The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 5, 1934, Page 5

Self-Criticism in the Pre-Convention Discussion Builds Our Party Ani Imperialist Philadelphia District ‘Work Is Often : » : Loft Unil Last Lags in Fight Against | The Social Fascists DAILY WORKER. NEW YORK, MONDAY, MARCH 5, 1934 _ Seetions Must Combat) White Chauvinism in k By LUCILLE PERRY “heir Daily Activity txamples of Failure to Put Into Practice the E.C.C.1. Resolution By CARL BRANDON The B.C.C.I, says we must “con- tu xpose chauvinism,” we must out “determinedly for the tion of the dependent nations all national oppression.” What does this mean to us as Communists? It means that we must . hauvinism, evpresses it- in the illusion of “white “superiority” of the white oppressor nation to the oppressed Negro peo- ples. These illusions are kept alive by the most reactionary, the most hauvinist elements of finance cap- tal. Finance capital through their ownership of the means of prop- aganda—the press, the schools, the churches, the radios, etc., reach the broadest masses of workers and fill their minds with this venomous anti- working class poison—that ail “whites” are members of @ “superior race’ and by virtue of this are a people meant to rule; through grant- ing the white worker in some in- stances a little higher wage scale by the profits obtained by this division between the white and Negro workers plus the super-exploitation of the Negro masses. This illusion’of “white superiority” is a hang-over of slavery days, and it is precisely there in the Black Belt (the old cotion region of the South) that exploitation is great- est where its roots can be found. Chauvinism in Food Strike In our section (Section 2, New York) where we have a population of nearly 50,000 Negroes we can see the results in the field of our Negro work that we have no clarity, that the illusions of “white superiority” has not been fought successfully in our: ranks, and that the comrades have not rid themselves of the stink- ing poison of white chauvinism; that there is not Bolshevik understand- ing the “national liberation of the Negroes as part and parcel of the struggle for the emancipation of the working class.” (From the Commu- nist Position on the Negro Question.) How has the illusion of “white superiority,” the expression of white chauvinism manifested itself in our section? For practical illustration let take one instance, the recent food e. What has happened there? 300 Negro workers are today employed in the Hotel New Yorker; brought there to scab and with the promise of having permanent jobs. Are we opposed to Negroes working in the Hotel New Yorker? Of course, not! But because the white comrades have not understood the need for consistent struggles for the every an indication of the great influence of “white superiority”—anti-working class poison—misled Negro workers have again been used by the bosses to scab against their fellow white workers; and, precisely because this unity we speak of has remained a slogan, has not been linked up in practice. Examples of White’ Superiority Years ago almost every, hotel and restaurant in New York employed Negroes. The bosses threw the Ne- groes out of these jobs, replacing them with white workers. This again led to a further misunderstanding among the Negroes who look upon all whites as their enemy. Should there be then, any misunderstanding why white workers must be in the forefront in the struggle for Negro rights, against all discrimination and forms of jim-crowism? Of course not, comrades! But “wherever there is lack of clarity, wherever opportunist theories and practices have been at work to distort the policy of our Party—there the results will be shown, perhaps most quickly of all, on the field of our Negro work.” Thus, we see in our section the need to immediately fight against distort- ers of the “policy of our Party,” for a fight to put this policy into life. Another practical illustration of the influence of “white superiority” and on the 13th Plenum Resolution: Our section held a gen- eral membership meeting to discuss the Resolution of the 13th Plenum. Comrades took the floor in discussion and not one spoke of the immediate fight against chauvinism in relation to the oppressed Negroes in America. Fight Against Fascism ‘They spoke against fascism in Ger- many, the rise of fas- and by | cism in Aenea But none could seq or did express how we as Commu- nists must fight fascism in our day to day activities, by a militant strug- gle against discrimination, jim-crow- ism, etc. This unclarity, this under- estimation of the importance of the fight against chauvinism (which is the counterpart of fascism) as mainly expressed in America—division of the working class, separating Negro and Center: CHARLES E. RUTH- ENBERG, one of the o utstanding founders of the Communist Party U.S.A.; died on March 2, 1927. Left: EARL BROWDER, Gen- eral Secretary of the Communist Party U.S.A. Right: WILLIAM Z. FOSTER, National Chairman of the Com- munist Party U. S. A. The nature of the industry in which the comrades work is such or explain in detail the work of the comrades, A year and a half ago, there was one comrade. Today, there are 