The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 19, 1934, Page 8

Page Eight DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, MARCH 19, 1934 Daily .<QWorker SRWTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PAi “America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 5@ E. 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Telephone: ALgonquin 4-7954. : Cable Address: “Daiwork,” New Washington Bureau: Roon U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUMIST INTERWATIONAS Press Room 705, Chicago, Il nd nx), 1 1 month, 0.78 ce Canada: 1 year, $9.00 y, 76 cents MONDAY, MARCH 19, 1934 Support the Taxi Strike! HE general strike of the New York taxi- cab drivers, called in support of the heroie struggle of the Parmelee strikers is dealing heavy blows at the growing menace of company unionism. Starting over a week ago, when the Parmcelee men walked out to smash the so-called Drivers’ Brotherhood and com- pel recognition of the Taxi Drivers’ Union of Greater New York, the strike has now spread to every big cab fleet in the city. The strikers are demanding recognition of the union and abolition of the black- list Lined up against the hackmen along with the fleet owners are the forces of the N. R. A. in the person of Mrs. Elinore Herrick, chairman of the Regional Labor Board, Mayor La Guardia, company union officials, the police and the whole capitalist press of New York. All of these forces are trying to defeat the strike. ‘The fleet owners are supporting the company union and are attempting to undermine the morale of the strikers by issuing lying statements that the union is controlled by racketeers. Mrs. Herrick is at- tempting to get the men to return to work and then vote on the union on company premises under the eye and direction of company officials. The Mayor Says that the strike is “very unfortunate.” The police are beating and slugging the strikers and pickets and the capitalist press is acting as the mouthpiece of all these strike-breaking elements. But the drivers, through their militancy, through mass picketing and a heroic defense struggle against the police and thugs and all agents of the fleet owners, are forging their way to victory. This strug- gle against company unionism and for recognition of their own union, is serving as a wedge with which the drivers can open up a successful fight for higher wages and better conditions in the industry. The drivers understand that without their fighting union rooted in the garages it will be impossible for them to win better conditions. Realizing that this struggle of the taxi drivers is the interest of all workers, a large section of organized labor in New York has already given its active support to the strike. More support must be forthcoming. Workers in all industries must give active assistance on the picket lines. Women work- ers and wives of the strikers must join the men in the fight. All trade union locals and shop groups t assist in the collection of relief for the strik- Yorkers'of New York, do not allow a big fleet taxicab to roll on the streets until the operators hove agreed to recognize the Taxi Drivers Union of Greater New York. Join with the taxi strikers in a Cetermined effort to unionize the New York taxi Industry. Strip Mask of Legality From Mass Lynchings IGHT on the heel of the hideous mass massacre of 9 Negroes in three Southern States on Febru- ary 9, seven more Negroes were legally butchered last Friday morning in Mississippi, Georgia and North Carolina. For sheer, studied, cold-blooded brutality it is difficult to find even in the long history of ruling- class violence against the oppressed Negro masses a case to parallel the legalized Butchery of the three Negro youths in Mississippi—unless one turns to the mass hangings of rebellious slaves in the frequent and heroic slave insurrections during the 19th century. The crudity of the Mississippi frame-up was surpassed only by the “trial” itself, in which every elementary human and constitutional right of the Negro masses was flagrantly violated, brutally trod- den under foot and openly derided as shown by all reports on the proceedings of indictment, “trial,” conviction and sentencing—all in the course of a single day—and vigorously exposed by the “Daily Worker.” Accused of “raping” the daughter of a Holly, Miss., merchant and cousin of State Senator Col- ‘ins, the defendants were at no time confronted by their accuser. The supposed “rape” victim was not even submitted to a physical examination by « physician to check her statement. Not a single shred of evidence was presented to give even the slightest semblance of proof to the “rape” charge. The mere accusation that