The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 10, 1934, Page 5

“Socialist Leader, Waldman--- The “Patriotie NRA Critic” at Gen. Johnson’s “Round-Up” “We Feel That NRA Is a Distinct Step Forward,” He Tells General Johnson, ““And Must Be Regarded Important Social Legislation” By HARRY GANNES j President Roosevelt, General John- | Snder President's Roosevelt's) 50M, and the A. F. of L. officialdom | WS Stan of *pantolic cites | tat followed the ‘hearings, Waid: | of the N.R.A. would certainly come | ™@M said: Attorney Louis Waldman, Socialist| “I take at face value the state-| ieader who believed his little piece| Ment made by the Administration | at General Johnson's “field day of| that these hearings are reelly in-| criticism.” ema to receive honest, fair and _| just criticism, and then to pay at- sassy Pe aie fhe| tention, giving due weight both to| ee ee | the facts and to the argument be-| Public Affairs Committee of the | nj Socialist Party,” and representing | “several international labor unions,” more accurately the officialdom. How did Roosevelt define a “pa- triotic critic?” “The critic is patri- otic,” said the President, “if he says, I don’t like the methods you are using to solve the problem; I be- lieve it would be far better if we were to use the following alternate method, and thereupon outlines for the benefit of his neighbor and his (!)) government a helpful proposal.” In other words, a “patriotic critic,” is one who does not attack the whole class, fascist nature of the) N-R.A., its undermining of the liv-| ing standards of the American} worker, but rather one, who like Mr.) Waldman did, objects to “mere| method” and tells the government of Wall Street how it can best use the N.R.A. to preserve capitalism. Now to inquire how well Wald-| man filled the bill. “We feel that N.R.A. is a distinct | step forward,” said Mr. Waldman (all quotations are from the offi-| cial N.R.A, record) and must be regarded im all candor and honesty a6 an important branch of social legislation.” Before group No. 1 of the “round- up of critics,” Waldman perfectly qualified for the title of “patriotic critic.” “I desire to present,” he stated, “a few criticisms of the So- cialist Party of N.R.A. as it has) been administered.” “A distinct step forward” should show some results. Mr. Waldman Said: “We believe the facts warrant the statement and conclusions that as to the claimed purposes and ac- complishments the N.R.A. is a gross, | dismal failure.” | In other words, between the tor-| rent of ballyhoo of Roosevelt, aided by Mr. Waldman, Norman Thomas, William Green, John L. Lewis, and similar “patriotic critics,” and the actual results felt in the workers’ pay envelopes, in their union or- ganizations, in company unions, in higher prices, there is a gap that not even the legal training of Mr.! Waldman can cover up. That brings the whole matter right down to, what is the Socialist Party’s attitude to the N.R.A., as ust thé, “unpatriotic,” basic ‘ism of the Communist Party? he Socialist leaders at the be- the NRA, as a “different step 2f:. Thomas called it +; most powerful weapon, if rightly used, to aid the construction of senuine socialism.” What they ectually did is gobble up all of the , demagcey and ballyhoo of the capitalist class which was the cel- lophane wrapping around the N.| R, A., in order to blind the work- ers about the real, unmistakable class purpose of the N.R.A. The Communist Party pointed out when the N, R, A. was passed: | 1)That it would stimulate monop- oly, tremendously increase prices; 2) That it would lower real wages and shove down living standards,’ to struggle against the N. R. A. 3) that Section T-a, which the So- cialists said was a boon to labor, would be used to smash strikes, and ultimately to smash the workers’ organizations and to stimulate com- pany unions; 4) that the N.R.A. contained the roots fascism in its efforts to save capitalism, and would be used as a powerful weapon against the workers and their rights. While the Socialist Party fostered all the illusions of the Roosevelt regime, plus a particularly putrid brand of “left” patriotic criticism, they went further and urged the| workers not to strike against the/ N.R.A,, since it was a “distinct for- ward step and must be regarded in all candor and honesty as an im- portant branch of social legisla- tion.” Throughout his speeches at the N.R.A. hearings, the Socialist lead- er Waldman strove to revive the workers waning faith in the N.R.A., to keep them tied up within the strikebreaking structure of the Roosevelt regime. A reading of the Consumers’ Ad- visory Board’s Report on the re-| sults of the N.R.A. leaves no doubt about the fact that not only has the N.R.A. fostered the development of the most vicious, brutal, crushing Monopoly and parasitic capitalism, but it has definitely lowered and will still further lower the workers’ living standards. The Consumers’ Advisory Board pointed out that under the N.R.A. the trusts and cartels have invented new methods of price raising. “The average purchasing power per employed industrial and com- mercial