The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 24, 1934, Page 5

¥ t a ELY WORKE R, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MARCH 24, 1934 || Manuilsky’ 8 Report of Activities of | a: I. I, Delivered at 17th Congress of C. The following is the full text of the speech, delivered by D. Z. Manuilsky before the recent 13th Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, It is a remarkable analysis of the present world situation, particularly as it is re- flected in the growing revolutionary crisis which is rapidly maturing into the open explosion of imperialist wars and proteta- rian revolutions, Manuilsky, 2 leading member of the Sec- retariat of the Executive Committee of the C. 1, sounds the call to the world Commu- nist Parties for intensified work among the masses whose misery in the fifth year of the crisis is reaching the breaking point, mass work, Manuilsky emphasizes, that must from now on be pervaded through and through with the perspective of imminent struggles for Soviet power. With the rise of fascist reaction in capi- talist countries, Manuilsky points out, there takes place the irresistible counter-rise of the revoiutionary upsurge of the masses, as the open class war for power approaches in all capitalist countries, The exceedingly fine analyses of almost every phase of Bolshevik work in the va- rious parties in relation to the needs of the present situation, Manuilsky’s speech deserves the most earnest and devoted study, for they are rich in Marxist-Leninist insight. Particularly yaluable is his masteriy de- seription of the Bolshevik work of the heroic Communist Parties in China, Japan, Germany, Poland, ete. which are nfteting their revolutionary obligations in a man- ner worthy of the banner of Lenin and Stalin, In connection with the tasks that con- front the American Communist Party, es- pecially in the light of the coming Party Convention to be held at Cleveland begin- ning April 2, Manuilsky’s speech should be studied and mastered by every Party mem- ber and active worker in the class struggle against the Roosevelt Wall Stréet dictator- ship. I, On the Growth of the Revolutionary Crisis Comrades, the period which has elapsed since the Sixteenth Congress, marked as it is by the development of the world economic crisis, is | characterized by the growth of fascism, by the unleashing of imperialist wars, and by the strengthening of the revolutionary movement | of the masses, which is aiding the maturing of revolutionary crises in individual capitalist countries, The forecast of the world development given at the Sixteenth Party Congress by Comrade Stalin has been confirmed by the whole course of world events during the past three and a half years. At the Sixteenth Party Congress in the sum- mer of 1930 Comrade Stalin said that the sta- bilization of capitalism was coming to an end. The Twelfth Plenum of the E.C.C.I. in 1932 placed on record the end of capitalist stabiliza- tion. At the Sixteenth Party Stalin said that the upsurge of the revolution- ary movement of the masses would grow with new force. At the present time the revolution- ary movement is growing in the whole capitalist world, even taking on the form of unrest in the army in certain countries. At the Sixteenth Party Congress Comrade | Stalin said that the economic crisis would grow over into a political crisis, ie., tionary crisis, At the present time, in 1933, a crisis of the “upper classes” is already apparent in a number of capitalist countries, and in cer- tain countries it is growing over into a nation- wide revolutionary crisis, At that time Comrade Stalin said that the bourgeoisie would seek a way out in the sphere of home politics in further fascization, em- ploying all reactionary forces for this purpose, including social democracy. In January, 1938, the bourgeoisie set up a fascist dictatorship in the center of Europe, in Germany, thus giving the signal to all world reaction for the offensive against the working class. After the shameful capitulation of German social democracy to fascism, the Second International is going full steam ahead on the way to further fascization. Comrade Stalin said that in the sphere of foreign politics the bourgeoisie would seek a way out in imperialist wars and, above all, in a counter-revolutionary war against the U.S.S.R. In 1931 Japanese imperialism attacked China; it is carrying on this war at the present time and is today threatening the land of Soviets with a counter-revolutionary war. Finally, Comrade Stalin said that the prole- tariat, fighting against capitalist exploitation and the war danger, would seek a way out in revolution. During the past three years there has been a further development of the Chinese revolution, coupled with tremendous successes of the Chinese Soviets. In Spain there is a revolution which is growing over from a bour- zeois-democratic into a proletarian revolution. The Thirteenth Plenum of the E.C.C.1., which met a month and a half ago, noted that the world is already approaching directly a new round of revolutions and wars. General Capitalist Crisis Deepens Revolutionary Crisis What sort of a period of world development is thas, comrades, which is characterized by the termination of capitalist stabilization and by the slipping of the capitalist world into a second round of