the youths had “raped” a member of Mississippi's ruling class was enough evidence for the all-white boss jury and the lynch jurist, Judge Kuykendall, who presided at this monstruous mockery of a trial, and expressed smug Satisfaction at the proceedings as he hastened to Pronounce the sentence of death before the verdict was well out of the mouth of the foreman of the jury. The Costigan-Wagner anti-lynching bill is silent on legal lynchings, because its sponsors dare not expose the class and national oppression character of lynching and the fact that the fascist lynch terror is organized and dffected by the white ruling- class, the same class that controls the lynch courts. The bill is silent on the death penalty for lynchers. Its only provision against the lynchers, that of im- posing a fine on the county in which a lynching takes place, already has been discounted in several states where it has been incorporated into the statutes, and Where the county governments have openly mocked and defied this provision. $i ie only anti-lynching bill which is provided with real teeth against the lynch-terror, both within and outside of the lynch courts, is the bill drawn up by the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, and taken to Wa%nington by the Scottsboro marchers. But the lynchers and their agents are naturally op- posed to this bill. President Roosevelt has thrown it into his scrap-basket. The U. S. Congress refuses to give it a hearing either in the House or the Senate. The Negro millionaire Congressman De Priest has refused to sponsor it, declaring he would not permit himself to be embarrassed. Embarrassed? In whose eyes? In the eyes of his imperialist masters and the lynch lords of the South! The cloak of legality must be stripped from the legal mass butcheries of Negroes by the State ap- Paratus. The legal mass lynchings must be exposed t Building | | | | in their pression and terrorization of the Negro masses.- New sections of the toiling population, white and colored, must be rallied to the revolutionary mass fight against lynching and the system which breeds this horror. The anti-lynching bill sponsored by the League of Struggle for Negro Rights must be jammed down the throats of the lynchers, down the throats of their representatives in the Congress and the White House! All sincere opponents of lynching must be mobilized around this bill, for its passage and enforcement. «| Thomas on the Wagner Bill ITH greater fervor than they greeted the N.R.A., the Socialist Party is flinging its full weight be- hind the A. F. of L. officialdom in support of the vicious Wagner kebreaking bill. Unabashed by the open declaration of General Johnson to the 4,000 bosses who exploit 90 per cent of the workers under N.R.A. codes, that Bill Green & Co.'s interests were the interests of the most slave-driving bosses, the Socialist leaders insepar- ably ident themselves at this critical period of rising strike waves with those whose proclaimed policy is to break strikes. In the latest issue of the New Leader, Norman Thomas, under the title of “What to Fight For,” writes: ? “Socialists, trade unionists and all friends of labor and justice should fight for all they are worth for...The Wagner Bill to abolish company unions, This bill can be improved with regard to the composition of the Labor Board and by add- ing protections against any possible drift to the danger of compulsory arbitration.” Norman Thomas lies outright when he says the Wagner Bill is to abolish company unions. Senator Wagner declared in the New York Times that this is not the intention of his bill. In the same article the Senator highly praised the company unions for their “disciplining” the workers. Wagner, and other Roosevelt spokesmen, have made it clearer than the betrayals of the Austrian Social-Democratic leaders, that the sole and main purpose of the bill is to force compulsory arbitration in order to stop industrial strife—in short, in order to smash strikes against the coolie conditions im- posed by the N.R.A. slave codes, ae VIEW of the vaunted “opposition” to the Wagner Bill on the part of spokesmen for a few of the big trusts, such as steel and auto, it would be well to trace briefly the steps which led to the bill itself. The N.R.A., through Section 7-a, was supposed to grant the right of the workers to organize of their own choosing, without being coerced into com- pany unoins. Didn't the bosses oppose this section? Didn’t the same U. S. Chamber of Commerce record its “opposition” to Section 7-a? But what resulted? By the very use of Section T-a the greatest growth of company unions was fostered. Nor was it alone through Section 7-a. We must never forget