worker,” says this report, “has been decreased by rising | prices. . . Although the new workers employed at minimum wages, necessarily pull the aver- age down it seems very probable that the low average also means that some of the gains of the re- employment program have been male at the expense of the pre- viously employed.” In other words, this “distinct for- ward step” has not only lowered the living standards of the em- ployed, but made them pay for those who were re-employed. But more is yet to come, sa; |N. R. A. hearings, fails to print his | |for Workers Under the N. R. A.” g told the workers to support | | ment of the political program of the ind the facts.” This accepting at “face value” all| the demagogy of the Roosevelt re- gime, which has already led to the| shameless slashing of workers’ liv- ing standard, is the manner in which the Socialist Party tries to| keep the workers chained to the! promises of the bosses; to keep them ; from struggling, or preparing for struggle. When Roosevelt says he is not developing fascism, the Socialist leaders take this also at its “face value,” and keep the workers from| forming a united front against the| rapidly increasing fascist measures of the New Deal The latest issue of the “New| Leader,” March 10, which features | as its main article a report on Waldman’s appearance before the | ballyhoo for the N. R. A. “No Gain reads the headline. But nothing is said about what the New Leader told the workers they would gain when the N. R. A. was passed. On the same page in which Wald- man’s “patriotic” recommendations for the N. R. A. are printed, Nor- men Thomas takes occasion to boost President Roosevelt. Since no gains were made by the workers under the N. R. A., Reverend Thomas does | not want the workers to become wrathful with the Wall Street rep- resentative Roosevelt. Hence he declares: “We may criticise this or that act of the Administration, or its failure to act, but one is no| realist at all who fails to realize that Mr. Roosevelt has done better than we had a right to expect a Democratic president to do under | capitalism.” That Roosevelt smashed the workers’ living standard down through the N. R. A. would be un- | Polite to mention, according to Norman Thomas, who takes up the laboring oar to keep Roosevelts shameless demagogy moving swiftly, The New Leader features Wald- man’s proposals to add more “labor” | representation to the N. R. A., the kind, for instance, that General Johnson favors when he told “the |entlemen who control industry,” that the A. F. of L, leaders’ “in-| | terests are your interests!” He wants the “compliance | machinery” strengthened. Perhaps |more strength such as was used to ; make the Weirton, Budd, Ford, Mil- waukee utility, and others, to com- ply with strikebreaking orders. Where he asks for “reduction in| work hours per week,” he does not follow with even the demagogic phrase of Roosevelt about wage in-| creases. He leaves that to a later | point where he suggests “wages | shall be substantially increased.” | Since this is the same palaver that | both Roosevelt and Johnson dish | out it is in line with the whole | practice of the N., R. A. But when| | it comes to strikes, to organization, codes, in the spirit of preserving “economic peace,” the New Leader is silent. Through all of the’ “criticism” of the Socialist ieaders, two major points stand out. First, they want to shield their role in helping the Roosevelt regime fasten the most slavish codes, and oppressive strike+ breaking instruments, the yellow dog company unions, on the work- —-esue WUMREM, Bu 4: RR, ONZUNYAL, MA o., + IN A COUNTRY WHERE THERE IS SOMETHING TO BE JOYOUS ABOUT The outstanding leaders of the Soviet Union, pictured im one of their moments of merriment as they grouped around Comrade Stalin during his recent report to the 17th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. (While outlining the serious tasks still confronting the Seviet Union, Stalin’s report pictured the vast industrial achievements of the Soviet Union, possibly the reason for the happiness expressed in the picture, Following the attempt of the National Execuiive Board of the | Socialia Party last summer to | split the American united front | against war and fascism by their ostentiatious resignation for the arrangeemnts committee for the U. S. Congress Against War, cer- taim Socialists who remained in the executive body of the Amer- | | 3 united front in which the Com- munists take part. Seizing the official lies of the Socialist execu- tives about the Madison Square Garden meeting during the Aus- | these Socialists | trian struggle, have also turned against the anti- war and anti-fascist united front. | The statement of the American League Against War and Fascism | in connection with these resigna- | tions follows:—Editor, SoM ts. Statement of the American League Against Wer and Fascism The Buro of the National Execu- tive Committee of the American League Against War and Fascism has before it the resignations of certain of its members connected with the League for Industrial Democracy. At the same