revolutions and wars? It is a period of the maturing of nation-wide crises in indi- vidual capitalist countries. It is a period of the maturigg of a revolutionary sone of the world system of capitalism. This revolutionary crisis bos its rise from the accentuation of the general crisis of capi- talism. But it presupposes a greater shattering of the capitalist system, a greater collapse of its economic and political connections, a greater sweep of the mass revolutionary movement and, above all, a greater organization of the forces of proleteniam yevolution, greater influence by Congress Comrade | a revolu- | | the Comintern and its sections, than we aetu- ally have today. The revolutionary crisis will inevitably ma- ture because the mass revolutionary move- | ments, which are developing, will accelerate the further shattering of the capitalist system, and this process in its turn will aid the growth of the forces of proletarian revolution and of the forces of the Comintern. It will inevitably ma- ture because, in proportion to the fulfillment of | the Second Five-Year Plan and the strengthen- ing of the proletarian dictatorship in the U.SS.R., the correlation of class forces in the circumstances of a deepening of the general | jerisis of capitalism will change in a direction | favorable to the proletarian revolution. Capitalism, it would seem, has passed the lowest point of the economic crisis, and since 1932 it has now been marking time. But even if it has succeeded in temporarily scrambling | up to the stage of depression, and even a littie bit higher, nevertheless, there will be neither | “prosperity” nor the restoration of capitalist | stabilization. And in this respect capitalism of | the period of depression, and-even of a stage \a little bit higher, would be different from cap- | italism as it was when it entered upon the world | economic crisis of 1929. Five years of this crisis have sti)l further shattered the world system of capitalism and made its general crisis more profound, the more so because the economic, political, and milftary strength of the Soviet |Union has grown during these five years, be- cause a new outpost of the world proletarian revolution has been formed on the shores of the Pacific in the shape of the Chinese Soviets and because there has been a growth of other political factors which accelerate the growth of the revolutionary crisis—the war in the Far East and the setting up of a fascist dictator- ship in Germany. And this must be specially emphasized, for it is of great significance in determining the revolutionary perspectives of the world labor movement. The stage of depression would not, |for example, give German fascism that breath- ing space which Italian fascism enjoyed in the |period of partial capitalist stabilization. During these five years of the world eco- nomic crisis the shattering of the capitalist | requisites of a revolutionary crisis have already |matured in the weakest links of the capitalist system, the colonies and dependent countries; (Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia), in the Bal- maturing in the strongest links of the capi- talist system which occupy the commanding |heights in it—in the United States, France, | England. Capitalism After Five Years of Economic Crisis | they have almost matured in Central Europe | kans, in Poland, in the Baltic States; they are | into production; of the position of the aristocracy of labor. Before the crisis millions of people were with- out work. Now tens of millions in the capitalist world are left and will remain jobless because the apparatus of production is to an increased extent not working at full capacity and as a result of crisis rationalization. At the present time the right to work in capitalist society is becoming a privilege which fascism uses to create a split in the ranks of the working class. The bourgeoisie is depriving these millions of people of relief, creating forced labor camps for them, with deliberate premeditated calcula- | tion placing them in such a position as to have cannon fodder for war; it places those who ave working in the factories under conditions of & military hard labor regime. Crisis Has Intensified Au Imperialist Antagonisme As a result, monopoly capital, although it has apparently passed the lowest point in the decline of industry, has nevertheless by its measures and in particular by its frenzied pressure upon the workers and peasants of the “mother-countries” and colonies, led to a further deepening of the general crisis of capitalism. In the sphere of international relations the world economie crisis has likewise sharpened all imperialist antagonisms. Before the crisis imperialist, antagonisms were | steadily growing from year to year. The Sixth Congress of the Comintern in the summer of 1828 had already pointed out that the approach- ing third period of the post-war development of |system has gone so far that the objective pre- | % have been both structural changes in the world capitalist economy and shiftings in the corre- | lation of the forces of the capitalist powers among themselves and in their relations with the U.S.S.R., there has been a strengthening of the forces of proletarian revolution, coupled with a rallying of the forces of bourgeois re- action in each individual state—shiftings, that | is to