that it was Mr. Green, Mr. Lewis, Mr. Hillman, and their ilk, who granted the auto bosses full sway for com- pany unions, under Section 7-a, through the so- called “merit clause” in the auto code. The Wagner Bill seeks to “strengthen” the Na- tional Labor Board in dealing with strikes. This appeals to Norman Thomas, who during the strike wave of last year harangued the workers (along with Roosevelt, Green and Johnson) “NOW IS NOT THE TIME TO STRIKE!” As a result of the National Labor Board’s ac- tions, over 900,000 workers had their strikes broken, and were driven into company unions, or were given wage cuts and conditions worse than they had be- fore. With such deeds, of course, it is necessary to strengthen the Labor Board—against the workers. Especially now, when bitter and indignant at these betrayals, the workers are moving into even greater struggles in the most powerful fortresses of Amer- ican capitalism. THE A. F. of L. officialdom hopes to use the demagogy in the Wagner Bill as a club in order to force some of the more intransigent company union bosses to deal with them as the best and most flexible strikebreakers. In this respect, the Socialist leaders identify themselves one hundred per cent with the very men of whom General John- son said to 4,000 bosses: “I would rather deal with Bill Green, John Lewis, Ed. McGrady, Mike MacDonough, George Berry and a host of others I could name than with any Frankenstein that you may build up un- der the guise of a company union. In fact—take it from me and a wealth of experience—THEIR INTERESTS ARE YOUR INTERESTS.” Ex-Judge Jacob Panken, speaking for the So- cialist Party at the Senate Committee hearings on the Wagner Bill, showed to what lengths these blood brothers of Otto Bauer are going in order to enmesh the workers in Roosevelt’s strikebreaking program. “I want to say,” stated Panken, “that I for one would like to see all independent unions under the banner of the A. F. of L.” Why did he say this? Does he want “unity” of the workers? Does he want mobilization of the workers for a fight against the bosses, for strikes to increase their wages? The Socialist leader Pan- ken baldly told the Senators that he desired the workers brought under the corroding treachery of Bill Green and company because that was one of the best ways of fighting Comniunism—that is, of fighting against the most militant and devoted sec- tion of the workers, leading struggles and exposing the whole dastardly program of the New Deal. “The A. F. of L. is the strongest force in this country opposed to Communism,” said Panken, Here we have the Socialist Party leadership's actual united front, the united front with Bill Green & Co., whose interests are for all time officially admitted by a man with “a wealth of experience” to be the interests of the biggest trusts. ae hes EMBERS of the Socialist Party who remember the shameless demagogy of their leaders in sup- porting the N.R.A., in urging them to work for “its success,” as a road to socialism, should tear through the present dangerous support to a bill which contains more than the healthy germs of fas- cist attacks on all labor organizations, and especial- ly on the right to strike. The Wagner Bill first of all is an injunction bill. Every socialist worker knows what injunctions mean. The bill, though cunningly phrased to ap- pear as curbing of company unions, leaves all power and action in the hands of the National Labor Board (with its Greens, Swopes, DuPonts), and the federal capitalist courts. It is a weapon that strengthens the capitalist state in strikes—always, relentlessly against the interests of the workers, The vicious penalties of the Wagner Bill, in phrases directed against worker and boss alike, will descend with lightning and catastrophic speed against all trade union members and the whole working class. Socialist workers! Fight against this united front of your leaders with Green, Gen. Johnson, Wagner & Co. Demand a real united front based on a struggle of all workers against the Wagner strikebreaking bill, and for the preparation for struggle in auto, steel and on the railroads for win- ning increased wages through the might of the workers against all of the fascist measures of the Roosevelt regime. ‘Mendieta Tries ‘To Form Tame Gov't Unions | To Terror Drive Against C.N.O.C. Special to the Daily Worker HAVANA, March 18.