oa ny ee Om Pottery Strike Is Broken by NLR. A. A. F. of L. Supplies the Strikebreakers EAST LIVERPOOL, Ohio, April 4. —Foliowing on the heels of the en- forced settlement of the pending sirike of the Auto and Steel work- ers to the undisguised satisfaction of Auto and Steel barons, and with the connivance of the strike-break- ing methods of Wm. Green and the sirerican Federation of Labor, a strike of pottery workers has been ended by the Regional Labor Board to the satisfaction of the pottery ‘Yotses. On February 19, members of tié Wueal union 131 of the National krotherhood of Operative Pozcters, an affiliated body of the A. F. of L. walked out and surrende ‘ci their charter due to the fact that certain rightful demands had long been de: nied them. Their demands were: (1) uniformity of wages, (2) direct bargaining. Throughout the struggle of these men to better their conditions, a Mr. Duffy who heads the N. B. of O. P., the local newspapers and the A. F. of L. actively supported the bosses against the striking men. In addition to this the local courts convicted and sent to jail for 30 days, Frank Fiber, a member of the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union, for distributing handbills calling for the solidarity of al the pottery workers and unemployed workers to support the strike. True to the seab-herding policy of the A. F. of L., Mr. J. Duffy began “or- ganizing” the strikebreakers who had been hired by the pottery bosses to fill the places of the strikers. What is your Unit, trade union, mass organization doing to get new subscribers for the Daily Worker? Help put the sub drive over the top! enactment of Bill H. R. 7598,” reads the resolution adopted by the Cen- tral Labor Union, in endorsing the Workers’ Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill. | The resolution further states, after | outlining a program of circulating! the petition: “That any man or| woman refusing to sign this petition | be branded as an enemy of the | working class, and their names be| taken and carefully filed away for/ future reference.” Copies of the resolution, together with the signed petition will be mailed to Congress- | men and Senators and to Roosevelt. | Defy William Green In defying the order of Green, the | Central Labor Union of Gibson County endorsed the petition, and | called all workers to the reeting. Added to the long lists of the) thousands of A. F. of L. unions which have already endorsed the bill, Local 210 of the International Association of Oil Field, Gas Well| and Refinery Workers of Hammond. Ind. endorsed the bill at the regular meeting on March 29th. In addition they too are circulating cards, and! calling upon workers to flood Con- gress and the Senate with demands for its enactment. In Milwaukee, the latest A. F. of L. local to endorse the workers’ bill is Local 8 of the Masons and Plas- terers International Union. In Northampton, Mass., Branch 21 of the American Federation of Hosiery Workers endorsed H.R. 7598. Hold Conference of Polish Locals Twenty-five delegates, represent- ing 5,500 members of A. F. of L. locals in Chicago, met in the hall of the Bakery and Confectionery Local 49, and unanimously endorsed the workers’ bill. A, F. of L. locals represented were: the Bakery local 49, Painters local 455, Carpenters local 341, Machinists Local 830, Amalgamated Clothing Workers lo- col 38, Hod Carriers local 3, The Polish Chamber of Labor, the Tail- ors Educational Society, the Society | of Bricklayers, and the Society of Polish Bakers. EW YORK, THURSDAY, APRIL 5, 1924 ty Green, Endorse Work Circulate Petitions; Demand Action on The Workers Social Insurance Bill Congress of the Hnited States Boouse af Representatives i astrgion, BE Yarch 24, 1988 Year wet | There recoteat your poet car’ eta! an "SOR, @ M111 te seortde for the water ten. Of apernlowmest ant soetel tnmuranes. Mot ondy at! tn feror of thts tests ation bat ag also'for the pasrage of olf age perstea Tegigtatio: en? Noth of theae aattezs ars recatving wy ecmpert. Mrcely youre, ~~? Held Count | bill. | | tion, Inland Steel Local, | met Steel Local the Workers B ers y Conference In Glen Carbon, THlinois Polish Democratic Club, the Hunters Protective Club, the Ital-American National Union, and the Inter- Racial Protective League are the organizations which have added/ their endorsement to the workers’ | Protective Associa- | an inde- pendent union, with 300 workers of the Inland Steel Company, who con- stitute 95 per cent of the workers in the mill have endorsed the bill. The Inland Steel Local is affiliated with the similar union of the Calu- met Steel Company, the workers of both shops constituting the union. | At the next meeting of the Cal The Mutual will be presented for endor: ent |The Calumet Steel Company has about 400 workers in the independ- ent union. RAYMOND 7. O'KEEFE @messan Agseweuy are or UN's March 12,7034 