say, which determine the conditions for the growing over of the general crisis of capi- |talism into a revolutionary crisis of the capi- talist system. Before the crisis, the world capitalist system, | albeit with great interruptions in the working | of its mechanism, achieved a certain restora- tion of economic connections which had been | undermined by the imperialist war of 1914-18. | Now, as a result of the devastating effect of the world economic crisis and of those measures which have been taken by monopoly capital and its governments in order to extricate them- ing class, the forced development of the war industry, Ottawa, economic autarchy, inflation, economic and currency war), world capitalist economy has been still further broken up into individual state fractions, resulting in an out- burst of rabid chauvinism in the capitalist countries, such as occurred in the early days of the war of 1914. Before the crisis the process of the centraliza- tion and concentration of capital was already going on, the swallowing up of smaller-scale trusts by larger-scale monopoly trusts, coupled with the ruination of small and middle-sized enterprises. As a result of the crisis these pro- cesses have taken on hitherto unprecedented dimensions, preparing on the one hand the economic conditions for the fascist centraliza- tion of state power, and on the other hand creating a huge army of declassed elements from the petty proprietors of yesterday, who represent ready-made cannon fodder for fas- cist adventures. Before the crisis the decline of agriculture was already going on, steadily ruining the main masses of the peasantiy, putting them under the bondage of the usurers and the banks. Now, as Comrade Stalin has shown, we can observe the degradation of agriculture, coupled with the transition from machine to manual labor, from tractors to horse-power, from ruination to mon-~ strous pauperization of the peasantry. Before the crisis, as a consequence of the carrying out of rationalization measures, the position of the working class was growing worse: now there is a sharp, startling leap downwards. The new living standard of the working class in a number of capitalist countries which have been most shaken by the crisis approaches ever more closely to the colonial level. For example, according to the data of the economist Kucsinski, the average wages of the German workers in 1932 had fallen by 64 per cent in comparison with 1928, and only cov- ered half of his subsistence minimum. And since then, during the period of the fascist dictatorship, the bourgeoisie has robbed the German workers of another three and a half milliard marks by means of a further lowering of the wages and curtailment of social insur- ance. And this monstrous lowering of the liv- ing standard of the workers in the capitalist countries has heen combined with a process by which the cheaper and less highly organized | And during the five years of this crisis, espe- cially during the period under review, the pe- | — riod since the Sixteenth Party Congress, there | ~ | selves from it (the offensive against the work- | labor of women and children has been drawn D, Z. MANUILSKY, one of the leading members of the Secretariat of the Execu- tive Committee of the Communist Interna- tional, called the “General Staff of the World Revolution.” A tried and true Bolshe- it has led to the undermining | everywhere sedition and counter-revolutionary anarchy. Germany has become the main in- stigator of war in Europe. The general staffs of all capitalist governments already have their fingers on the electrie button which will set the monstrous machine of war in motion. World On Eve of War, U. S. S. R. Intervention | What has become of the Washington agree- ments by which the imperialist powers used to regulate the correlation of forces in the Pacific? The Washington Nine-Power Agreement estab- lished “the principles of the open door and of equal facilities’ im China for the imperialist |robbers. But now the Japanese imperialists, without waiting for leave, are extending their sphere of “facilities,” acting on the principle of | the bandit who by night in the streets the passer-by naked, snatches from him every- | thing he can. In the beginning—in the autumn of 1931—Japan grabbed Manchuria, then the province of Jehol, then Chakhar; at the present time it is sneaking towards the frontiers of Outer Mongolia, closing the “open door” in Manchuria, Jeho] and Chakhar in the face of astonished America. | The Japanese generals are but em- | barrassed by the other point in the Washington Agreement—that about the “territorial integ- | rity” of China. Japan has converted not only this point but the whole Wa into a scrap of paper with which the Japanese | corporal wipes off the blood from his bayonet }in Chapei. The partition of China by little the imperialists vik, having participated in the revolution- ary battles of 1905, and through the foliow- ing years, a devoted member of the Party of Lenin and Stalin, Drawn by Morris Kallem capitalism which had commenced would inevi-has begun. The struggle around China, as one tably lead States and classes towards clashes of tremendous force. Now imperialist antagonisms have matured to such an extent that the ques- | tion of the repartition of the world has again been raised wifh still greater