The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 27, 1934, Page 3

» DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1934 AFLWorkersDemand Continuance ot CWA, WorkerInsurance Bill a — | Chicago Painters Local|¥-C.L. Member Helps to | Demands Continuance of C. W. A. CHICAGO, fil, Feb, 26.—Local Union 637 of the Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paper- hangers, at its regular meeting on Wednesday, Feb 7, unanimously voted for the continuance and enlargement of the C. W. A. Copies. of the resolution were sent o the national C.W.A. offices, to Congressmen and Senators from Tlli- nois, to the national A. F. of L. of- fices, to the Chicago and Illinois Fed- eration of Labor, to the Building Trades Council, to the Painters’ Dis- trict Council, and to the labor press. Root the “Daily” Among | Workers in Corning, N.Y. | Corning, N. Y., boasts of two cham- pion sub getters for the Daily Worker. | The second js Theodore Nelson, mem-| ber of the Young Communist League, and brother of Os~ car Nelson, whose Picture was al- Teady published in the “Daily.” Fifteen new subs 4) have come in from F.| Corning, and more |} will come in writes Theodore. “Do we really realize what Phila. AFL Painters Want Workers’ Bill onJoblessinsurance. Boston AFL Carpenters Send Delegates to Jobless Meet By An A. F. of L. Rank and Filer PHILADELPHIA, Pa, Feb. 26.—The Painters’ Local 997 of the A. F. of L. here at its last regular meeting en- dorsed the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill (H.R. 7598), now in the House Committee of Congress. Resolutions were sent to President Lindiow of the International Brother- hood, and to William Green, presi- dent of the A. of L., to demand from Congress tHe enactment of this bill. | Similar resolutions were sent Con- gressman Lundeen of Minnesota, who introduced the bill into Congress, and | to the Philadeiphia Congressmen. i Every local union of the A. F. of} L. is urged to follow the example of | bey £ FR HOUSE COMMITTEE ON “LABOR” House Committee on Labor, in recess between sessions of discussion om 30-hour labor bill. Discussions turn to other matters as the well-fed Seamen in Relief Figh in South Organizer Jailed in New Orleans NEW ORLEA) The here all relief into the ttee legations of seamer 2 already called on Mr. Rhodes, the st of the N.R.A,, and e present demands to him. The men, however, are continuing their fight for full control of the re- by their own rank and file com- One of the organizers of the Ma-} rine Workers Industrial Union, whose ; name the Daily Worker has been un- able to The ir mands were presented Rhode: would need more time to 1 The second time the zation visited | the administrator he promised that he would place all unemployed sea- men in the Ceamen’s Institute ‘Lyneh Bil d Page Three | Hearing Marked By Levity; Ban Mention of Cause — Hearing, Like Bill, Aimed | them betrayed their owm. awareness } to Stem Resentment of Negro, White Toilers | By MARGUERITE YOUNG (Daily Worker Washington Bureau) WASHINGTON, Feb. 26.—Thi trotted out a radio gag man who be- rated lynching because one of his} friends complained, “They always} picked the wrong members of my | family to lynch. I could have chosen | some I’d much prefer to have had | lynched.” They listened to a Catholic priest who hated lynching because it re- | presented “the mass mind and its| | anti-social tendencies.” of the class. chazacter..of lynching! Babble Ilusions of End of Lynching Withont Struggle “If the victims of lynching had been of a different class,” Hays com mented after totaling the 5050 bruta! rope and fagot deaths since 1881 and estimating that they were about 96 per cent against Negroes, “obviously something would have been done about it.” However, Hays, like the other lib- eral witnesses, proclaimed that to make the Jaw state specifically tha lynching is a crime, would solve the | problem of lynching—despite the fact that the lack of equality now guar- anteed to Negroes by the most fund- amental law of the land, the Con- In the face of the ineressed wage the Daily Worker to demand the enactment of the cuts and lay-offs on C, W. A, the} , local union, 637, with a membership of over 1,000, demands: “That the C.W.A. provide work for all the unemployed workers of Chi- cago on the basis of a five-day week and six-hour day at union wages; that the federal and state govern- men‘s grant immediately additional funds sufficient to continue all the