time the chairman of the Executive Commit- tee resigns his post without re- signing from the league. The rea- sons brought forward for the res- ignations center around the occur- rence in the Madison Square Gar- den meeting of Feb. 15th. The Buro of the League ex- presses its deep regret for the development of antagonisms which in any way contribute to widening the breach between any groups of sincere opponents to war and fas- cism. All such divisions bring joy to the war-makers and fascists. All of the efforts of the league haye been to bridge existing divisions and to bring about united action on the basis of the program adopted in the great U. 8. Congress Against War, Sept. 30, Oct. 1, 1933. The league has used its efforts in ers’ backs. Second, they want amid the growing disillusionment and rapidly developing struggles, to dis- arm the workers; to revive their faith, to furnish the tarnished Roosevelt promises; to keep the workers from taking the road of class struggle to win better condi- tions, and union recognition; and above all to keep the workers from developing a revolutionary, united struggle against rising fascist meas- ures and for the overthrow of capitalism, Chicago Anti-War Group Pledges te Carry on Struggle MEW YORK—The American League Against War and Fascism has received the following letter from the Chicago Branch, dated Mareh 7: Against and Fascism learns with regret that certain members of the Na- tional Conrmittee have resigned. At last night’s meeting of our Executive Board, it was unani- mously voted that we send a communication to our national Office, stating that nothing will hamper our efforts to gain unity in the struggle against war and fascism in Chicago. We shall go forward on the basis of the pro- gram of the American League, || despite these resignations.” | the past, and will continue in the future, to avoid conflict or dis- ruption among the forces fighting | against war and fascism, whether members of the league or not, Agreements have been sought and will be sought, to promote the greatest possible unity and to pre- vent disunity—while preserving the fullest freedom of ell organizations to conduct in their own way their campaigns. The league is not and will not be dominated by one poli- tical party. No majority in any | committee now does or will rep- |resent any political party. | Successful Joint Actions The Buro records with satis- faction that, in every case where it has succeeded in initiating a joint action, the result has been separated forces, thus strength- war and fascism. The highly | successful conferences following | the U. S. Congress Against War |that were held in Chicago, San | Francisco, Boston and many |smaller cities; the series of stu- dents’ anti-war conferences held \in Columbia, New York Univer- sity and regional conferences in- volving student groups from scores of universities; the dele- gation to Washington at the opening of Congress to oppose the war budget; the successful mass demonstrations and parades against Austrian fascism held under the auspices of the League in Chicago and Pittsburgh; these and innumerable small instances prove the vitality of the League’s progress and the necessity of its work, the drawing together of hitherto | | ening the whole struggle against | Statement of Anti. War League on S.P. Leaders’ Desertion From United Front Against War The enthusiastic support that has developed for the magazine “Fight,” published by the League, and its widespread and growing | circulation among the most di- verse groupings throughout the | country, give further evidence of the deep-felt need for precisely this organization, Fight for Principles. expe function of passing judge- ment upon such disputes as that which gave rise to the resigna- tion of a few members of its committee. It must emphatic- ally be stated that no controver- |sies as to tactics constitute a | valid reason for abandonment of | the program and principles of the League. Now more than jever this program is necessary. | ; The extreme sharpening of the war danger and the rise of fas- cism throughout the world are putting a avowed enemies of war and fz jcism. It is to be expected that jthere will be desertions in thi |most difficult pre-war period This is all the more reason why | all true fighters against war and | |fascism will steadfastly main- |tain and promote the principles jand program of the League. |_ The Teague urges all ils mem- \Lers to siand firm on this pesi- jtion and energetically promote jticn and build a broader mass circulation for the magazine “Fight Against War and Fas- cism” and prepare for the second great U. S. Congress Against | War, which, as decided last year, | will occur in the coming fall. |The League sincerely invites | those few who have left to re- jturn to their fighting posts. To replace those who remain out- side, the Leazre undertakes > bring reinfore2ments 4 hundred- fold and to build 2a ever sorong- jer united mass movement of ail ferces against war and fascism | (Signed) ROGER N. BALDWIN ANNIE E. GRAY EARL BROWDER For the National Bureau American League