Menvets of me Unemployed Council of Cook County I do hereby endorse Zouce Rerolution 7896 becsuse T believe At Je what the Unenployed want, !by the State pending the passage | Social Insurance Bill Binoerety, A 7Aizcg, These letters, copies of which are printed above, were received by workers an* the Unemployment Councils of Cook County, Chicago. In giving their endorsement to the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill, these legislators were forced to announce their position because of the mass pressure of the thousands of workers throughout the coun- try who are demanding the workers’ bill. Workers everywhere should deluge Congressmen, Senators and Roosevelt with letters demanding enactment of H. R. 7598, th only real unemployment insurance bill, now before the House Committee on Labor, —« employment Insurance Bill will be; Fraternal Organizations Demand held on Sunday, April 8th. . City Council of Norwood Park, Til. Following the action of Belleville ee 2 In Glen Carbon, Til, a county conference to plan the struggle for the enactment of the Workers Un-| and Caseyville, Ill., the City Council of Norwood Park Township, Il, endorsed the bill. By MARGUERITE YOUNG (Continued from Page 1) st@ntial gains since the last conven- tion held in 1930—at the same time sharply criticizing where these were “not enough.” He set the detailed tasks in the building of revolution- | ary trade unions and opposition | forces in the American Federation of Labor and independent trade | unions. He showed how the united front from below is being carried through and must be extended. He | explained, with stories to illustrate, | how the fight for immediate de- mands of the workers everywhere and of their allies is being linked and will be further fused with the fight for the revolutionary over- throw of capitalism. For these ends, he demanded that the Communist |Party become a Bolshevik party— iand quickly. Since the seventh convention, in | 1930, which “consolidated the uni- fication of the Party, and turned it resolutely toward correct bolshevik policy of mass struggles and mass organization,” said Browder, “the Communist Party has trebled its membership—from 7,545 dues pay- ing members to 24,500, Shop nu- ‘clei of the Party have increased from a little more than 100 to 338. Of these 338, 154 are in basic indus- tries, and more and more of them are reaching into the decisive fac- tories of these industries. In the shops in which they are located there are a total of more than 350,- 000 workers. But there is the “se- rious weakness” that only a little more than 1 per cent of the workers have been brought into the unions. Further specifying “where we have succeeded and where are our weaknesses,” Comrade Browder em- phasized that mass education must. go forward with “spokesmen who make always 4 living application of Communist thought to the concrete problems of those to whom they speak. We must completely over- haul our methods of mass educa- tion. We must absolutely put a stop to this business of our Party speak- ers copying parrots and phono- graphs.” He demanded, too, that the “key problem” to future growth of the Party and of the revolution- ary trade union movement—that of the shop nuclei winning the leader- ship of the overwhelming. majority of the 350,000 workers, in the facto- ries where we already have shop nuclei, and building and bringing the best fighters into the Party—be solved. One trouble, he cited point- edly, is that the Communist shop nuclei “are not so much secret from the bosses as from the workers.” At evist step Browder laid bare the intimate relation between the A. PF. of L. ‘les¢-ship, Socialist Party, reformist and renegade HLR. 7598 CHICAGO HEIGHTS, Ill. — Six workers’ mass organizations here have endorsed the Workers Bill, and have sent reSolutions to Congress demanding its enactment. The Preparations are being made to have a workers’ delegation present the bill to the next meeting of the City Conncil demanding endorse- ment. | . Demand Montana State Insurance Pending Enactment of H.R. 7598 GREAT FALLS, Mont.—Workers | here have printed and are circulat- |ing a petition calling for a State | referendum on a State unemploy- 'ment insurance bill to be enacted of the Workers Unemployment and (ALR. 7598), by the Federal government. The State bill which the workers of Montana are demanding, calls for a State unemployment insur- , ance identical in all its provisions to the workers’ bill now in the House Committee on Labor. Like the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill, the Montana work- ers’ bill demands that the unem- ployed workers be paid a minimum | of $10 a week with $3 for each) dependent. All part time workers whose wages are below the minimum set by the bill shalt be reimbursed so that wages received shall not be below the minimum set by the bill. All; striking workers shall also be pro- vided with unemployment insurance by the Montana bill, and in no case shall any worker be forced to accept work where workers are on strike. The committee which is circulat- ing the petition calls upon all work- ers to sign the bill and to assist in the circulation of the petition. The central commiitee, which is cir- culating the petition, asks that workers write to Van M. Freeman, Bill (HR 7598) Shipyard Strikers See Arbitration As Strikebreaking Move Must Broaden Strike Committee and Unite With Other Plants By CHARLES SPENCER CAMDEN, N. J., April 3 (By Mail).