sharpness than in 1914. Capitalism at the present time cannot allow itself the luxuries of the democratic-pacifist era as it could at the beginning of the period of capitalist stabilization. Imperialist war is on the order of the day for all capitalist governments of the world. Evidence of this is the fact that in a number ‘of capitalist countries the most extreme war parties have come to power—I have in mind | Japan, Germany, England. This is shown by the frenzied growth of the war industry in those capitalist countries which are prepering for war most feverishly (Japan and Germany). At the present time the world is mined on all sides with explosive material through which the insane governments and their agents of the type of Van der Lubbe dash by inderground passages with lighted torches. A sign of the approach of war is the rupture of those treaties by which the ruling classes regulated their mutual relations on the inter- national arena during the period of the first round of wars and revolutions. What remains of the Versailles treaty at the present time? One must be mad to imagine that Germany will pay the reparations, said Comrade Stalin at the Sixteenth Party Congress. Germany has indeed gone mad, having seated the fascists on its shoulders, but it has ceased to pay. Germany was disarmed before the crisis. It is arming now: today it can put a million-strong army in the field. At Versailles Germany was thrown a beggarly portion on which the German bourgeoisie and | ita agents, the Welses, lived quietly up to the crisis; now fascist Germany, like a smuggler, is thievishly sneaking across frontiers, sowing jof the principal elements of imperialist antag- onisms, is giving rise to the great Pacific con- flict which is already bursting the bdtnds of | the other Washington Agreement — the Five- | Power Pact on the correlation of naval forces. Who headed world reaction before the crisis? Imperialist France, which acted as the main ini- | tiator of the policy of intervention against the U. S. 8. R. and stood guard over the Versailles treaty. Who is heading world reaction at the present time? England, England is taking on herself the leading role in the preparations for war | against the U. S. 8. R., because she knows that wars with such imperialist opponents as the U. |S. A. will lead to the partition of her colonial dominions, because she knows that a new im- | perialist war of the capitalist powers among themselves will destroy that balance of power which gives England its dominating position. England wants a counter-revolutionary war against the Land of Soviets so that in this way, as its diehard politicians think, it may escape revolutions in the capitalist countries and im- prove the affairs of English capitalismmat the expense of the tremendous natural wealth of the U. S. S. R. Capitalist Terrorism Evidense of Growing Crisis The English diehards are backing up Ger- many and Japan at the present time, surrepti- tiously directing their hands against the U. S. |S. R. England comes forward in the capacity of a broker, trying to smooth out the contra- dictions between France and Germany in order to create a united front against the U.S. S. R.; she would have liked to disrupt the work of con- solidating peace which has resulted in the rap- prochement between the U. 8. S. R. and France and the recognition of the J. S. 5. R. by Amer- gton Agreement | ica. And revolutionary out this count policy, the English bourgeoisie ha not chosen a lord; it has found its own “Pu- among the leade: the Second International Every epoch gives b' to its own hero | And thus the eve of a war among the ts is already apparent on the i | tional arena; insistent and precipitate prepa tions for a counter-revolutionary war against the Land of Soviets are to be observed. But the growing agonisms have not yet burst out in a warlike collision, because the bourgeoisie for the time being is still restrained by the threat of a world proletarian revolution and paralysed by fear of the growing strength of the U. 8. S. R. But what does this signify, comrades—the war against the U. 8. 8. R. for which the English bourgeoisie are preparing in conjunction with Japan and Germany? This is a continuation on an international arena of that civil war which the bou sie of all capitalist countries is wag- in order to carry im- ant ing against the workers, albeit with different degrees of fierceness in the various countries | Before the world economic crisis the bour- geoisie in a number of capitalist countries was already fighting the Communist movement with terrorist methods. Today the number of these countries has increased and the methods struggle have become still more barbarous. And this fact alone is evidence of the deepening and sharpening of the general crisis of italism jand of the maturing of those conditions out of which a revolutionary cri is growing. In al- most all capitalist countries a national crisis of the “upper classes” is to be noted in one form or another, a crisis which, with the exception of China and Spain, has not yet arrived at rev- olution, but which has brought in its train the fascization of all bourgeois political parties, | including social democracy. In some countries, such as Germany, it has led to the setting up of the fascist dictatorship. Why has this happened? This