80 Party members. During this period, we lost one comrade. Sounds too good? No! It is only the beginning. It is my opinion that the Pre-Con- vention Discussion should place be- |}fore the Party the experiences of ,our comrades engaged in mass ac- tivity and bring forth especially those experiences that have demonstrated the correctness of the Party line and resulted in mass activity. We found the situation in this in- dustry, when we had just one com- rade, where the need for the organi- zation of the workers was an immedi- ate necessity. The wage-cuts and speed-up, typical of any other in- dustry, betrayals by the A. F. of L., @nd a general worsening of condi- tions. Building a Shop Nucleus Within a few months, we formed @ shop nucleus of four comrades. A white, native and foreign-born—is greatly responsible for our passivity. chauvinism of Hitler’s fascism and the illusions of “white superiority” in “democratic” America, let me quote from Hitler’s book, “My Fight.” Hitler says, “The black-haited Jew- ish youth lies in wait for hours, satanic joy in his face, for the un- suspecting girl, whom he defiles with his blood, and thereby robs her from her own ” In this change “Jewish” to Negro, and in- sert white in place of “unsuspecting” and you have the reproduction of the same slime in “democratic” America. ' day needs of the Negro people and sreciscly because of this, which is ‘The struggle today is a struggle for international solidarity of the The “New Deal”, Under Cover Of Most Shameless Demagogy, Towards Fascism and War From Draft Resolution of Central Committee for the 8th Convention of the C.P.U.S.A. <“HE ‘New Deal’ of Roosevelt is the aggressive effort of the bankers and trusts to find a way out of the crisis at the expense of the millions of toilers. Under cover of the most shameless demagogy, Roosevelt and the capitalists carry through drastic attacks upon the living standards of the masses, increased terrorism against the Negro masses, increased political oppression and systematic denial of exist- ing civil rights, and are strengthening the control of the big monopolists over the economic and political life of the country. The “New Deal” is a program of fascization and the most intense preparations for imperialist war. Its class character is seen in the policy of the subsidies to the rail- roads, banks, and insurance companies, accompanied by in- creased parasitism, corruption, and bureaucratism. The de- valuation of the dollar has resulted in a rapid rise of prices of commodities, and the lowering of the real wages, The ‘N.R.A. machinery, with its labor boards on the one hand, and the most brutal police and military force on the other, has been used for the purpose of breaking up the workers’ struggles and-their organizations. Strike struggles, not only of those of the independent class unions, against whom the attack has been most vicious, but also the struggles of the workers in the A. F, of L., have been violently suppressed. Its farm policy has enriched the big farmers and capitalists at the expense of the agricultural workers, the poor an middle farmers. \ The right of organization which was so loudly hailed by the social-fascists, which was to be guaranteed by Section 7a of the N.R.A., has been used as a new instrument in the hands of the employers for the development of company unions, to block the desire of the workers to organize into real trade unions, independent of the bosses and government. It is an instrument to prop up the boss-controlled A. F. of L. bureaucracy, and a means to divert the fight and organi- zation of the working class away from militant trade unions. The system of codes has been a step in the direction of government control and fascization of the trade unions. The codes fixed minimum wages in the face of inflation and the rising prices. The so-called Public Works Program has been used for the building up of the army and navy,—an addi- tional important weapon for the whole program of Roose- velt, which is one of preparation for war. All of this proves that the Roosevelt regime is not as the liberals and Socialist Party leaders claim, a progressive regime, but is a govern- ment serving the interests of finance capital and moving toward the fascist suppression of the workers’ movement.” To show you the similarity between, proletariat; it'is a struggle at home for the unity of the working class, Negro and white, native and foreign- Root Out “White Superiority” The E.C.C.I. tells us we are enter- ing into a period of the maturing of the world revolutionary crisis and ‘we must immediately direct our in- fluence for the overthrow of the ex- Ploiting class. In order to win the Negro proletariat as allies for the overthrow of the exploiting class, we must immediately set ourselves the task of uprooting, weeding out all lions of “white superiority,” chauvinism, from our ranks; our en- tire section from the section leader- ship down, from the units up, must at once make preparations for an immediate invasion of the Negro ter- ritories in our section, and show by the force of our initiative in taking the jead in the struggles for the every day needs of the Negroes in practice and not