The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 3, 1934, Page 5

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MARCH 8, 1934 W essions of the week’s “Field; Day for Critics,” inaugurated vith a fanfare of publicity by he bombastic drillmaster, N. R. A. istrator General Hugh S, John- But before Minor or any other vorking class critic, such as Pat Cush, he stirring and magnetic president of the scrappy Steel and Metal Work- Ts Industrial nion, was per- nitted to speak om the starvation and strike-break- ng nature of the N. R. A, the ad- ministration lead- rs endeavored to map out the li- mits of the critic- sm. “We shall con- inue in the fu- ure as in the Seymour Waldman past to welcome constructive criticism,” sang out Johnson, Then Donald Richberg, $12,000-a- year head lawyer of the N. R. A. srated: “These meetings are for the purpose of discussing princivles rather than the individual provisions * in the codes .. . it will also be most helpfui, al‘hough perhaps this is ask- ing too much, but it would be most helvful if. witnesses who appear in these meetings would bear in mind that there are usually two sides to a juestion, and sometimes three or cur, because it is not en*irely helv- ful to present wholiy one side of a picture which has many sides . . . ve cannot expect the advocates of specia! or particular interests to be impartial « We are engaged in the most devoted effor to sustain and to advance them (earlier referred to as ‘our political theories and institu- lions of sovernment”) and to main- tain all the purnoses and princinles traditions of American life upon hh we have lived and vrospered and moved ahead for something over 150 years ... we are not eneaged in perpetuating or bringing about a class ruvle. We are engared in seeking the oo f all the people of the United States.” But a few minutes after Richberg had wound uv» in colleve orator stvle abou* the N. R. A. as “the goal of the greatest individual hapniness for the greotest number of peovle, buoyed up with the sense of freedom and re- sponsibility their own lives,” Georce H. Houston, President of the Ba'dwin Loromotive Works and vice- president of the National Association of Manufac‘urers, badly stated the faith he and his fellow exnloiters have in the Blue Magle. In fact, Houston vroudly declered, “Industry has cooperated with him (Johnson) Jand his oreanization in a most re- ‘Keble way since the enactment of Netional Industrial Recovery Act” Thet is. industrv has cooner- ated with itself very nicely by “co- erating” with the former assistant of Barney Baruch, World War mil- lionaire and Wall Street sneculator. But just to remind you and the work- ers who may be so foolish as to be~ lieve in unemployment insurance, said Hous‘on, “industry must not be burdened with the emergency relief of unemployment in such s manner as to preclude the possibility of re- covery.” And if you have enough fool to sustain 2 bare existence. added the thinly demagogic and openly brutal Houston, don’t enter- tain such foolish ideas as that of shortening the work week. “The un- due shortening of the work week or its rigid adjustment by legislation would prove more injurious to the workman than to any other group through retarda‘ion in recovery.” In the early nineteenth century the Houstons of England and their legis- lative and religious lackeys fought to chain the workers and their children to their machines for as long as eighteen hours a day to preserve the Russian Art Shop, Inc, 107 EAST 1th ST, N. ¥. ©. —— LARGE SELECTION — Peasant Blouses, Lamps, Shades, Shawls, Candy, Novelties and Toys from the SOVIET UNION our special $1 > ASSORTED RUSSIAN CAND¥. UNION OF Soviet Socialist Republics 7% GOLD BONDS (O interest Payable Quarterly at The Chase National Bank of New York vom OF FER +o Safety: Throughoutthesixiesnyears of its existence the U.S.8.R. has unfail- ingly met all its finanetal obligations, Gold Stability: The bonds are issued in denominations of 100 gold roubles, at a price of par—I00 gold roubles—and accrued interest. (A gold souble contains 0.774234 grams of pure x a bert: and interest payments ased upon this fixed quantity o| id, payable in American peas ct ihe prevailing rate of exchange. Dbvic sly, this provision offers protec- ‘onagainet lossresulting from possible arther depreciation in the dollar, Market: The Stato Bank of the U.S.S. R, will repurchase these bonds on demand of the holder at any time citer one year from date of purchase, ct par and acerued interest, cotive Cireular D- om request SOVIET AMERICAN WALL STREET’S CAPITOL By SEYMOUR WALDMAN ASHINGTON, March 2.