—A decree signed Friday night orders the or- der government supervision to re- place the revolutionary unions of the National Labor Confederation (CNOC) ordered dissolved for con- tinuing on strike. The unions have militantly re- jected this Caffery-Mendieta de- cree, and are continuing their fight. The strike of the Consolidated Railroad workers in Camaguey re- mains solid The Havana dock workers, whose strike was supported by more than 30,000 Havana workers, voted to re- sume work last week after Secre- tary of Labor Penate had granted most of their demands. When they came to the Ward Line docks, how- ever, a marine lieutenant gave the order to the troops on guard to fire. A detachment of police joined in the firing, and within a few min- utes, two workers, one a Negro, were dead, and a dozen seriously | wounded. On the day of the funeral, many thousands of Havana workers stopped work in protest against the massacre. All unions’ headquarters of the CNOC are occupied by the mili- tary, carrying out the Caffery-Men- dieta government's plan to smash the CNOC. In Havana alone, 800 workers are now in prison for strike activities. More than 2,000 are in prison in the island as a whole. A strict censorship is clamped down on strike news from the in- terior. Santiago de Cuba and Santa Clara are under military rule. In Santa Clara, a mass of workers at- tempted to free their imprisoned | comrades, clashed with police, and killed one. Two Mass Meets On Cuba Set For Wednesday inN. Y. |Leading Speakers A t} Harlem and Webster Hall Rallies NEW YORK.— Many prominent speakers are scheduled to address two mass meetings on Cuba, called for Wednesday, March 2ist, includ- ing James W. Ford, who recently attended the congress of the Na- tional Labor Confederation in Havana, Cuba, Harry Gannes and Henry Shepard, both members of the delegation sent to Cuba by the Anti- Imperialist League. The Harlem meeting at Park Palace, called by the Anti-Imperial- ist League, the Trade Union Unity Council, League of Struggle for Ne- gro Rights, Julio Mella Club and other Spanish organizations will be addressed by Ford, Gannes, Herman Mackawain of the L. S, N. R. and Armando Ramirez from the Julio Mella Club. Uffree from the To- bacco Workers Industrial Union will act as chairman, In addition to Shepard, Robert Dunn of the Anti-Imperialist League, Charles Krumbein, district organi- zer of the Communist Party, Juliet Stuart Poyntz of the Trade Union Unity Council and Frank Ibanez of the Julio Mella Club, will speak at the downtown meeting at Webster Hall. The chairman will be Joe Brandt, organizer of Section 1 of the Communist Party, A postcard protest to President Roosevelt is now ready for mass distribution and is available to all organizations at 70c a hundred, or $5 a thousand to be sold for one cent each. The posteard reads: I vigorously protest the inter- vention of tha U. S Govern- ment in Cuban affairs and its approval and support of the Mass Resistance Grows | ganization of new trade unions un- | | “THE LA | | | | DLORD SENT ME FOR THE RENT!” —By Burck Sub-Getters Pile Up Gains As Party Convention Nears| NEW YORK —Determined that the delegates from their territories shall be able to present the most! outstanding reports of gains in the Daily Worker sub-drive at the Communist Party Convention in Cleveland, sub-getters throughout the country are swinging into real action to place their sections, units and various organizations at the top of the list in the drive for 30,- 000 new readers. The Daily Worker sub-getters hung up a new high record by send- ing in 727 new subs in the week ending March 14. The previous high weekly peak was reached in the week ending Feb. 28 when 617 new subs were obtained. Last week, Philadelphia sent in 70 new daily subs, boosting its total to 197, Chicago boosted Cleveland sent in 35 new daily subs last week; Pittsburgh and Detroit, 26 each. Saturday Subs Minneapolis sent in 72 new Saturday subs last week and is credited with a total of 144 since the start of the campaign. Chi- cago sent in 53 new Saturday subs last week, skyrocketing its total to 403. Philadelphia sent in 34; Cleveland, 82; Boston, 28; Omaha, 2 Mendieta terror. I demand: 1. Immediate withdrawal of all U. S. warships from Cuban waters. 2. Evacuation of Guantanamo wl Base. - Immediate recall of Jeffer- son Caffery. 4. Immediate abrogation of the Platt *.mendment. 