in words alone, a determination to mold a unity of Negro and white workers in joint struggles against their class enemies, which can then be directed for the overthrow of the exploiting class and the liberation of the Negro people. At our Section Convention one of the key points in our discussion must be organizational steps necessary to build and mold this unity and pro- Posals to the District Committee for approval and acceptance of the Na- tional Convention. Knew No Freedom Until He Visited USSR, Negro Says No Haunting Fear of Future; All Workers that it is inadvisable to mention it | ° jin ladership. Our Party recruiting How a Shop Nucleus Grew from 4 to | 80 Members By Correct Mass Work By J. C. mass Movement was started. Our comrades participated and because of their correct methods of work were increased. Within a few months, we hhad about 20 comrades in the Party. And it has not stopped since. We found the Section busy with many activities. We, on the other hand, were doing mass work, leaders in the union. Classes were then formed with our comrades in charge. All new members studied as they worked. However, we found this situ- ation developed. The union elected an executive board. There were only two comrades on it, but because these comrades made friends with the other executives, going out with them, in- viting them to each other's homes, drawing their wives into the move- ment, we found that the executive board became almost all Party mem- bers. In the shop itself, the comrades developed through the shop commit- tee activity around the immediate issues of the workers. With the re- seult that wherever we conducted struggles, the Party increased its membership. Another method was the building up of the left wing grouns, com- posed of honest, trustworthy, and militant workers, including sympa- thizers of the Socialist Party, Trot- zky, etc. These groups met every week. The workers elected their own Teader,. discussed general political events always linked up, however, with the shop; and then spent the rest of the meeting analyzing the work in the shop, from an open left-wing position. An example: In one group, we started with two com- rades, organized a group of 30 and out of this 30, we now have 10 Party members. Even some of the workers who held differences against the Party and supported Trotzky, joined the Party because they actually saw, for the first time, the Party in ac- tion, and not as slandered in the “Militant.” \ How to Win Sympathizers We also came across that famous person, the “professional sympathiz- er.” One who wouldn't join the Party, after many years of support to the Communist Party. Why? “I am doing Communist work anyway,” or “Being a member of the Party. won't help me better my activity,” or “What’s the use. Now, if I were not working, I would...” These were usual replies when asked to join the Party. Did the comrades in the other shops ever hear this before? Behind all of the reasons for re- fusing to join the Party were, in my opinion, two main reasons: One: Fear. They were afraid that if they joined, they would lose their jobs, be exposed, ete. Second: They did not understand how to do mass activity. ‘We convinced these sympathizers that the shop nucleus safeguarded their job, taught them how not to expose themselves, and how to “hide { dumb and blind we organized left wing day, the 80 comrades are also busy, demands, better organizations. There was “backbone” to the struggle. We also drew them work in the shop and union. We insisted very strongly that they stop bringing in Daily Workers, New Masses, etc., into the shop. We in- sisted that they stop speaking Com- munism. Why? Because it immedi- ately branded them as Reds and cranks. Whenever the workers placed a label on them as Communists, it was difficult for them to do mass work. We showed these sympathizers that instead we organize the dis- tribution of Daily Workers to ‘he point of selling as many as , by organizing it. Instead of giving out individually a few leafiets, we had distributions of 3,000 to 5,000. We showed them by doing work with the masses of workers, getting their oenfidence, becoming their leaders, we now have the possibility of re- cruiting on a mass scale, because of mass activity. The individual com- rade does not stop his agitation but instead it is increased. without put- ting a label on himself. Instead of @ sympathizer talking a worker deaf, groups, classes in Communism for workers, brought in the Party to the shop as a whole by our campaigns. Not by merely being a sympathizer, but joinine the Party and increasing this activity. ‘The result? Eighty Party members and just sterting! When we started. the few comrades were busy, but still had a few nights for themselves. To with many who have a few nights a week for themselves. The more work we do; the more we recruit. ‘The more we recruit; the more work is done. In turn, more classes, more units, more activity for the leading comrades. Tremendous tempo. This is what we learned. We worked like horses, but still not fast enough. ‘The workers demand action now, not tomorrow, when we may be better organized. They are not going to wait. The result: A mass