—“The Communist Party does in- deed express the only fundamental difference, the only undamental rejection of the National Recovery Act,” declared Robert Minor, representing the Party at one of the Thursday family and the family's spiritual health. A hundred years later it’s “retardation in recovery.” Demagogy is the final art of capitalism—and a black one, . was no accident that placed the diamond-figured William Green as the last speaker of the day’s main program—the main supporter in the ranks of the working class of starva- tion and strike-breakinz. For Green is American cavitalism’s chief left demagogue, the diminishing of whose influence among workers {s an indi- | cation of the growing appreciation of the Communis‘ Party as the leader and fellow-fighter of the working class. ) Parroting Johnson’s demand for criticism,” Green reiterated his pa-| trioteer’s act of calling on the work- ers to “stand behind the President and the Administra‘or of the N. R. A.” and “labor (the A. F. of L.) will stand with the Administration.” Planes ae INLY one adminis‘ration supvorter ; did not recite in the main act—the i Socialist Party. Which did not deter Louis Waldman, ‘he Code Chairman of the Public Affairs Committee of the Socialist Partv, from misrenre~ senting the intrinsic character of the N. R. A,, starvation codes and strike- brekin~ edicts. “The Socialist Party , of the United States, revresentinz in this case a consumer interest as well as producer interest, anvroves and supnorts the objectives of N. I. R. A. in so far as they create a public awency which throuth- government | action Is capable of establishing max- imum hours of emplovment. min- imum wages, the abolition of child labor, and the nerfection of industrial sunervision.” This, of a niece of levis» lation vromulvated bv the Swones and other industrialists of America! And attemnting to blind workers to the fact that the financiers and industrialis’s created fhe N, R. A, to that the “minimum” wave has gen- erally become the maximum, Louis Waldman abpsaled to Johnson, the executive leutenant of the ruling class, to use his “power” against those who vlaced him just where he is, “The N. I. R. A. gives you the vower which you never used (!). the power to prescribe maximum hours, the power to prescribe minimum wages, the power to prescribe conditions of employment, and unless you utilize that power you will be doing, under the law, exactly what Pres‘ent Hoover tried to do without the N. I. R. A.: Extract promises from em- ployers, which they never meant to keep, and which they do not keep today.” Minor put it correctly. “In its sup- port of the N. R. A., now more for- mally announced *han ever before, | the Socialist Party has clearly stated i that it is the third party defending the interests of capitalism within the lJabor movement.” “And asfor you Mr. Administrator,” said Minor as he picked up his papers the workers “will only be obtained ‘through mass pressure and strike ac- tion.” General smash wages and prohibit strikes and | to rush for a train, the demands of , THE FASCIST HEIMWEHR Austrian artillerymen, ont of range of the guns of the Viennese workers, rain death and destruction om their lives and homes, drowning the recent uprising in a river of blood. NEW YORK.—President Roosevelt, the Supreme Court of the United States, Manuel Quezon, chief political agent of American imperialism in the Philippines, and Pedro Guevara, res- ident Philippine commissioner, have all refused to see a delegation of American and Filipino anti-imperial- ists which will be in Washington Monday, March 5 to present demands for the release of the 17 Communist leaders of the Filipino workers and peasants who are imprisoned in the islands. The refusals were made in wires and letters to N. Schor, secretary of the Action Committee for the Re- lease of Filipino Political Prisoners, received today. The delegation, which will be headed by Maximo Manzon, prom- have on it representatives of the In- ternational Labor Defense, the Fili- pino Anti-Imperialist League, and other working-class organizations, will proceed to Washingion Satur- day and demand interviews from Guevara and from Chief Justice Hughes, as well as from President Roosevelt and Senate representatives. Quezon in his telegram, which hypo- critically states that he has “done everything he could for Evangelista, et al,” announces his departure from days before the flelegation is to come to see him. The Suvreme. Court Justice is to be visited to demand that the court hear a writ of habeas corpus for the release of the prisoners, which is being prepared by the I. L. D. Justice Hughes, in refusing an appointment with the delegation, Pleaded lack of jurisdiction. “Constructive _ critiesm,” Johnson? Well, it is... for workers. Pedro Guevara excuses his refusal inent Filipino intellectual, and will! Washington for the®Philippines, two) Delegates to Demand Release Of Filipino Workers’ Leaders Roosevelt, Hughes, Quezon, Guevara All Refuse to Hear N, Y. Workers’ Demands to see the delegation by stating that “It is not only unwise but also em- barrassing for the Filipino represen- tatives in Congress to stir up public Opinion” in the case, hypocritically adding that he “wants to be helpful to Evangelista and others, but we can accomplish more through proper negotiations