—The strike of over 3,000 ship workers of the New York Shipbuilding Corpora- tion goes into its second week with the workers determined to settle the question of wage increases and union recog- nition on the picket line. All talk of arbitration was re jected as a strike-breaking Threaten Leader in maneuver. All talk of Labor |Boards, including the newly bd ® jdressed up Industrial Relations Knitgoods Strike | Beara. zeceive the angry’ boos of j the si ng work The big ——— | ma for: of 2 SS are con- PHILADELPHIA, April 3 (By/vinced that in their fight against Mail) —I. H. Feingold, manager of |the hunger wage scales they have the Knit Goods Workers’ Union, | heen receiving they cannot possibly which is carrying on a general strike in the industry in Philadelphia, re- | ceived a letter threatening to put him “in the cemetery” within 48 hours. This is the latest step in the attempt to smash the strike ect a thing from any agency of Roosevelt-Wall Street govern- ment. Today the strike appeared at a | deadlock, the strike-committee ap- pealed to Secretary of the Navy The Labor Board failed to scare | Swanson and Secretary of Interior or cajole the union into sending the | tcoxes, director of the P. W. A, to workers back to the mills undar a | adjust the naval contracts “to make sell-out agreement. The — bosses| possible the payment of a fair failed in their slanderous attack| Wage.” But President Bardo has on the union through paid ads in| only one idea—to force the men the bourgeois press. The strike | hack to work by hunger. Bardo re- headquarters were several time in-| fuses to budge. He claims he is vaded by hoodlums who tried to/| wining to keep the plant closed “un- create disturbances, and who/ ts! the men cool off.” This is a new planted several stench bombs in the | tactic, now that faith in the govern- hall and in the kitchen where the| ment agencies has been shot to strikers’ food was prepared. pieces. All this, however, failed to lessen the militancy of the pickets, and the strike is now at a deadlock The | spirit of the strikers {s good, and they are determined to stick and| fight until the strike is won, | cme tee oe | Women To Go Out | In Pa, Shoe Strike PHILADELPHIA, April 3 (By| Mail)—The boss of the Keystone I asked John Green, President of the Industrial Marine and Ship- workers Union, what plans he had for winning the strike and the an- swer was that he had none. I asked | him if he thought that the speeches by Norman Thomas and other So- cialist leaders like Felix and Van Gelder with their praises to the police and the American Federation of Labor could supply what the workers need to win the strike. The gist of his answer was that the workers wouid not stand for a Com- munist speaker. Thomas Spreads N.R.A. Illusions I am convinced that Johhn Green Slipper Co. offered to grant pay in- tes demanded by workers in one | is anxious to lead the shipworkers department who walked out on|to victory, but his experience in strike. The union turned the offer | Strikes is limited and he is being down, because the boss insisted on | advised by the worst enemies of the the continued existence of the com-| Workers—Socialist Party leaders— pany union, and because the -boss|the same leaders who sold out the 62214 Second Ave. South, Great Polish-American Citizens Club, the Falls, Montana. | refused to re-hire Garibaldi, 4| worker fired for union activity. | The girls in the fitting room voted | to go on strike for union recogni- | tion, abolition of the This action wa: firing of elderly women workers. | | groups’ misleadership and petrayal of American labor and the em- ployers’ and their government’s drive against employe standards— and at the same time he insisted upon further exposure, continual, concrete exposure, This opening session of the con- vention was a revelation of the liv- ing leadership of the Communist Farty, much of it new rank and file leadership, girding calmly but de- terminedly for a new, more intense and better-prepared push - toward the revolutionary goal. These dele- gates, seated closely at hundreds of narrow tables in the great hall of Prospect Auditorium; a weather- beaten building in a once proud but now crisis-stricken residential dis- trict of this industrial city, ap- plauded spontaneously—and ap- plauded Comrade Browder’s own “Living