movement of thousands. Don’t we make mistakes? Sure! Plenty. But we are not afraid. We fight to correct them. I cannot go into an analysis of more of our ex- periences, especially our mistakes. But the nucleus—the fraction goes thoroughly into it. The comrades from the District usually find the mistakes, after we had taken steps to correct them, showing that our comrades were and are keenly aware of the shortcomings. In conclusion, the activity of the comrades, mass activity, shows only too clearly the necessity of increas- ing the speed. Sometimes, we kick a comrade (usually an older one) and actidn takes place. Some of the com- rades think in terms of the XIII Plenum of the C.1., in terms of a new round of wars and revolutions, but their hands and feet are back in 1929. The one comrade we lost, was into active | , their faces in the masses.” We also too slow, too easy, talked too much showed them that wherever we had of the coming revolution. We have Communists, shop nuclei, there were ilearned that we must organize and determined struggles, the winning of lead and to do it at breakneck speed. F, rom A Non-Party Worker On Party Convention Discussion . Philadelphia, Pa. Rt 621 Spring Garden St. Daily Worker Central Committee Dear Sir: ‘On reading through the draft for the Eighth Convention of the Com- munist Party, I would like to say these few wortis: Probably as the committee knows, a lots of comrades on reading through the Draft say that’s alright, and nine times out of ten a lot of them don’t understand it at all. Take, for instance, at a unit meeting, this question comes up for discussion. What happens? I will give you an example. A vote is taken all in favor of it. And if an hour after you would ask them certain things in the Draft they could not tell you. Why? Because it is forgotten by them. And that is mostly because the Communist Party in the United States is not any larger than it is. ‘The majority of the comrades mean well. But they have not the pep and go in them. This is not only in Philadelphia, which has a good bunch of real Communists, but all over the States. Everywhere in the States now the working class people are ripe for Communism, especially the Negroes. And I think more time should be de- voted to this question. And at the Convenion this question should be brought up foremost and pointed out sharply. All can see that the capitalists are planning another war, and I think if the workers were properly approached, the Party could bring in a lot of good material into it. We can see by the papers that the Socialist Party is split. And if the rank and file could be gotten, a whole lot of good material is there. I think if the above questions were brought out very sharply and that everyone of the Party members understood thoroughly the convention would get better results and an increase in Party membership. Although I am not a Party member at this date, I read the “Daily” every day and do what I can. But I have written the Committee on past experiences. -'That is why I know about the above questions, and why I think the same questions should ind yet out very thoroughly and I think you will find that I am right on je above, been, in That it is meaningle: of working-c unions, the sh he question of support to the ncipation movements of the co- lonial peoples does not mean aban- ming thought, the substitution of « for another. nst Yankee impe- n in Latin America n important part of e against war and against ; it is an important part struggle against American It is raising the banner jonalism when the bour- ut the world is mak- to whip up national- ts. In the present period, s apt to break out at any dd when the liberation eloving at a most China, etc.), itis of greavest importance that we nt fight against American im- | | “The Communists must . » in the imperialist countries come out determinedly for the independence. ef the colonies, for the liberation of the dependent nations from all national oppression; in the key- points of national antagonisms Communists must struggle against imperialist occupation and violence, for the right of self-determina- tom... 0.” Our immediate aim must be to raise the political understanding of our mbership to a degree which enable us to undertake these s, not in a sectarian manner, but correctly combining this work with day to day activities. In fulfilling task, it is of the utmost importance that the Anti- Imperialist League be built into a strong organization, capable of rally- ing the broadest masses to the: sup- port of the moveme in the colo- nies. The reorganization of the within the past month con- n_ import ep in over- for es. The process at i lead- ing members of working-class, student 1 orge ns. The cutive committee drawn from its hus function as an anti-im- erialist cutive committee for s of organizations, correlating anti-imperialist activities of parate organizations, and de- eloving an understanding of the political and economic importance of the anti-imperialist struggle. The League must strive especially to involve such organizations as the Marine Workers Industrial Union, the Needle Trades Workers Indus- trial Union, the Workers Ex-Service- men’s League, the