C. W. A. projects originally planned; that additional projects be under- taken to build more schools . . . erase the Chicago slums, and erect in their place. modern, sanitary workers’ homes, with a view of promoting the health, education and welfare of the working people of Chicago; that the funds . . . for the above-mentioned be raised not through additional tax~- ing for the workers, small home own- ers and small business people, but through taxing individuals and cor- porations with large incomes and by utting the expenses for the police, state militia and National Guard, hat are used primarily for defeating he efforts of labor to raise the stand- means tous?” asks Theodore, “If we do,” he answers, “we would sell the * Daily Worker the whole year through, The Daily Worker is the life blood which the workers need.” Comrade Nelson’s fine wi in helping to root the “Daily” among the workers is a challenge to every Y.C.L. member and to every class-conscious worker. Follow his splendid example. Get new subs and help put the circu- Jation drive of the “Daily” over the top. THEO. NELSON So. Carolina Negroes Denied C.W.A. Work By a Worker Correspondent COLUMBIA, S. C.—We Negroes are in @ very bad condition in South Carolina—plenty of white terror, no work, and the C.W.A. is turning Ne- groes away by the thousands. Ne- Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill (E.R. 7598). Elect Delegates to Boston Meet BOSTON, Mass. Feb, 26.—Mar: trade unions are electing delegates to Greater Boston. the latest notifica- tion being that the A. F. of b. Car- penters’ Local 56 has elected two delegates. The conference will convene Sun- day, March 4, at 2:30 pm., at Tre | mont Temple (Gilbert Hall), where Herbert Benjamin, national organ-| izer of the Unemployment Councils, | will speak. | The conference will lay plans for an intense struggle for the continu- ance and enlargement of C. W. A. and for the enactment of the Work- ers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill, Aberdeen, Wash. Local 997 of the Painters’ Union, and | | congressmen puff cigars. n, has been arrested for| ‘They had plenty of time for social) stitution, is a commonplace! Despite Fight on to Drive Out! Both Zausner | and Collins | By LEO MARTINS Since the last general elections in the Painters’ District Council 9 (June, Fight Developing to the Unemployment Conference of| Oust New Racketeer rs ards of living of the workers.” Indianapolis Workers Fight for C.W.A. Job gro children cannot go to school at all because of the lack of books,| shoes, and clothing. i Are on CWA Pay By a Worker Correspondent INDIANAPOLIS, Ind-~-A_ worker here, with five in the family, went to work on the C.W.A. on Dec. 13,! and, on the same date, he received an eviction notice. With his family of five, and with no relief forchcom- ng, this worker found it impossible 0 pay the rent, buy coal and food. The fourth eviction notice was served on him, the constable stating ne had to vacate on the following y, Which was the day for him o work, thus seeking to take advan- tage of the worker in his absence. He ca to vacate the house at about noon, , to his surprise, the work- ers had mobilized, and the constable | was defeated, and the worker had} ample time to locate elsewhere. | Another worker on a C,.W.A. job! was informed by his foreman that he| was fired. The worker, however, could not see it that way, and told the foreman that he would be on the job next morning. The timekeever soon appeared to check the worker off the book. Several picks were taken off their handles, and soon the doss said he was just joking, so the worker is still on the job Send to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 3th St, New York City, names of those you know who are not ers of the “Daily,” but who would be interested in reading it. Demand Insurance By a Worker Correspondent PORTLAND. Me.