application of Communist thought,” and yet, the greatest ap- plause of all thundered out to the Tundamental assertions of the Com- munist demands. Repeatedly, state- ments of the glories of working class victories in the Soviet Union would bring a storm of applause that would last four minutes by the clock and cease only when the cheering and shouting broke into the singing of “Internationale.” Delegates Study Problems But this audience did more than cheer, to contribute to this collec- tive effort. They were studying these problems with Comrade Brow- der. They took notes. They would settle comfortably back in their chair, and suddenly sit forward to record some salient point, The Ne- groes, men and women, scattered all over the hall, formed a quarter or more of these delegates. Among them all, Negro and white, youth was strikingly evident, and so were women delegates. Smoke curled in small clouds—but here was no smoke-clogged room such as meets the eye in any Republican or Demo- cratic convention, for these dele- gates were not machine cogs but leaders, And they were busy. They were alert every moment. Before them on the stage, where sat the presiding committee, Brow~ der stood in shirt sleeves, his slen- Ger figure looming above the read- ing stand. Behind and above the committee, the backdrop—a mural showing a mighty worker hurling the axe of united class struggle to burst the chains of capitalist op- About midway in the speech Browder paused and said: “Well, now that I’ve made a good begin- ning on my report, I think we'd bet- ter stop for lunch.” The delegates roared spontaneously as the chair- man adjourned the session for an hour. In the afternoon—the same rapt attention, the same outbursts of whistling, clapping, storms of applause. Describes World Struggles Emphasizing the mass upsurge that is flinging itself against inten- sifying oppression throughout the world, Browder told of the heroic battles of the laboring people in struggles for liberation in Spain, France, Germany and Austria. In Austria, particularly, he said, “The lightning flash of the heroic barri- cade fighting of the betrayed Aus- trian workers revealed for an in- stant the doom that is being pre- pared for capitalism beneath the blanket of fascism with which the bourgeoisie seeks to smother the flames of revolution.” He reported the overthrow “on our very door- step last August” of the Machado’s Hell of Oppression, and declared, “Also in the United States, the up- surge of mass resistance to the capitalists policy of driving the masses into starvation, a policy in- tensified behind the demagogic cloak of Roosevelt's New Deal, has already been answered by the capi- talists with machine guns at Am- bridge; by increasing appropriations for police and military; by Fascist occupation such as War Depart- ment occupation of the strategic points in the economic system; by incorporating the A. F. of L. lead— ership into the government ma- chinery; by the ‘new course’ of com- pulsory arbitration and legalization of company unions ‘charted’ by Roosevelt in the automobile “settle- ment’ and the Wagner ‘labor’ bill. A wave of chauvinism is being roused by capitalist press and statesmen, without precedent in a so-called time of peace.” Quoting Stalin, the world leader of the proletariat, Browder gave figures to reveal “the division of the world into two systems which are travelling in opposite direc- tions. While in the capitalist coun- tries," he said, “production declined between 1929 and 1933 by from 15 pression. Following his manuscript, Browder at times leaned forward end grasped the stand as though drawn forward toward his audience. Again, he stood quite erect and used bota nands to emphasize his words. As his language masterfully Ae the Marxian combination of clear general statements with con- crete examples, and the lightning of luminous phrase with homely sentences, so his delivery fused the forceful flinging of challenges to ne patient, conversational explana- ons, to 35 per cent, the Socialist indus- try of the Soviet Union increased by more than 100 per cent.” The dele- gates cheered and finally, still cheering, rose enmasse and cheered again. Showing how the “depression” differs from preceding ones, leading not to recovery and days, but to ® multiplication of the difficul- ties and a sharpening of the crisis of the very capitalist system, Browder explained that capitalism has succeeded in easing the posi- tion of it of the workers, but, as Stayin put it, “at the present time there are no data, direct or indirect, that indi- cates the approach of an industrial boom in capitalist countries .. . Judging by all things, there cannot be such data, at least in the near future ... Because all the unfavor- able conditions which prevent in- dustry in the capitalist countries from rising to any serious extent still continue to operate. I have in mind the