with the agencies in the Philippine Islands than by bothering the government of the United States which has nothing to do with the case.” Actually, the government of the United States has been directly in- strumental in obtaining the vicious sentences against Evangelista and the other workers’ and peasants’ leaders who organized militant action against its imperialist schemes, and have been assisted in every detail by the Filipino representative in Congress. ‘Telegrams to cresident Roose- velt and the U. S. Supreme Court, demanding freedom for the Filipino political prisoners, and a hearing for the delegation, should support this action, Members of the delegation will be Maximo C. Manzon, well-known Fili- pino leader; Pedro R. Sajona, presi- dent of the Filipino anti-imperialist League; R, Escalone, Filipino sea- man; Henry Sheppard, of the Trade Union Unity League; J. Roberts of the Communist Party; J. Tauber and E. Kuntz of the International Labor Defense Legal Staff; N. Bruce of the} N. Y. District of the International Labor Defense; John G. de Hesus, Social Diretcor of the Filipino Anti- Imperialist League; B. Schor, sec- retary of the Action Committee; Esther Carrol, also a member of the Filipino Anti-Imperialist League, and D. C. Morgan of the National Com- mittee for the Protection of the Foreign Born, ERE is a lot of chest-thumping among those who helped Roosevelt spread his sweet words about the N. R, A. As the workers begin to awaken, and find the sweetened N. R. | A, dose really contained the worm- wood and gall of wage-cuts and com- Pany unions, those responsible in chorus of howls about the N. R. A.! “not working.” The Thomases, Greens | and Waldmans, sensing the vast disillusionment, atune their howls to it, and utter “critical” words about the N. R. A. | What they are afraid of is that the workers will not only recall the Com- munist Party analysis, warning and advice on the N. R. A., but will now fdllow it in action. | | Recently a leaflet appeared with | the heading: “Why did N. R. A. go wrong,” Who do you think wrote it?| The very samme Norman Thomas promised the workers so much w come out of the N. R. A. Norman Thomas wants the work- ers to forget his past preachments about submitting to the N. R. A., not striking against it. He does this for} the express purpose of keeping the workers from following the path of the class struggle against the whole, | program, leading to revolutionary | struggles against capitalism. Just as) the Austrian social-democratic lead} ers preached that peaceful submission | | to Dollfuss’s democracy would bring socialism, so Norman Thomas ranted that working for the success of the N. R. A, would pave the way to; socialism | Every demagogic move to strength-| en the power of finance-capital, every oppressive act against the 14s greeted by these worthies Pullman to socialism. The N. R. A. did not take long in| i By ti collecting its toll from the entire American workingclass, For that reason, the Reverend Norman Thomas, in order to serve the cause of keeping the workers from revolu- tionary struggle, finds it imperative to cover his N. R. A. traces. Hence, he now writes and circulates their own midst begin to set up a 2 leaflet entitled “Why did N. R. A.| introduced into Congress rightly go wrong?” “What did the worke a large n, hope the N. R. A would do?” he asks. “They hoped that N. R. A. and the codes set up under it w and , by shortening hours abolish un- iding power workers’ own unions standing.” Thomas's Trickery nd and gi recogni: is doi nd dons pink vest The Americ rs had m, from bitts rience, to expect from capitalism but what they eventually got However, when President Roosevelt unloosened his flood of ballyhoo promises, the Socialist leaders stepped in to help the bosses. They strove to instill into the minds of the workers just w Mr. Thomas says now the wo! hoped the N, R. A. would do. The object, of cour: was to keep the workers from figh in ck to improve their own con- ditions. Mr. Thomas himself, at the time 100,000 coal miners and 25,000 steel wo. 'S were striking last fall, d them “Now is not the time to ike!” est he forget some of for the NR.A., in his haste to become one of its “criti we will recall s of his own ords uttered in ys when Roosevelt was pump- minds of the workers full of | his service Thomas Screens His Past N.R.A. Ballyhoo| By Sham Criticism to Deceive the Workers Now Asks “Why Did N.R.A. Go Wrong,” When He Originally Hailed it as a “Powerful Weapon, if Rightly Used, for Progress Towards Genuine Socialism; Admits Now Wages Slashed Through N.R.A., But Wants Workers To Submit to Section 7-A and to Avoid Strikes Against Bosses and Roosevelt New Deal. ~.R¥ GANNES glowing promises to induce them to, forget their empty stomachs. On June 10th, five days before the| N. R, A. became law—the Socialist | leaders were as restive as racing dogs | in their efforts to help capitalism—/ | Mr. Thomas hailed it as follows: | j “The labor clause