has happened because the forces of proletarian revolution have not yet matured, while the world bourgeoisie, learning its lesson from the defeat of the Rus- sian bourgeoisie in October, 1917, is striking with all its force against the proletariat at thé mo- of Page Five THE ADVANCE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY CRISIS P. of USSR. The internal d n the camp of the bour- geoisie, accompanied as 5s by the benkruptey of bourgeois democracy, is already growing over In a number of c: t countries into a ma- tion-wide cri t 0 say, into a crisis | where the acc dd ent of the masses does not flow through the channels of fascism nterna- | | but is directed aga he capitalist system it- self. And the i at disintegration of bour- geois pov and elements of the nation- | } | labor. ment when the latter cannot yet engage in a | decisive battle. The forces of the proletarian revolution have temporarily proved weaker than the forces of bourgeois reaction in certain capitalist countries. They have proved weaker because social dem- ocracy has split the proletariat; put the huge mass organizations of the working class, which underwent especially powerful growth after the first round of revolutions and | wars, at the service of capital; because one part | because it has | | of the proletariat which has followed social de- | mocracy has been systematically demoralized by t with its appeals to defend bourgeois democ- cacy, ie. bourgeois dictatorship; because social democracy has helped the bourgeoisie to disarm | the working class, as may be seen from the examples of Germany and Austria. split working class has been confronted by mon- opoly capital and large-scale land-ownership, | which have temporarily overcome their inner contradictions by setting up the fascist dictator- ship and by rallying together the forces of bourgeois reaction into one shock troop in the face of the proletarian revolution which is threatening them. The split of the working class has had one other disastrous consequence, namely, that it has weakened to an enormous degree the strength of the proletariat’s in- fluence over the reserves of the proletarian rev- olution, the main masses of the peasantry, the lower strata of the urban petty bourgeoisie and the employees. part of the peasantry, of the urban petty bour- | Seoisie and the employees in Germany have | wavered towards the side of bourgeois reaction. | During a number of years social democracy, by its corrupting propaganda against the pro- letarian revolution and against socialist con- struction in the U, S. S. R., has caused these | strata, albeit only temporarily, the right. On the other hand the crisis has As a result of this a considerable | And this | wide revolut y crisis which is maturing are in the present situation, from the position before its entry upon mic crisis. inherent situation In 1929, at the time of the Tenth Plenum of the E. C. C. L, we measured the growth of the rey bionary upsurge by the number of strikes and political demonstrations, these be- ing the most typical symptoms of the accen- ed position of capitalism. And just because revolution has gone forwa and not backward Since that time, today in 1934 It is not only strikes and demonstrations which constitute our criterion for determining the now white-hot class antagonisms, but also the growth of other elements of the revolutionary crisis in each in- dividual capitalist country. 4 | The Unevenness of the Growth of | the Revolutionary Crisis | The growth of this revolutionary crisis is pro- ceeding unevenly in the individual countries. In the strongest links of the capitalist system—the U. 8. A. France and England—so-called bour- geois democracy has not yet gone completely bankrupt. Here the bourgeoisie has not been completely deprived of the possibility of cor- rupting the upper strata of the aristocracy of Here, until there are great revolutionary upheavals, the bourgeoisie can still permit itself the luxury of playing with democracy and with the parliamentary see-saw of bourgeois parties. Here the movement appears to have an ecen- omic character, but is at times taking on such tempestuous forms as recall our Russian strikes and demonstrations in the days of tsarism In France, for example, at Lille and Strass- burg, it is aecompanied by the building of bar- ricades, Let us take the U. S. A. Mase strikes of scores and hundreds of thousands of textile workers and miners during 1931-32. During the first six months of 1933 the strike movement both in the number of strikers and in the amount of lost working time, reaches the record level of 1919. Again in 1932 there is the farmers’ movement in the U. S. A., comprising eleven States and upwards of a million farmers: enraged farmers blockade the towns, declare strikes, hold up squads of automobiles with pro- visions. At the same time there is the mass movement of ex-soldiers, the veterans’ march to Washington and a number of unemployed marches. But take England—a weaker ak among the strongest links of the imperialist chain. England, the most conservative country in the world, where in 1933 Communists are prosecuted on the basis of a Royal Edict of 1350, has already been im a feverish state for the | several years on end. The general strike of 1926 had already shown that great shiftings are go- ing on in the labor