continuing general crisis of capitalism in the midst of which the economic crisis is proceeding, the chronic working of the enter- prises under capacity, the chronic mass unemployment, the interweav- ing of the industrial crisis with the agricultural crisis . . .” Both Fascism and war are being prepared by the capitalists — but it will not smother the working class fight, Browder asserted. Another thundering cheer met his declara- tion that “if the imperialists ven- ture upon another war, they will receive a crushing defeat worse than in the last war (in which they lost the largest country of all to the victorious working class of the So- viet Union). . . This time they will face a working class infinitely bet- ter prepared... Such a war will surely end in the birth of a few more Soviet Republics.” Bounties to Capitalists Showing how the Roosevelt “New Deal” has succeeded in its most vital aim—to attempt to bridge over the difficult period for the capitalists and begin the restoration of their prof- its—Browder gave government fig- ures on the enormous bounties poured out by the Reconstruction Finance Corporation; on the effect of inflation and price fixing in re- ducing workers’ real wages, so that even the A. F. of L. figures con- cede it; and on the manipulation of the government budget so that the burden of taxes has been shifted off the shoulders of the rich onto the shoulders of the poor. These things and the “official adoption of the company union,” he said, “could not have been accomplished without the collaboration of the A. F. of L. leadership. Every vicious (N. R. A.) code provision against the workers, for company unions, has borne the signature of Green and Co.” Explains United Front Tactic Emphasizing the urgency of build- ing the united front from below with all working class groups and their allies, Browder explained: the correct application of this tactic. At the same time he called for “electing at least a few Communists to Congress from a few concentra- tion districts.” He dwelt upon the imperative necessity to extend the work of the Party for the national liberation of the Negro people. He insisted that work among women workers in industry and among housewives keep pace with the capi- talists drawing them into industry ‘The Communists set no condi | Clearly and systel 500 Delegates at C. P. Convention Cheer Call to Struggle tions to the united front except that the unity shall be one of struggle for the particular demands agreed upon.” He -described the united front tactic. “But on this condi- tion we must be sternly insistent.” And, in spite of all enemies of this united front, he asserted, “the Com- munist Party moves steadily for- ward toward building it.” He cited incorrect application of the tactic in the recent Cleveland and Dear- born elections, noting that “the Party must not dissolve its own ac- tivities entirely into the broad movement and lose itself there,” Reviews Gains, Weaknesses Reviewing the achievements and weakness of the Party work—some- thing which he insisted he done regularly, since in this lies “our strength” — Browder said that an excellent weapon in this process is that of continually applying the Open Letter which was formulated | ‘in the Extraordinary Party Confer- ‘ence last Summer. Immediately proceeding to apply this self-criti- cism, he discussed the Bolsheviza- tion of the Party: “We are trying with all our abil- ities to make our Communist Party into a Bolshevik Party. That means to master ail the lessons taught us by the first Communist Party, the most successful one, cre~ ated and led to victory by Lenin and now successfully building so- cialism under the leadership of Stalin; it means to become a party of the masses; to be a party with its strongest roots among the deci- sive workers in the basic industries; a party whose stronghold is in the shops, mines and factories, espe- cially in the biggest and most im- portant ones; a party that leads and organizes the struggles of all oppressed peoples, bringing them into firm alliance with the working class; a party that knows how to take difficulties and dangers and transform them into advantages and victories. Moving “Too Slowly” “Are we such a Party? Not yet. | We have a strong ambition to be- come such a Party. We are making progress in that direction. But when we consider the extremely favor- able circumstances under which we work, when millions are beginning to move, to organize, to fight, when only our program can solve their problems, then we must say that we are moving forward far too slowly.” Grounding the party program once more firmly in the strength of the international movement, Browder continued: “The tasks of our party today, the ;Tresolution prepared for this conven- proletarian | adoption, especially the thesis and decisions of the 13th Plenum of the} Executive Committee of the Com- munist International, and the