—At & meeting of the Portland Relief Workers Pro- tective Association held on Feb, 14, the Association elected a committee to present the Workers Unemploy- ment Insurance Bill to the Portland City Council and demand their en- dorsement. At the City Council meeting on Feb. 19, the Committee presented the bill. About 500 people were in the Council Chamber; a crowd of people that were not able to get in waited outside until the meeting adjourned. Francis Miller spoke on local. con- ditions. He told them about starva- tion in this city. He told them also about the investigation a poor family must go through in order to satisfy the relief investigators. The workers applauded, nothwithstanding the pro- vocations of Rounds, one of the city officials, Miller kept cool, and fin- ished his speech by introducing the chairman of the Portland Relief | Workers Protective Assoication, Ed- ward Lee. Lee was greeted with a tremendous applause. The chairman threatened to clear the hall, and when the ap- | Plause subsided, Lee read the bill, section by section, | It was the first time Lee ever ap- peared before such a big audience and he showed himself as a cour- ageous and capable leader fully able to control any situation. The City Council tabled the Bill to be taken up at the next meeting, but it was Relief Inadequate; Pull Necessary for Jobs | By a Worker Correspondent |. ABERDEEN, Wash.—The C. W. A.| here is rotten with graft; leading city and town officials get all the juicy jobs; and relief to the jobless work- ers dooms them to s'ow starvation. The local vower trust has “loaned” @ man, a Mr. Rosenblum, who is field man, and in order to get a job, one must first be a Democrat, then @ Mason, for the higher categories of pay. Next in order of imnortance comes the A. F. of L., and to get a} Job at even 50 cents an hour a worker must belong to a Moose Lodge. The Grays Harbor County Federal Re- employment dictator is an officer in the Moose named Clyde Ellis, The Mayor of the adjoining city of Hoquiam has a C. W. A. job pay- ing $1.20 an hour; some of the coun- | cilmen and the local head of the Boy | Scouts have similarly paying jobs) on C.W.A. At the same time 8,500 Jobless registered for C.W.A. and only | 1,500 got Jobs, according to the fig- | ures of the C W. A. The city has a population of 18,000, Three hundred and fifty are in the Salvation Army soup line, and over 6,000 are on family welfare. The re~ lief is terrible. The larger the fam- ily, the less proportionally the fam-| jily gets. Single workers get $1.50. weekly food vouchers; two get $2.25; three only $2.75; and if five are in the family only 70 cents a week is given for relief. the hall that the Workers Unem- ployment and Social Insurance Bill | vote repeating, placed itself in office, | |there has developed an open, wide- | Spread revolt of the broad member- | ship of the painters for the complete ousting of Zausner and his gang from the office of District Council 9. Before going into details as to the Present status of the fight conducted by the membership, it is important to expose before the painters of New| York the role played by the president of Local Union 848, John J. Collins, This individual was a candidate for the secretaryship of District Council 9 in the last elections. Big sums of money were spent from the Local treasury for his campaign. He was defeated, as well as all the other can- didates, although, as he claimed, he received a majority vote. Feeling the indignation of the membership against the election frauds, and knowing how keen the hatred is against Zausner, John Collins grasped that he could utilize all this for his own personal gains. He declared him- self a foe of Zausner and brought court action against the officers of From Painters Union and as a source of “easy money” the politicians. In the fight this racket, Local Union 499 wa: the forefront. The membe: 484 was enthusiastically w harmony with 499 in a fight—the racketeering policies, and for the ousting of the Zausner ad- in Dp of in two-front | ministration from District Council 9. City Officials | ees ome Fight Gets Hot And here is where John J. Collins} began to show’ his yellow color. As the membership in the city began to organize on an interlocal basis, and | as great victories were already gained in forcing the Council to abolish the registration and the forced tax, John Collins felt that the fight was getting too hot. The fact that the organized might of the membership might really tid the union of the gangster rule frightened him. As a petty politician, he calculated that he could best util- ize this moment for his personal benefit, and for certain good cons:der- ations betray the interest of the mem- bership to the Zausner clique. In the true fashion of a labor faker, membership of settle- without asking the Local 848, he made a ment with Zaus: tirely the case again Zausner administration. bership of 848 raged with inc against this settlemen’ gnation District Council 9 on the ground of fraud and illegality in