of the bill as | used will give the workers an enor- | mously powerful weapon for prog- ress towards genuine socialism.” | Nothing less. What Section 7-A Did | | It is precisely by means if this clause (sectiof, 7-2), which Norman | Thomas greeted as progress to “genuine socialism,” that the bosses | set up company unions, broke the Weirton, Budd, Ford, coal, steel and| other strikes, and lowered the real | wages of the majority of the em- ployed workers in the United States. | While Norman Thomas wes embel-j lishing the charter of socialism, as written by Roosevelt and passed’ by ‘a capitalist congress, the Communist Party accurately warned the working- class of what actually would happen. Now Norman Tho | dom which comes of , Writes: | “But today, after covering a | large part of the United States, I can add my voice to the voices of millions of workers and say N. R. | A. is not working; it is not ending unemployment... In many casts C. W. A. wages are higher than wages fixed In the codes. None of the codes contain the provision that wages shall rise automatically as the cost of living rises... We shall have the sweatshop back again in full power, All over the United States minimum wages tend to become maximum wages. . . From Maine to California I found ex- Daily Worker, Washington Bureau WASHINGTON, Feb. 28-The So- \ clalist Party today proposed ways and means of making the strike-breaking, anti-labor National Recovery Act | more effective, during the morning , Session of the employment conference of the N. R. A. “criticism” festival. Louis Waldman, appearing «4 be- half of the National Public Affairs | Commuittee of the Socialist Party, de- clared that the N. R. / has failed to accomplish its purposes, Not so much because of the Act itself, but | because of the methods General | | Johnson has used for its enforce-} ment.” This, no doubt, will be news | to Gerard Swope, President of the J. P. Morgan's vicious open shop General Electric Company, one of the the N. R. A. ' Editorial Note:—We urge all workers, Negro and white, to read the following article by Comrade Briggs, which should be made the basis for « discussion in all work- ers’ organizations and in the Negro neighborhoods on the present ex- propagand: imperialism and its ageriy among the Negro masses. We further urge workers having knowledge activities of the Japanese the Negro masses send such information to the “Daily By CYRIL _ A high-powered propaganda drive Pip ges aes EO Rasen the convince fegro masses that imperialist Japan is the de- fender and champion of the darker People against imperialist oj ion. Why this campaign? What is its sig- nificance? What are the facts on Japanese imperialism in its relation to the liberation struggles of the darker people? These are burning questions clamoring for answer. undoubtedly japanese ] sources and is supported, more or less, by all sections of the Negro middle- class leadership and particularly elements in the leadership . BRIGGS \perialism, rising revolutionary feelings of the Nesro masses to take advantage of the difficulties of American impe- rialism—such as would accrue from @ war situation—to strike for their own freedom. This instinct has developed out of bitter experience ‘at the hands of the American white ruling class. s have nothing to gain (and much to lose!) by suvport~ ing American imperialism, and there- by strengthening the hands of their oppressors, Have they anything to vain from Japanese imperialism? Is Tapan the chamvion of the darker eoples? What of its brutal suppres- ‘on of the Korean and Formossan in stark brutality “re record of Belgian imperialism in the Congo? Are not these among the; {Louis Waldman, in Hearing, Demands Enforcement” S. P. “Criticism” Bolsters: | i N. R. A. Strike Breaking “Better As one of the anges and modifi- cations, most of which do not require a change of the law as much as @ better construction of it, and better enforcement,” Waldman clearly in- timated a legal interpretation of the Section 7-A of the N. R, A. which would outlaw the Militant Union. “Section 7-A shall be construed to outlaw any union that is not affiliated with unions in the same line, or chartered by bona fide trade organi- zations,” he counselled, Not one word was said by Wald- man relative to labor's writing its own code of hours and wages. And “where no unién exists in an industry, the Labor Advisory Board (McGrady, Hillman, et al — Ed.) should designate the labor members; prime movers in the formulation of|in all other cases, th bona fide | trade union should choose them,” od- Concord, N. H. Workers | Demand Enactment of Workers’ Insurance Bill| By a Worker Correspondent | CONCORD, N. H., Mar. 2.