5. An end to the whole policy of intervention in Cuba, Orders for the postcards should be placed at once with the Anti- Imperialist League, Room 435, 799 Broadway, N. Y. C. N its total to 267 by sending in 44. | Since the start of the campaign |, Omaha has sent in 101 new daily subs, amounting to 213 months in all, on its quota of 100 yearly subs. The table below shows the quotas in yearly subs, and the number of subs obtained by each district up to and includ- ing March 14, regardless of their time length. At the end of the campaign the to their time-length, and the dis- trict which shows the largest net gain in yearly subs in proportion | to its quota will win the National Daily Worker banner. Many of she new subs coming in are monthly trial subs. As they are renewed, however, by the new subcribers, the districts will: be er d with these renewals. The districts which obtain the largest | possible number of new subs in proportion to their quotas stand | the best chance to show the largest net gain in yearly subs at the end | of the drive. Every class-conscious worker is urged to ask his or her friends and fellow workers to subscribe to the “Daily.” Help spread the revolu- tionary influence of our Daily Worker! Help turn the sub-drive into a real Bolshevik victory! Do | your share! subs will be tabulated according} Nanking, Canton Armies Attack | Fukien Soviets Rebels Resist British Move to Seize Sinkiang SHANGHAI, March 18.—Canton- ese and Nanking armies, recently | united by the capitulation of the Cantonese political council to Chiang Kai-Shek, began a drive yesterday against the Chinese So- viet regions organized last summer} in Western Fukien Province. A fleet of American planes, manned by American-‘rained fly- ers, is taking part in the attack. Cee aol MOSCOW, March 18—Dispatches from Tashkent report that several British officials and 2,000 inhabi- tants of the town of Kashgar, in Sinkiang, Western China, were {killed by native forces opposed to ‘he British plan to create an inde- pendent kingdom of Sinkiang, with a British king. Sinkiang is directly north of | Kashmir, a British colony, and is largely Mohammedan. British im- perialist agents have been follow- ing the example of Japan in Man- churia, and attempting to use the nationelist ambitions of the inhabi- tants of Sintiang to create an “in- dedendent” kinzdom of the prov- ince, under British influence. GERMAN GOODS UNSALABLE NEW YORK.—Gimbel Bros. de- partment store has announced that they have discontinued buying Ger- man goods and that their Berlin | office has been used only for “con- tact and observation purposes.” This action follows that of Best and Co., Macys, Bloomingdales and Hearns department stores who have announced that they are unable to sell any German goods except those it is impossible to obtain elsewhere, because of tremendous “customer re- Agriculture Daily New Sat, Quota Subs Quota, 200 109 1900 2. New York 203 = —— 31 — 3 Philadel. 197 500 62 1000 4 Buffalo 56 150 62 300 5 Pittsb’h 102 300 35 600 6 Cleveland 205 500 128 1000 TDetroit 120 600 56 1000 |8 Chicago 267 750 403 1500 9 Minneap. 111 200 144 400 [10 Omaha 101 100 54 200 11 N&S Dak. 39 100 45 200 112 Seattle 39 300 32 600 13 Calif. 74 350 12 700 14. Newark 122 300 29 600 15 Conn, 40-200 Er 400 16 N&S Car. 10 50 4 — 17 Alabama 25 50 10 a 18 Milwauk. 62 200 33 400 19 Denver 46 150 29 300 C& F 58 —— — TOTAL 2022 5000 1304 10200 sistance.” ly Brookhart Y, Lauds Soviet Says Russian Peasant Better Off Than Many in U. S. NEW YORK—That the Sovie} system of agriculture is the bes method in the world and that “the Russian peasants are far better oft than at least 14,000,000 people in this country under our Wall Street regime with conditions in the U. & S. R., improving each day, was the keynote of a talk by ex-Senator Smith W., Brookhart on “Agricul- ture in the Soviet Union” at the New School for School Research? Friday night. “In the state and collective far which make up more than four. fifths of agricultural life in the Soviet Union, the peasants are pro- 5 vided with nes, schools, play- grounds for J: children, tractors > and machinc.,. In fact, there is no need to call them peasants. I think they're real farmers now.” Soviet Collectivization a Success Brookhart, who is special advisor to the U. S. Agricultural Adjust- ment Administration with reference to trade with U. S. S. R., stood on the platform in front of a black wall covered with striking Soviet posters and a large map of the Soviet Union. From time to time he turned to a colorful poster to illustrate a step in the great drive toward successful collectivization in the U. S. S. R. The old miserable system of a small strip of land, one room house, wooden chairs and beds, is def- initely past. Huge collectives are now there instead and the vast majority of the peasants were in favor of them. The kulaks who opposed collectivization have been liquidated. Brookhart emphasized that Soviet Russia can become a great cus- tomer of American goods. “They pay every bill to every nation in the world when due, and mostly in gold,” he said. “They have kept every contract they made, I think they'll be a pretty decent people to do business with. It’s all @ question of extention of credits.” Declaring that trade with Soviet Union would help industrial and agricultural