Against War and Fascism. | Soldier Take Actor's Places LONDON—(FP)—So many un- employed actors in London are Jean and hungry looking that 48 soldiers were hired instead as supers to pla: the bowmen of Agincourt in Henry | V, who hust be young and virile, the president of the actors’ union has explained. The League does not assume | severe test upon all| and extend the League organiza- | consider their position and re-| | By ROBERT MINOR I | Im this month is celebrated the fifteenth anniversary of the found- ing of the Communist Interna- tional, which is the heir and con- tinuator of the best revolutionary traditions, the leader of the pres- ent General Staff of the World Revolution. | K 1847, on the eve of revolutionary struggles throughout Europe, the | first great programmatic document | of scientific socialism, the Commu- | nist Manifesto, was written. . .. that the first step in the rev- olution by the working class is to | | raise the proletariat to the posi- tion of ruling class, to establish democracy. “The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest by degrees all capital from the bour- geoisie, to centralize all instru- ments of production in the hands of the state, ie., of the proletariat organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.” N THIS, formulated by Marx and Engels 87 years ago, we have the germ of the revolutionary program | which was to be developed during the epoch of imperialism by Lenin and to be realized through the pro- letarian revolution of October 1917. | (1) The Dictatorship of the Pro- }letarian revolution of October 1917: j the concept of this dictatorship as “establishing democracy” “highest type of democracy” as Lenin described the Soviet system, (without which “new kind of demo- | cracy, for the proletarians and the dispossessed; a new kind of dic- |tatorship, against the bourgeoisie,” |the building of Socialism is impos- |sible). (2) The expropriation of capital, of the means of production. with the centralization of industry in |the hands of the proletarian Soviet state; and (3) The “increase of the total of productive forces as rapidly as pos- stble”—what is this? Can we not see in it that which, nearly a cen- tury after Marx wrote it, under t dership of Stalin be e the m of, Great V7 known world as the “Five Year Plan”? ‘a 1864 the International Working ingmen’s Association — the First International—was founded in Lon- ‘don by Marx and Engels. “The First International laid the foundation of the proletarian in- ternational struggle for Social- ism.”—Lenin. |gle led through stormy times. In 1871 the Paris Com: 1¢ flamed across the sky for the. proletariat of the whole world, the first example in living reality of the p: State. In the Manifesto we a h end Engels we ble to formulation of | as the ruling class, from the date of the Paris Commune Marx spoke of fhe “Dictatorship of the Prole- \tariat.” “The proletariat cannot |simoly lay hold of the ready-made | State machinery and wield it for its |own purposes’—but “must break it up.” | The Paris Commune brought, on the basis of historical experience, a di higher development of the revolu- p t became lished clearly as the revolu- tionary course. Disruption by petty-bourgeois confusionists and adventurers came after the defeat of the Paris Com- the “position of ruling class,” and} the | Upon this foundation, the strus- | Communist International Celebrates 15th Year Under Lenin, Stalin Banner; | Embodies Teachings of Marx, Engels xwer rive and with the consequent re- The First International had Europe to New York the fr But ts of the First International were not lost. The 80's brought the death of Marx (1883), and his work was con- tinued by his great collaborator, Engels. TN 1889, the 3nd International was | founded. “The 2nd International pre- pared the ground for a wide ex- tension of the movement in a number of countries.”—Lenin. By the 90's, the recognition of Marxism as the ideology of the In- ternational Socialist movement, be- came general. Friedrich Engels, Marx’s collaborator, carried on his work and brought to completion the monumetal “Das Kapital.” Engels’ contributions, both during and after the life of Marx, represented, not only basic collaboration in the crea- tion of scientific socialism, but helped greatly to enrich the devel- opment of clarity in the revolution- ary program Tt is notable that at the death of F. Engels, 1895, the great successor of Marx and Engels, in Russia, Viadimir I. Lenin, was already in his early maturity, and had begun his revolutionary life work, and had already produced the beginning of | his wide and profound literary | contributions. | The close of Engels’ life and the| | coming to maturity of Lenin coin- | | cided with the opening of the epoch | of modern imperialism. A series of | wars of conquest by the major/ | capitalist countries began: Spanish- | American War, 1898; the advance | |of British, Belgian and French im- |perialism in Africa; the interven-| |tion in China against the “Boxer | uprising,” 1900; and the Boer} War of Great Britain against the Dutch republics of South Africa (1903). Throughout the whole| world, the export of capital by the | gr countries and the enforcement of imperialist war over | weaker peoples, with double inten- sive exploitation and oppression of | colonial workers and peasants—the | ruthless plunder of the rest of the} world by a few great powers—be- | came the basis of immense increases in the wealth of the imperialists. On the basis of these super-profits, a great advance in the standard of | living of the more skilled sections of working class, “labor aristoc- ” engendered a widespread de- | meration of the revolutionary ideology of the labor movement, | With the dawn of the twentieth century, and with the dawn of the epoch of imperialism, there was in general an adantation of the Second International to'the outlook of the more skilled sections of the work- with their higher standard | and “partnership” in , and edaptation the Socialist ist governments. , under the fire | of intense class there was being built up the ssian Social- Democratic Lebor Par‘y, in the! leadership of which the strong hand of the young Lenin was beginning to be decisi The le led by | ruption in the International became in the cour the Marxist revolu‘ionary Socialists broke from the opportunist section of the Party and founded the sep- arate Belshevik Par It was in the building of this party and its hardening and train- ing in the three revolutions that By MILTON HOWARD Roosevelt found it necessary in his speech the other day to publicly disclaim any inclinations of the government toward Fascism. But one of the leading members of his Cabinet, one of his closest political advisers, only a few days before issued a plea for a new “so- cial philosophy” and an economic program in which the seeds of Fascism are already beginning to sprout. We refer to the pamphlet of Sec- retary of Agriculture Wallace, called, significantly enough, “Amer- ica Must Choose.” From the ex- traordinary way that almost every newspaper of the country has in one way or another featured this pamphlet, or parts of it, it is quite obvious that the pamphlet is a semi-official programmatic state- Roosevelt government in the days immediately to come. The Roose- velt government, it is clear, wishes the ideas of this pamphlet to be given the widest possible publicity, And with reason, too. For Wal- lace’s political and economic pro- posals are the surest indication of the road Roosevelt is travelling as he gathers all of the enormous power of the capitalist State into a LEADING SPOKE Seeds of Fascism: Spr out in Ne w Pamphlet by See the blows of the crisis, as well as to fortify its position in the na- tional economy at the expense of the toiling masses and non-mon- opoly capital. But Wallace goes further—and it is this which gives his pamphlet its significance and its real political menace, as far as the masses are concerned. “Our people on the street,” Wallace declares ominously, “must change their attitude concerning the nature of man and society. They must develop the capacity to envision a co-operative society and be willing to pay the price to attain it.” And how will this “co-operative society” be attained? Wallace gives us the answer, the answer that has already been made familiar to the world in the Hitler “philosophy” of the Mussolini’s “national autarchy.” “Totalitarian State,” and in “The people must have the in- telligence,” Wallace warns us,” and the will power to turn down simple — solutions selfish short-time particular class. As yet we have applied in this country only the barest beginnings of the sort of social which a com- pletely determined nationalism are its objectives? It requires no hypersensitive ear to detect in these polished phrases of Wallace, so flushed with the hypocritical humanitarianism char- acteristic of the entire Roosevelt demagogy, to catch the theme-song of Fascism, the song by which the ruling class of every country at. tempts to beguile its proletariat and toiling masses into accepting the misery of intensified exploitation and the naked military dictatorship of the bourgeoisie without offering any resistance, all in the interests of “national unity,” or “social disci- pline,” etc. The entire Roosevelt N. R. A. program, with its unprecedented antrance of the capitalist State power directly into the national 2eonomy as the agent of the big- gest Wall Street trusts, with its immense social demagogy, its anti- capitalist phraseology (‘the old deal is gone,” “the money changers must be driven out of the temple,” ate., etc.) concealing a program of direct State subsidies to sustain monopoly profits, a program of “planning” whose effect is to crush non-monopoly production— all this is the economic program that is growing swiftly toward an economics that differs in no way from the economics of Hitler and Mussolini. And the Fascist political com- plexion of the Roosevelt govern- ment will follow, if it does not ac- tually precede, its swiftly develop- tng program of utmost economic reaction, Wallace’s “‘social discipline” is what is politically required to carry out his (and the entire Roosevelt) program, It is necessary to remember that reaction never arises in a country as a frankly reactionary ) Program. On the contrary, fascism | always masks its hideous visage with studied expressions of “radica!