the elections, Gets Treasury The membership of 848, desperate | in its hatred against Zausner, gave | John Collins full support. The trea-| posal. So far as is known now, $2,800 was already spent from the Local's treasury in this case. The member- | ship of 848 was fully behind the fight | against Zausner. The fighting spirit | of the membership especially gained weight and crystallized itself, after Zausner put over the now famous racket of registering the unemployed and the forceful daily tax of 50c. for every day they were employed. This tacket brought to the Council a sum of $160,000—which was used for the brought out clearly to 500 people in must be adopted, $800 in prizes for the most interesting ' costumes: Dave Chudnow and his orcheswrs Tickets in advance, 35¢; Prethelt Office, 2704 Brooklyn; Western Worker Office, 224 8. Spring. At door 49c, + “Trial Offer—506. Help win over your friends and fellow workers to our revolu~ tionary movement, ‘You can do this by reaching them with our Daily Worker. Present er with @ real revo- luti ift, a trial subserip- tion of For a the “Daily.” limited period, we will send the “Daily” for one month every day or for 4 months every Saturday for only 50 cents. List below the name and ad- dress of the one you want to receive the trial subscription. Use coupon below. ‘This offer does not apply for the ‘Brg’and Manhattan, New York, Trial Subscription Blank By MAX BEDACHT | In the present period the most im- portant fundamental task of our Party is the struggle against fascism and against social fascism; against fascism be2ause the fascization of the government is the last defense of capitalism; against social fascism be- cause its theory and practice clears the road for capitalism to its last de- fense, Only if we have a clear un- derstanding of the nature of faszism, of its class character and of its re- lationship to democracy can we fight it successfully. The following paragraphs aim to contribute to a clearer understand- The theses of the 13th Plenum of the E. C. © I. declare that: “The capitalists are no longer able to maintain their dictatorship by the old methods of parliamentarism and by bourgeois democracy iy.” This is the reason why fascism rises, © | order. It merely uses more brutal methods to force the workers to sub- mit to it. Democracy and fascism differ in their methods; their aims and purposes are the same, “People’s Rule,” The social democrats maintain that the purpose and essence of demo- cracy is not class rule but “people's rule.” By this mobilization of the workers to support capitalist demo- cracy they mobilize them, in fact, for the support of capitalist class rule. During the historically serviceable Stage of capitalism in America the masses on the whole submitied to and accepted capitalist rule, Enor- mous and untouched natural resour- ces, millions of acres of virgin Jand and no handicap of antiquated forms and traditions of production, gave capitalism in America tremendous possibilities of primitive accumula~ tion. Cities grew like mushrooms. The rapid growth and expansion of There are no fundamental dif- ferences between democracy and fas- cism. Both are instruments of capitalist class rule. Both aim to perpetuate it. Fascism changes only the method but not the content of the government. It does not need to change the ‘Under democracy these laws fix and defend the profit rights of the capitalists and the duty of workers to suomit to these righté even though it means starvation to them. The the population gave capitalist indus- | tries a rapidly-growing home mar- ket; it nursed them speedily toward an ever more profitable maturity. A hothouse temperature developed for the growth of a new petty bourgeois and farmer class; they were recruited mostly out of the ranks of the work- ers, At the same time unscrupulous individual capitalists rapidly estab- lished the newly-rich aristocracy of the Astors, the Vanderbilts, the Goulds and a score of other financial pirates, This development created and nourished capitalist illusions among the masses unequalled in breadth and depth by similar illusions of the masses. The American workers dreamed of solving their class problems by running away from establishment of a strong-arm gang around the present administration, For a Clear Understanding of the ( illusions prevented the masses from recognizing their exploitation as al class problem. They saw it as an individual problem; they usually