—At the | meeting of the Unemployment Coun-| cil_here on Feb. 23, twenty-two work- | {ers joined the Council, and all present | voted to send telecrams to Congress- |man Tobey and Harry L. Hopkins, federal relief administrator, demand- ing immediate passage of the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill (H. R. 7598). Dan McBain, secretary of the Gran- ite Cutters Union, Jerry Kangas of |the Unemployment Council, and W. J. Wilgus, Jr., spoke on C.W.A. lay- offs, wage cuts and unemployment insurance. Local officers and members of the |newly formed A. F. of L. railway shop union which is in open battle against | the proposed company union and now | numbers 300 members, asked that the speech of Wilgus be repeated before | the union membership vised Waldman. It is not at all improbable that the | Socialist Party leadership soon will become part of the official N. R. A. machinery, Japan’s Actions Give Lie to Claim She Aids Darker Peoples Tokyo Imperialists Linked With World Imperialism in Suppressing Liberation Struggles of Asiatic Peoples, Looting of Chin darker peoples whose interests it claims to “defend” and “champion”? What of its present robber war against the Chinese people? Does Japan Seek to “Unite” China The advocates of Japanese impe- vialism glibly answer that Japan is seeking to “uni'e” the Chinese people against the robber western imverial- ist powers, Great Britain, the United States, France, etc. Or, forced to admit Japan’s robber aims in China, they say “if Japan does not take over China, the white imperialists will.” Under this pretext they shame- lessly justify Japan’s violent seizure of Manchuria and other Chinese ter- ritories. The hideous bombing of civilian populations, the hunting and hanging as “bandits” of Chinese ant!- imperialist fighters are likewise con- doned under the pretext that Japan 4s “teaching” the Chinese to fight. But—does Japan really seek to unity China, to “teach” the ‘Chinese to re- sist imperialist aggressions? Japan's opposi‘ion to Chinese unity is clearly stated in the famous Tanaka Docu-' ment, prepared by the late Premier Tanaka for the then emperor, thus: more Dedicated 10 ‘NEW YORK CITY, VO. Nes. “il Arrican ANGUARD and Neg | ed Commerce emorg Neg ott AUARY 24, 1994 PRICE CENTS Japan aR EGROES Japanese Imperialist Propaganda Above is an example of the wide-spread attempts in the press of the Negro reformists to deceive the Negro masses into support of Jap- anese imperialism in opposition to united revolutionary struggle of all toilers and oppressed peoples against the imperialist bandits, white and colored. The article deals with the proposal to unite the royal houses of Japan and Abyssinia by marriage, as an aid to Japan in its struggle with its imperialist rivals for world trade. roes to Unite now onwards pursue our own mili- tary ends and seize the heart of Manchuria by divers ways, in order to be able on the one hand to de- stroy the military, political and economical development of China, and, on the other hand, to prevent the permeation of Russian influ- ence. This is the key to our con- tinental policy.” And does not Japan proceed against the Chinese people on the basis of solidarity with world imperialism, within the frame-work of their ir- reconciliable contradictions, even while frantically preparing for war with the United States to decide the question of the mastery of the Pa- cific and control over the looting of China? Is not Japan a party to all international imperialist actions against China? Peking during the monarchy, in pre- venting the nationalist armies from occupying Shanghai in 1927, before the betrayal of the Chinese Revolu- tion by Chiang Mal-shek and other nationalist (Kuomintang party) lead~ ers? In the alliance with Great Britain, terminated under pressure of the U. S. rivals of Japan? In the ex- isting secret alliance with France for suppression of the liberation struggles of the Indo-China masses? Have not former War Minister Araki and other spokésmen of Japan- ese imperialism presented Japan in the role of the policemen of world imperialism in the Far East, as the | advance guard of ALL the imperial- ists in the attack on the powerful Chinese Soviet districts and on the Soviet Union, which alone has recog- nized the right of the Chinese people to govern themselves? Did not the Japanese Chamber of Commerce and Japanese Association of North Amer- ica, with headquarters in Seaitle, issue an 8-page folder in March, 1931, during Japan’s war on Shanghai, ex- Plaining the Japanese action as in defense of international imperialism? That pamphlet stated: “It must be clearly understood that the Japanese nal action in Shanghai was purely for the pro- Chinese and Japanese Workers e ‘We wholeheartedly endorse the ar- ticle by Comrade Cyril Briggs expos- ing the swindle of Japanese imperial- ism as the champion of the darker peoples. In the name of the Japanese work- ing-class engaged in heroic struggle against the brutal suppression of their democratic rights, in the name of tens of thousands of Japanese anti- it fighters rotting in the jails of Japan, in the name of countless murdered Chinese workers and of the Chinese masses heroically resisting the aggressions of Japanese and other imperialist