- ism.” It always comes, not only as the brutal stop-gap against the floods of proletarian revolution, but as @ pretended program for the al- leviation of the suffering of the masses and the ruined petty bour- geoisie. It comes speaking words of sympathy and understanding, with a varying accompaniment of lofty and radical phrases, offering a road out of the mass misery. But within all this verbiage it conceals the brutal realities of the economic pro- gram of capitalist exploitation. Its program answers the needs of the most ruthless, powerful section of finance capital. In arming ourselves against the menace of Fascism, it is necessary to remember that it need not show the same features that Fascism has revealed in Germany, Italy, and Austria, Poland, etc. Fascist reac- tion, growing right out of the heart of the Roosevelt government, will undoubtedly show in this country certain peculiar features. But in the program of Roosevelt and in the statements of Wallace, regard- less of the fact that the American bourgeoisie still sees fit to maintain all the traditional “democratic” forms of government, the approach of Fascist reaction is not difficult to discover. The method will no doubt differ from the Fascism of other countries. But the class con- tent, the open, military dictatorship of big capital, coupled with reac- tionary-jingo ideology will be the same, whatever the outward super- ficial differences. MERICA must choose, says Wal- lace, either “internationalism,” course.” It does not take much examination to r Walace speaks of “* he does not mean real int alism, the internationalism which is embodied in the international solidarity of the world working class. He deliberately distorts the meaning of this word in order to Bose false alternatives and to strike a blow at the growing true inter- nationalism of working-cl: arity, the internation the antithesis of national chau vinism, By “internationalism,” Wallace tariffs, lack of trade restrictions, etc. By “nationalism” he means a program similar to the Fascist solini and Hitler, which is intended to make the nation self-contain- ing," free from the “entanzlements of foreign trade,” with high tariffs jand a government-directed pro- | gram of “regulation of production” to “reduce surplus” in order to raise prices. Wallace rejects “internationalism.” He makes a pretense of rejecting “nationalism,” in order to foist on the American masses the “planned middle course.” But we shall see in a moment that the “planned middle course” is nothing but the Fascist ‘nationalism,” the program of ruth- less parasitism and intensified ex- ploitation characteristic of Fascism, the open dictatorship of the big capitalists, the finance capital bil- lionaires. Wallace's argument is as follows: “At the opening of the World War, our farm production chanced to be pretty well in hand. There was no glaring disparity between the prices farmers received for their crops and the prices they had to pay jfor the things that they buy: It is |major producing groups that the means merely free trade, low or no) “autarchy” the program of Mus-| by) y Wallace SMAN FOR ROOSEVELT CALLS FOR FASCIST IDEOLOGY IN GUISE OF “SOCIAL DISCIPLINE” Itural Adjustment program is ed to restore. When the pres- jent administration came into power on March 4, it was already apparent jthat there is no longer an effective \foreign purchasing power for our | rortabdle surplus of cot- ton, wheet, lard and tobacco at prices high enough to assure social stability in the United States. It it that 40,000,000 acres of ‘oducing me- be consumed in this country . . .. It became inert ingly plain modern techni applied to agriculture and raw ma- terials was h ing up @ world over \supply. . . . Our immediate eff |therefore, is to organize Ame agriculture to reduce its output | domestic ned, the amount t we can export wil pron | cordingl; the Roosevelt admi | tion is conducting an orderly retr from surplus acreage... . “By the end of 1934 we shall prob- ably haye taken 15,000,000 acres out of cotton, 20,009, out cf corn... Add to that the 7,500,000 ecres that | we used to sow and will not, and you | get a total of 43,000.090 acres which will be planted to ctir major export crops... . .” This is the “program of the |planned middle course.” Here the the hideous, parasitic, terrible face of capitalist private property, capi- talist exploitation for profit, ap- pears—the “planned” destruction of food to protect profits, while millions |of toilers and their families go hun- |gry and are unclothed. But what are the political, theo- retical bases of Wallace's argument? What is its political meaning pre- cisely at this time? What political strategy does it conceal? What will it mean to the workers in the cities (To be continued) . | fine. and among the small farmers and_ nationalism” or a “planned middle | that condition of parity between our) agricultural workers? d | he