draft tion by the Central Committee. My report has been for the purpose of further elaborating these funda- mental directives and discussing some of our central problems con- cretely in the light of these direc- tives. All these tasks set forth in the documents before us are parti- cular parts of the one general task —to arouse and organize the work- ers and oppressed masses to resist- ance against the capitalist program of hunger, fascization and imperial- ist war. “They are parts of the one task of winning the majority of the toiling masses for the revolution- ary struggle for their immediate political and economic needs as the first steps along the road to proletarian revolution, to the overthrow of capitalist rule, the establishment of a revolutionary workers’ government, a Soviet government, and the building of a Socialist society in the United States.” Wild Enthusiasm All over the big auditorium, dur- ing the above passage, delegates rose spontaneously and called, “Long live our Central Committee!” “Long live Comrade Browder!” “Long live our Communist Party!” The intensity of the enthusiasm rose section by section, line by line during the afternoon until, at the magnificent close of Browder'’s speech—the stirring confirmation of an American Communist Party) rooting in the soil of American in- | dustry and farming, yet firmly} united with “the most fearless, de- | voted, honest and energetic in the} working class of every capitalist country, as well as of the toiling masses struggling for-their libera- tion throughout the world”"—the audience broke into hectic, pro- | longed applause, and once more stood to cheer. They fell silent again, when Browder concluded: “Above all, do we arm ourselves with the political weapons forged by the victorious Communist Party of the Soviet Union, with the| mighty sword of Marxism-Lenin- ism, and are strengthened and in- spired by the victories of Socialist construction won under its Bolshe- taxi strike in Philadelphia (Felix |and Van Gelder)—the same leaders who told the workers that the N. R, A. was a new charter for Labor (Norman Thomas, etc.). Green is himself a shipworker, and is largely responsible for building the union, and has the confidence of the work- ers in the yard. But the union is not run as a rank and file union. Speaking to some of the rank and file workers, I was told: “The trouble is we don't have business meetings. Only prayer meetings. We never know what's going on.” Another worker said: “If Johnny died, we'd be licked. The leadership ought to be broader.” Another said: “This fight is a fight against the government. And when it somes to fighting the goy- ernment, it takes the Communists to show us how. See that the Daily Worker is here every di: Still another said: A strike is not a strawberry festival. Hypno- tism won’t win this strike. We got to make it damn dangerous for the New York Ship to keep closed, We're too damn polite, If we kept out the firemen and maintenance crew the company would speak in @ different language.” Tasks of Strike From the conversations with the | Workers, it is clear that in order to win the strike the following is neces- sary: 1, A broader strike committee elected by the rank and file. 2. Regular business meetings with discussion from the floor. 3. Strengthening the strike by pulling out the maintenance men and firemen now permitted to re- main in the plant. . 4. Building a united front with the workers of the other plants of Camden and Philadelphia. 5. Mass picketing and demon- strations in front of the shipyard. 6. Raising the political level of the strikers by showing how the government supports the bosses. 7. Demanding full wages in the form of unemployment insurance, to be paid by the government and the owners of the New York Ship, Mass demonstrations to win this. The strike is still solid. But the | Strikers have no plan of attack. Consequently the time of the strikers is being taken up with evan- gelists, hynotists and brilliant pie- in-the-sky speeches of Socialist mis-- leaders, while Bardo waits for hun= ger to creep in. The strike must be strengthened. PRILADELPHL I.L.D. Annual Bazaar Friday and Saturday April 13th and 14th Ambassador Hall 1710 N. Broad Street Kantor’s Dance Orchestra Admission—One Night 10 cents, Both Nights 15 cents DETROIT, MICH. vik leadership, headed by Stalin. Our World Communist Party, the} Communist International, provides us the guarantee not only of our victory in America, but of the vic- tory of the proletariat throughout the world.” And then wild applause broke and shook the hall until James W. tasks of this convention, have been atically set forth in_the documeni® before us for \ Ford and “Mother” Ella Reeve PIONEER BAZAAR April 7th, at 8 P.M. | FINNISH HALL 5969 - 14th Street Program by 5 Troops Bloor came forward, leading th; singing of the “International.” j Tickets 15¢ in ady, 206 at hoor