bandits end of their blood-hounds the Kuomintang Party and its nationalist government, and successfully building the Chinese Soviet Power, we appeal to our Negro brothers and sisters not to be misled Hail Briggs Exposure of Japan by. the deceptive Japanese propa- gacsia, not to be trapped by misleaders into support of murderous Japanese imperialism, but to rally to the side of the Chinese and Japanese toilers and the world-wide anti-imperialist struggle. Those who advocate support of Japanese imperialism must be merci- lessly exposed. Japanese imperialism is no champion of the darker peoples. It is brutal, predatory. It has sunk its fiendish claws on the darker peoples of Asia. Japanese imperialism is an ally oppression of the darker peoples is ‘Western World in their suppression ; of the struggles of the darker peoples for equality and freedom. It was Japanese imperialism which aided the British in drowning in blood ‘he heroic revolts of the East Indian masses at Singapore during and im- mediately after the World War. Furthermore, the oppressed and ex- ploited masses of Japan are groaning under the heel of the Japanese ruling class. This ruling class recognizes no difference in the color of its victims. convincing evidence that Japanese | imperialism is no defender nor cham- pion of the darker peoples. Japanese imperialism is an alley of the imperialist powers of the! terment of Even its own people are not ex- emp‘ed from brutality and depriva- tion of the most elementary rights. such as freedom of thought (denied under the “Dangerous Thoughts” ‘law) not to mention denial of the right to organize and strike for bet- their conditions It is clear that Japanese imperial- ism, like all imperialism, must be} overthrown to achieve the liberation of the darker peooles and all the ex- ploited masses, colored and white. It is the duty and task of all figh ers for national and social emancipation, especially Korean, Chinese, Japanese and Negro workers, to combat the poisonous propaganda of Japanese imperialism. Only the unity of the toilers of all the world, without re- gard to color or nationality, can fin- aliy gain our emancipa’ion. ward to greater united struggle against the imperialist bandits of all colors! (Signed) Japanese Bureau of the Communist Party, U. S. A. Chittese Bureau of the Com- munist Party, U. 5. A. In the march on} tection not only of Japanese lives and property, but also of interna- tional interests, just as other pow- ers had frequently undertaken in the same region.” The Japanese imperialists not only defend similar attacks on China by the western imperialists, but boast jthat they prevented the Chinese masses from driving the white im- perialists into the sea: “As the anti-foreign agitation in Shanghai became worse and foreign lives and properties in the Inter- national Settlement were endan- gered, the Defense Committee, com- posed of commanders of the forces of the United States, Great Britain, | Italy and Japan, declared a state of emergency and an arrangement was made in consulation by the international authorites for its de- fense.” ‘Thus imperialist Japan adheres to the united front of imperialism against the rising liberation strug- gles of the oppressed darker peoples! Is this championing the darker peoples? Is it got clear that the main contradictions in the explosive iternational situation is not between Japan and its imperialist rivals, but | between all the imperialist powers, on one hand, and, on the other hand, the revolutionary struggles of the brutally oppressed colonial masses, the workers in the imperialist coun- tries and the triumph of Socialism in the Soviet Union, the bulwark of the world revolution? One Force Capable of Uniting China In China there is one force which has shown itself capable of uniting and liberating China. That force is the Soviet power set up by the eman- cipated workers and peasants over one-fourth of China, with a popula- tion of more than 80,000,000 peovle. The rising Chinese Soviet power has aroused the franctic fcy-> of all the imperialist bandits, including Japan. Japanese imperialists have joined with the rest of the vultures in the bloody onslaughts on the Chinese Soviet Republic. Is it an accident that Japan’s imperialist rivals, even in the process of squabbling for the spoils of China, give objective sup- port to Japan in organizing Man- cburia into an armed base against the Soviet Union and the Chinese Revolution? That George Bronson Rea, and other American journalists ‘ (Continued on Page 8) | socialism. ;8as City he advises the railroad Pagé Five amples of minimum wages cut in half in pay envelopes with a con- temptuous assurance on the part of the employer that the employee can do nothing about it.” EN. R. A., Thomas admits, now turns out to be an instrument of | the greatest oppression of the work- ers. By means of it the bosses slash pay in half and tell the worker to go to hell. In fact, while the bosses were doing