led, that Lenin laid the founda- tion of the C. I. Lenin built up and trained a core of Marxian reyolu- tionists, the hardest, clearest and best of whom he nicknamed “Com- ‘ade Steel” (Stalin) who was seven years younger than the young Lenin. The center of gravity of the revo- lutionary movement shifted to Russia, and in 1905, the Rasso- Japanese War, with the defeat of the Russian Czar, was followed by the revolution, the “dress rehear- sal” which hardened and trained the Russian proletariat and its revolutionary party for the later victory. In the struggle against opportun- ism, against the “liquidators,” in the period of reaction, in the clarifi- cation of the question of the alliance of the proletariat and the peasantry, in the development of revolutionary understanding of the national question and its role in the epoch of imperialism, together with the most basic, the all-decisive question of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the proletarian revo- lution of the Twentieth century— in this work of preservetion of Marxian science and, more than that, its development, its creative growth in the epoch of imperialism, the ideological foundation of the Communist International was bemge laid. A Lewis Agent Sees the Error Of His Ways (Continued from Page Four) company could direct them how many sticks of powder to use; and could force the loaders to do lots of digging, that was unnecessary, and would have the company tens of dollars daily, by using the simple excuse that they want lump coal. 3—The Six-Day Week While the code provides five days not to exceed 40 hours of work, the coal company started to dump coal six days a week. In order to have the coal for dumping on the off day, the company worked out a system of alternate days off. That is instead of all the men been off on Saturday, some were to have an off day on Monday, other on Tues- deyiete., and they would then work on Saturday. The men resented this very much, as they never would know when their off day would be; and since many men come from nearby towns in autos, jointly pitching in for the gasoline, this would also work hard- ships, because instead of 5 of them coming to work there would be only | one or two and their gasoline ex- penses may eat up the day’s earn- ings. So they decided to strike. They gave the company 48 hours to settle the grievances. When the Mine Committee went to notify the company of the men’s decision they cot no satisfaction. On Wednesday, Feb. 28, the men struck. The same day a*local meeting was called and three U. M. W. A. officials attended. Bill Feeney the Board Member, | Bozo Damich, International Organ- izer and Fred Gullick the Boa member from Ellsworth Branch. All three threatened the men with revo- cation of the charter, told them they were violeting the agreement, code, etc., etc. The miners booed them, called them strike-breakers and company agenis, and decided to remain on strike. Feeney then proceeded to the company office to settle the case. At the local meeting the following day he reported that the question of powder and 5 days a week wes settler the company agreciny to |the men’s demands. On the ques- tion of the discharges the company refused to negotiate. The men de- |eided to continue on strike until |the 2 men were put back to werk. Feeney then pulled out his trump | card, a telegram from John L. Lewis | threatening immediate revocation of charter, if the men do not return jlo work. The men still refused to vote to go back. They cursed Lewis and his le machine, daring thom to take the charter as it was no‘ worth a damn, because the benefits under the charter are wage cuts, more wages.and assessments. Feeney tcld the men they would be fined $1 a day for every day they stayed out and that the fine already sirounted to $4 per each men. This is damn lie how could he figure that ou’, when the men were on strike only two davs then. However, the mine went back to work Monday. March 5, because the Lewis gang was busy cenyincing the men that | they would not gain anything. We, ;@ group of Lill: niners, propose to |the local the wing plan of ac- tion agrinst the fine: that if we are fined the $4 we strike against the Immediste election of a com- | mittee to visit all the Valley Camp | mines and get them to strike against jall such fines. Thet we demand $6 a day and 5 davs a weok, 6 hours a day. Also elections of all the Board | members and district officials. The hell with appeinted Feeneys and Damiches, A Group of Lilley Miners. | P. 8. U. SPONSORS TALK ON SOVIET BALTIMORE.—Mr, George A. Douglas, a former instructor in Sociology and economics at Hood College, will give @ | moving-picture lecture on “8,000 Miles Among the Soviets" at the International Rook Shop, 509 N. Eutew St., on Tuesday, March 13, at 9 p.m. Mr, Douglas is 8 graduate of the University of Michigan received his Ph. M. at the University of Wisconsin, and hes done graduate work at Columbia, Chicago, end Johns Hopkins | where he is now. This lecture is under the auspices of the Friends of the Soviet Union, as ont of their regular open monthly meetings / ry