colonial groups, many of which were formed with the assistance of the League, but which have unfortunately, due chiefly to ne- glect on the part of the League, been following their own separate ways. While these groups and others have at times carried on commendable anti-imperialist work, it has been jdone in a nner so independent and unco-ordinated that the real force was lost The trade unions must make every effort to rally American workers to support of the struggles of the co- lonial workers of the same trade. In Puerto Rico, for example, negotia- tions are being carried on to force he needle work- the N.R ers, a Vv Puerto proletariat Many strikes have broken out and a spirit of. militant action is rising among the workers. The Needle Trades Union must take up this question, ex- plain the basic identity of interest of the American and Puerto Rican needle workers, help expose the N.R.A. codes to the Puerto Rican workers, send resolutions, greetings, etc., and assist in raising relief funds for striking Puerto Rica workers. It must raise the slogan of indepen- dence for the colonies, especially Puerto Rico and the Philippines. What did the marine workers do when strikes of longshoremen took place in Cuba and in Puerto Rico? This does not mean, of course, that only the workers of a particular trade. should be rallied to the support of the colonial workers, Quite the con- trary. But these workers should lead in rousing support for their colonial brothers. Aside from the mobilization of the American working-class, there re- mains the problem of the several million colonial workers in the United States. Suffering from discrimina~ tion and persecution this class of workers can and will prove one of the most valuable aids in the struggle for the indenendence of the colonies and semi-colonies; it is an important ally of the American proletariat in its struggle against capitalism in the United States. We must, direct their nationalist sentiments into anti-im- Perialist, internationalist channels. We must organize them into trade unions, anti-imperialist groups, and the Party, systematically developing cadres among them, The Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union has done some very fine work in organizing and leading in struggle the colonial workers on the West Coast. These workers, the workers in the beet fields of Colorado (chiefly Hoping for success of the Convention, and the Communist Party, I will close as, Comradely yours, Mexican), the colonial workers of Florida and the Southwest have Shown themselves to be exceedingly militant and must be drawn into the Party. Lack of Check-Up and Attention to Key Tasks By I. AMTER As the representative of the Pol- buro of the Party at the District Ple- num of the Philadelphia District on ,| Feb. 10, I emphasized two’ points as absent from the discussion, (I missed the District Organizer’s report and therefore cannot deal with that.) One of the points not discussed was the outstanding task of every Communist Party—the struggle against social- fascism; and 2—the check-up on the control tasks. The Philadelphia District is the seat of two centers of social-fascism —the Socialist Party in Reading, a Socialist stronghold, and the Muste- ites in Allentown, where they recent- ly held a state-wide conference to establish the so-called “American Workers Party.” Yet not a word of discussion about the Socialist Party and what the district intends to do to penetrate the textile town of Reading, where the Socialists up till recently were in control of the city administration and in spite of being defeated, increased their vote in the last elections. This seemed to be of no consequence to the District Com- mittee. The strength of the Musteites in Allentown is not comparable with that of the Socialists in Reading. But Musteism is widespread in the dis- trict—it is the left social-fascism which must be uncovered and fought against. Its ideology can easily seep into our Party if a campaign is not conducted against it. But not a word on it at the District Plenum. Slow Recruiting With such treatment of social-fas- cism in general, and in the district in particular, can one talk about a serious fight against social-fascism? Can one hope to win the workers in the Socialist Party and under Muste influence if no struggle is conducted to expose the demagogy of the 8. P. in Reading, the treachery of the So- cialist leaders in the union in Read- ing? Can one expose and struggle against Musteism in Allentown and other sections, when not a single step was taken in connection with their conference to expose them either on the outside or the inside. That this could be “forgotten” in the District Plenum—and not even be mentioned as a shortcoming of the Plenum in the article by Comrade Heliman, although it was pointed out sharply by the Polburo representa- tive, shows that the struggle against social-fascism is not yet on the or- der of business of the Philadelphig District. It means that the winning of the workers to the line of our Party is not possible. This unques- tionably accounts also in part for the maneuvering of the Socialists in ‘Bon | | | | The Fight Against Fascization of