this, and when the work- ers resisted through strikes, the New Leader told them not to hamper the N. R. A., because they would be in- terfering with the development of socialism. On August 5, 1933, an article ap- peared in the New Leader, declaring “Whatever the risk we run on bank- ing too much upon this effort to place industry on an even foundation (that 1s, a smooth, no-strike basis)— much more danger lies in trying to hamper its try-out.” In other words, the Socialist official organ told the workers not to rock the Roosevelt recovery boat by strikes. A little later, Joseph Baskin, an- other Socialist leader, general secre- tary of the Workmen’s Circle, strove i windling faith among the workers in the N. R. A. On August 26, 1933, he wrote: “We are not inclined to shout that the entire recovery act is « swindle designed to blind the eyes of the masses, that the gains of the workers in some industries are com- | pletely devoid of value.” Now Mr. Thomas sings another tune and for another reason: “It is already clear,” he writes, “that the codes are likely to become a straitjacket for labor.” But he forgets to add that tie so- clalist leaders helped the bosses strap | the straitjacket on the workers. The Socialist reverend’s belated and unwilling admissions are made for @ purpose, the same purpose that ac- tivated him in urging the workers to greet the N. R. A. as a powerful weapon, if rightly used, for genuine With the whole countr) seething with disillusionment and strike struggles against the N. R. A., if the Socialist leaders are to serve capitalism in their particular man- ner, they must still continue to dangle the bait of “peaceful” social- ism but this time with paper swords tilted N. R, A.-wards. In fact, Norman Thomas becomes very radical (in words) and declares: “We are making fast headway in America to the labor serfdom which Fascist countries have set up.” Fascism rides on the wings of the Blue Eagle, and what is to be done about it? From the very day the N. R. A. was passed the Communist Party declared” it paved the way to fascism, when Mr. Norman Thomas hailed it as a powerful weapon for “genuine social- ism.” Isn't it typical of every sec- tion of the Socialist International to hail every instrument that leads to fascism as a “peaceful” development to socialism? Has Norman Thomas really seen the light now? Is he becoming # bit- ter critic of the capitalists in their drive against the workers? Nothing of the kind. He still holds forth the illusion that the N. R. A. can be used as a springboard to socialism, and least of all does he want 2 struggle against it that would awaken the might of the workers against capitalism. After all his criticism, after all his nasty words about what the N. R. A. has done, Mr. Thomas pleads with the workers to rely on the very sec- tion of the N. R. A. which has been used to set up company unions, to develop fascist attacks against the workers. ‘The Reverend says: “There is still time for workers to make a little use of section 7-8 to get more effective organization, and of course they ought to demand shorter hours and an end of chiseling.” It’s not the N. R. A. thet is paving the way for fascism, still believes Mr, Thomas, but the chiseling bosses, pagal Nox ® word about girding for strike struggles. Not a word about ® united front of all workers to repel the advances of fascist attacks. Just as Otto Bauer up to the very moment Doilfuss ordered the Fascist’s howitzers to open fire on the Austrian workers, Norman Thomas pleads with the workers to submit within the bounds set by the American capitalist class, namely, the yellow-dog com- pany union section T-a, whose “right to join a union of their own choos- ing,” has in practice and in fact be- come compulsion to join company unions. To the last moment the socialist leaders want to preserve and in- crease the workers’ illusions in N. R. ~ A. But this is not the road the Ameri- can workers are taking. The rising strike sentiment which makes the Socialist leaders as well as Wall Street so fearful (because it inter- feres with the |capitalist plan of profit recovery) shows that the work- ers are taking the path of depending on their own fighting ability; their own class organizations, their own actions. “This-is-not-the-time-to- strike” Thomas knows, for instance, that a railroad strike would become a tremendous political battle ayainst the Roosevelt regime, and so in Kan- workers to take up their grievances with Roosevelt, instead of in their own rank and file councils of action. The most effective answer the workers can give to the N. R. A. and gain improved conditions, is through united action in the factories, by forming their shop and department committees, by organizing rank ard file opposition in the A. F. of L., though strengthening the revolution ary trade unions and preparing for | struggle to win increased pay and — union recognition against the whole ~ strikebreaking apparatus set up by the N. R. A )