movement im England in connection with the undermining of the privi- leged position of the English aristocracy of labor. The events of the autumn of 1931 formed a second chapter in the development of these | processes. to sway towards | activised those strata which before the crisis | | were nothing but a voting machine of bourgeois | dictatorship. Before the World War of 1914-18 | the small shopkeeper served behind the counter jens did not busy himself actively with high | | Politics; his son, a university student in Berlin, | fought duels and cherished the dream of one | day becoming a petty official in the Prussian | shop was in a hurry to clamber higher up the \ ladder of the capitalist hierarchy without losing |time on fruitless political reasoning; the Ger- | man rich peasants, the bulwark of the capitalist order, allowed the small peasants to sink into |Tuin. The crisis of capitalism has undermined | the economic position of these strata. In 1933 they were confronted with the question of whom to follow. was before the war of 1914. Socialism and capitalism are two warring world systems be- tween which it is necesary to choose. And every- where in the capitalist countries the classes are making their choice. The proletariat and the | millions of toilers throughout the whole capital- ist world are doing this and the other classes are doing it too, The shopkeéper does not want. to be an “employee” under proletarian dictator- sure his position forever by closing the big de- partment stores; want to be liquidated as a class because he hopes to become a coupon-clipper under capitalism; the master of the workshop does not want to enter the factory as a worker because he wants to wear the second-hand coat of Krupp or Thyssen. And the Berlin student, like the Kish- inev* pogrom-monger of the times of Plehve, runs amuck in the working-class houses of | Wedding, because Goebbels has told him that | he will eat pork every day if the worker and his children don't eat bread every day. And the more sharp the class struggle in ca- | pitalist countries grows, the more rapidly the world proletariat by its struggle against capital and especially by the tremendous successes of | socialist construction in the U. 8. S. R. wins over the lower strata of the peasantry, of the urban poor, the lower categories of the em- ployees and the best part of the intelligentsia to the side of the proletarian revolution—the greater does this savagem ~“{ the daeyirg | Classes become, Socialism is no longer an abstract ideal as it | ship, because Goebbels has promised him to in- | the rich peasant does not | | Fascism Accelerates Conditions ‘for Maturing Crisis SSSR Ce REPS Sane R sini Ve You will recall, comrades, the main factors in these events: in connection with the accentua~- tion of the world economic crisis in the sum- mer of 1931 the Lebor government, feeling itself to be on the verge of State bankruptcy reduced. the salaries of all State employees by ten per cent. The masses reacted to this with a tre- mendous movement recalling the best days of Chartism. The workers, the unemployed, the State employees, the post office officials, the workers in municipal institutions, the teachers, and, to crown all, even the English “bobbies,” | took part in this movement which spread from State apparatus; the master of a small work- | town to town—London, Glassgow, Liverpool. On September 14 at Invergordon an event oc- curred the like of which England has never seen in all its modern history; her fleet, the pride of British imperialism, the weapon of its naval might, refused to obey orders. What is this—an uprising? .No, this is not yet an open uprising. The sailors sit around on the decks, smoke their pipes and softly whistle the na- tional anthem while they sing “The Red Flag” with all the force of their lungs. Hardly has the fleet risen when the pound falls by one quarter of its value. . The fleet has quieteneri down, but the pound has remained at this level. The English bourgeoisie coped with the dis- content of the fleet for the time being, The events of 1951 did not yet create a crisis of so- called bourgeois democracy. But the movement in England took on such dimensions that the country was on the eve of a nation-wide rey- olutionary crisis. Since then the sweep of the movement has somewhat weakened, but it had not ceased in 1932 either, when it burst out in demonstrations of hundreds of thousands in London, Belfast and Birkenhead. Nor did it cease in 1933. And today it is rising afresh not only in response to a measure so hated by the English workers as the Means Test, but also in response to the introduction of forced labor camps England and to the depriving of the municipal authorities of the right to distribute unemploy- ment benefits. But England is not Cuba or Chile. It is a dominating power in the world imperialist system. Once England is set going this will have a decisive importance for ac- celerating the maturing of the revolutionary crisis of the capitalist system. Take, further more, that part of the capitalist world where fascist dictatorship has already | been set up or where, under the influence of the establishment of the fascist dictatorship in Ger- many, the processes of fascization are proceed- ing at an accelerated tempo, Here, to quote the (Continned on next paged