the Bourgeois Governments And Against imperialist War From Resolution of 13th Plenum of Executive Committee of Communist International | recruiting into our Party. |must take this up sharply be Philadelphia an district. This accounts for Tr nd trict Committee, Sections now and the coming Secti trict. conventions. . for Control Tasks That this could pass by ot an even more serious matt he District, according to the information I could glean, has mo control tasks. The District seems to be labor der the illusion that only the o centration districts have a plan wii control tasks. Although I pointed ou to the comrades that the Plenun should have been used to check-up on the control tasks, there was no indication of its being done. How then can one talk of serious contro! if a plan is not laid down with means provided of checking up? If the: were a plan, it surely would ha contained not only the central tasks of all districts—shop, union and un- employed wowk, ete—but also tiv struggle against social-fascism uot only in general, but also specifically in the district. This would have had to include Reading and Allentowr so that the District Plenum would have discussed it. But there is no plan, no check up, no control—~and therefore no struggle against social- fascism in a planned manner. Concentration Negiected ‘These facts are of most serious por- tent and must be pointed out. The District is doing union, shop and agrarian work—with serious short- comings and with many important _ tasks neglected, as, for instance, the Bethlehem Steel plant at Sparrow: Point, which is a central point o concentration, but is not on the or der of business as it should be. Never theless the 13th Plenum Resolutior points out sharply that the struggle for the winning of the working class is the tireless, .emergetic struggle against social-fascism in all forms Where this is not undertaken, the workers will remain under the influ- ence of our social-fascist enemies and organization cannot be built up. Finally, as another result of the absence of control tasks and of « plan, is the fact that up to Feb. 10 practically only the membership of the Party in Philadelphia had their books controlied, Hence the actual membership of the District could not be stated. A District leadership that is se- rious abqut putting the opr Latter and the 13th Plenum Resolution into effect cannot allow such a@ situation to continue. The resolution for the coming District Convention must up these points very sharply lay down tasks, fix responsibility anc establish control. District is not exempt from the need of correct Bolshevik methods of work in order to organize and lead the workers in struggle, in order to win the majority of the workers for ow Party. «JN THE FIGHT against the fascization of the so-called ‘democratic’ countries, the Communist Parties must first of all brush aside the fatalist, defeatist line of the inevitabil- ity of a fascist dictatorship and imperialist war and also the opportunist underestimation of the tempo of fascization and the threat of imperialist war, which condemn the Communist Parties to passivity. , : In carefully explaining the economic and political slavery which the fascist dictatorship is bringing to the toilers, show- ing the masses that the fascists are not socialists and are not bringing in a new order, but are lackeys, lickspittles of capital, the Communists must rouse the masses in time for the defense of the trade unions, of the labor press,.of \e workers’ clubs, of the freedom to strike and of workers’ meet- ings, organizing protest demonstrations, strikes, and setting up fighting self-defense detachments to resist the terrorist gangs. In the fight against fascist dictatorship, the Communists must: (a) Taking as the starting point the defense of the every-day economic and political interests of the toilers, rouse the masses against the fascist dictatorship which deceived the workers, the peasants and the urban toilers; expose the demagogy and all provocations of fascism (the burning of the Reichstag, the faking of the Reichstag elections, etc.), stirring up strikes and leading the proletariat up to mass political strikes; (b) Penetrate all the fascist mass organi- zations and also carry on revolutionary work in the forced- labor camps; while fighting against the revolutionary work- ers leaving the fascist trade unions individually, but not calling upon the workers to join the fascist trade unions, the Communists must utilize all mass movements as well as all manifestations of discontent shown by the masses in the fascist trade unions in order to form and consolidate in- dependent class trade unions, while at the same time con- tinuing their revolutionary work inside the fascist organ- izations; (c) Expose in the eyes of the peasants the policy which fascism pursues in the interests of the landlords and the kulaks, illustrating this by concrete examples from their own farm life; join the mass fascist organizations in the tural districts in order to split off the toiling peasants; or ganize the agricultural proletariat in independent trade unions which are to serve as the main lever for the whole work in the rural districts.”