conditions in this coun- try Brookhart said: ‘ “Agriculture in the United j States is in a state of bankruptcy } in spite of all that has been done. ; The present plan is not consid- a ered a permanent answer.” He advocated a bill in Congress i that “would fix fram produce prices and start a collectivization move- j ment here similar to that in Soviet Russia.” The bill provided for the purchase of surplus produce from the farmers by the government and ig the sale of the surplus on the world market. . “Wouldn't that mean dumping on the Already overstocked world mar- ket, and a terrific drop in world prices?” he was asked in the ques- tion period. “No,” Brookhart answered. “If handled right, selling by the U. S. government would even raise world prices.” He neglected to say how the dumping policy could be “handled.” Another question asked him was: “Admitting that the Soviet success in agriculture is a direct result of the Soviet system of economy brought into existence by the revo- lution of workers and peasants, don’t you think that no amount %f bills such as you advocate could bring a similar system of agricul- ture in this country, but that only a proletarian revolution like they had in Russia could do that?” And the ex-Senator answered: # “My bill is the revolution! A f couple of bills like that and there { would be no more Wall Street.” Brookhart suggested that the au- dience read Stalin’s speech on agri- culture, mimeographed copies of which he distributed free. He men- 1 tioned the Communist Party o the f Soviet Union twice, and before each time he did so he gulped and said “er---!” Most of the audience was com- posed of business men who had come to learn about the possibilies of profitable trade with the Soviet Union. By MARTIN MORIARTY James Connolly, Ireland’s greatest revolutionist, never disputed the an- cient Irish legend which held that St. Patrick banished the snakes from Ireland. “They came to America and turned into boss politi- cians,” the hero of the Easter Week Insurrection used to say. Connolly had in mind the type of Fifth Avenue Irish “patriot” who flourishes on March 17. The parade this year is led by detachments of New York’s mounted police; mili- tary chiefs of the National Guard, and such sterling “friends” of the Irish poor as the Tammany boss, the Hon. Timothy A. Leary. Why so many rifles and guards- men to celebrate a “national and religious festival?” ‘The March 17 parade is an Irish institution here and American im- perialists have always sought to use these institutions as cudgels to clout the British empire. Obviously the St. Patrick’s Day parade does not lend itself so completely to such a purpose, But the prestige of Wall Street's military machine is raised before thousands of Irish men and women who trail behind the guards- men, the mounted police, the strut- ting drum-majors, the Tammany Politician. So that when the time does come—and it comes nearer every day—for America to strike at its British rival... . Part of “Irish Question” It’s all part of the centuries-old “@ish Question” and within the frame-work of world imperialist antagonisms, the “Irish Question” becomes more of an international question for the working class. A potential war base of an enemy power, the British empire's first colony has always worried the con- querors. “No tampering with the Whose Friends Are Generals, Politicians in St. Patrick March? U. S. Imperialists Use Irish Fight as Club Against England — But They * Are Oppressors and Exploiters of Irish Workers in America Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921!” nervous British statesmen cry. They shriek of the “sacred obligations,” of a “treaty of peace” enforced by firing squads. Why? Because the treaty gives Britain control of the wire- less stations around the Irish coast; the naval bases; the right to build “commercial” airports. The military side of the question does not exhaust its internation 1 complications, and British, Free State and American ministers know | this as well as any, Thus, when the British War Debts Mission pressed the case for cancellation of the debts before the United States last fall, the “Irish Press,” organ of the Fianna Fail Government, slyly ob- served in its editorial: “At such a moment Ireland’s influence can count for great deal in the United States... . Could all section of irish nationausts group themselves behind the Free State government’s assertion of right in this dispute (ie, the quarrel over retention of the land annuities’ taxes in the British or Irish government’s treasury), then Britain would find that there is another side to her debt negotia- tions across the Atlantic.” The Irish-American press here immediately took the cue. Listen to the voice of American imperialism in the editorials which thundered: “Make England pay the war debts to the American people.” And from this agitation arises the jingo American Defense League which shouts for a navy second to none. Mixed up with mud-slinging of John Bull, this propaganda is eagerly swallowed by millions of Irish in the States whosz folk were driven from Ireland by blood-suck- ing landlords protected by British imperialism, Marx On Ireiand How valuable is their fierce anti- British hatred to Washington’s demagogues! Karl Marx saw its sig- nificance way back in the ’sixties. |The pages of Capital tell how great masses of the Irish people perishei or were hounded abroad “that Ire- land might fulfill her true destiny, that of being a sheep-walk and catile-pasture for England.” Yet: “Like all good things in this world, this profitable method has its drawbacks. With the ac- cumulation of rents in Ireland, the accumulation of the Irish in America keeps pace. The Irishman, banished by sheep and ox, re-ap- pears on the ower side of the ocean as a Fenian, and face to face with the old queen of the seas there rises, threatening and ever more threatening, the young giant republic.” Naturally the young giant repub- lic connived at the raid on Canada by the Fenians (the American wing of the Irish Republican Brother- hood) in 1866. The raid flopped. But it was used against England by America as proof of a strong anti- British mood here which might be appeased only by generous settle- ment of the Alabama claims. (The “unfriendly acts” against the United States during the civil war: Britain had recognized the south- ern states as belligerents and had claims were based on Great Britain's allowed British ships to carry arms to southern ports.) As the war clouds thicken, De Valera’s American friends hammer away at the war debts. The ex- treme Irish Republican, the descen- dant of the old Fenians, shouts a- new Fenian slogans: “England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity; England’s enemy is_ Ireland's friend!” The modern Fenian’s instincts are rooted in a revolution- ary struggle against British domin- ion. Yet his uncritical reliance on {America as a “friendly power” of Ireland transforms him into mouth- piece of another empire. That em- pire has shown it can persecute Irishmen as savagely as any En- jglish ruling class. That empire too has leughed at “Irish self determi- nation.” President Wilson, who like his British allies of the war had draited the working class to fight “that small nations might be free,” was glibly indifferent to Ireland’s status as a small nation at the time of the post-war Peace Conference. Let the Irish exie in the States ponder over the record: The Amer- ican empire holds the Irish-Ameri- can trade-unionist Tom Mooney in the dungeons of St. Quentin. The jAmerican empire fought side by side with the same imperialist rob- bers who had drowned in blood the heroic insurrection in Dublin in 1916. The consul of the American empire said never a protesting word about the torture and imprisonment of the American citizen Sean Mul- grew by Cosgrave’s murder tribu- nals in 1931. Nor did the American empire's officials lift a finger to stop the hounding and deportation of another American citizen: Jim Gralton, revolutionary working farmer, driven from his birthplace in Leitrim for leading a struggle for land. U. S. Deports Irish Fighters Why not? Because the American empire upholds deportations of working class fighters—it deports hundreds of them every year. And among the hundreds of despised “foreigners” are Irish born workers: Pat Devine, deported for organizing the textile workers; Pat Burke, de- ported for organizing the unem- ployed. Let Irish exiles remember these things. Any capitalist government will gladly use any institution and any cause to emyarrass a rival power —provided it suits their interes‘s of the moment. But it is a dubious friendship, The Irish revolutionist of today, like the 1916 rebels and like the Russian working class led by Lenin in 1917, will unhesitatingly play off one power against the other should the course of the s‘ruggle so de- mand. But international alliances do not begin and end with capital- | ist diplomats. You won't find the — real friends of the Irish Revolution — of today in the Generals or Tam- many’ politicians or mounted police officers who march along Fifth Avenue on the 17th. The real friends of the Irish people are not in the consular offices of the ruling class. They are in the workshops and mines and mills of the capital- ist. world—the revolutionary work- ing class before which will crumble all over the earth,