sub- mitted to it in the hope that soon, instead of being ridden upon, they themselves wi ride upon others. | Of course, also in this period did| the never absent class antagonisms become acute. Workers organized and struck; poor farmers rebelled. But in this period of upward devel- opment of capitalism these Class struggles became acute only now and then, and here and there. When| such acute struggles did happen, then the government of democracy did} not feel itself hindered in its action | by its benevolent face; unhesitatingly it used its mailed fist against the workers, the clubs and guns of the police, the rifles of the militia and army, the capitalist laws, courts and prisons. | The Murder Terror of Cpitalist Democracy. | Murderer Dollfuss’ slaughter of the | Austrian workers in these days did not improve upon the methods of arson and assassination used by the Rockefeller democracy against the striking miners, their wives and chil- dren in Ludlow, Colorado in 1913, or used by the Carnegie-Frick demo- cracy against the workers in Home- stead, Pa., in 1892. The methods of terror and murder by American capitalist democracy used a thousand times and in a thousand places since Homestead, can be taken over un- changed by fascism, Fascist justice also can learn from capitalist justice of American demoz- racy. The trial that led to the judi- cial murder of the Haymarket mar- them and into the class of the petty bourgeoisie. The petty bourgeoisie, in turn, dreanied of climbing into the heaven of the big bourgeoisie. Such tyrs in 1887 did not differ in any of its essential features, except in the outcome, from the trial of Dmitroft and his comrades by Hitler. The Collins, in 2 yellow, cowardly man- | Clean out the Zausner gang from Dis- ner, throiigh’ trick: and dirty | ict Council 9:and put in its place} measures, is trying to block the r h nd-file control. bership from taking action ; The Rank and Fi forces must | |him. As cha f concentrate their activities within 848, he rules th every local union. The new forces, bureaucratic ma: it o the opposition moye- of union rub come to the forefront in issue of this sell-out to come on the , and not allow them- floor, for action. But the member- Sury of the Local was put at his dis-| ship will never give their consent to|™ settlement-agreement is between | Collins and Zausner. is Learned Great Lesson |. The members of Local Union have learned a great lesson. |now know that John Collir {associates are of the ie and his ing calibre as the Zausner machine. | 2 The membership is not giving up th fight. Collins and for the o1 ner from D: Ing of Zaus- 9. and the m his organizational activities. The| Marine Workers Industrial Union ts/| organizing a protest demonstration to | ce his release Treons Sent to Cow 600 Alabama Miners COLEANOR, Ala. Feb. 26.—Be-| cause they disarmed company gun-| men, who were emvloyed and armed b the coal operators to break the | ike of 600 miners here, Governor | |B. M. Miller sent four comnanies of | | the National Guard against the strik- | ing miners. The troops arrived here un command of Lieut.-Col. der the | Jar es A, Webb, and reported “everything quiet.” i The miners, organized into the! United Mine Workers of America, | | went on ke for union recognit wn, | workers, newspaper men, government offiicals, professors, writers, lawyers, | professional “women” and others to| expound their social, legal, philos- | | ophic and economic political reasons for wanting the Costigan-Wagner | anti-lynching bill enacted. But when two militant spokesman | of the Negro and white workers ap- | peared, the Senate Judiciary sub- | committee, who had heard all the; above, ordered the witnesses from} the chair for daring to express the} viewpoint from whici they spoke for | federal ~—slation against lynching. | These witnesses, in doing what the| other witnesses had done, were “making a propaganda forum” out | of the proceeding—or so said a very | angry Senator Deitrich of Illinois. | And Senator VanNuys of Indiana, the little Chairman, roared, “Sus-| tained!” and casi James W. Ford and Bernard Adf from the chair. | Mlocked Analysis of Roots of Lynching Ford, the Alabama Negro worker| | for highe wages and better condy- | Who was the Communist candidate tions. The company brought in a/| for Vice President In the 1932 elec- “ang of gunmen, whom the miners|t!on, was asserting that the bill promptly disarmed, ‘The miners then | Would NOT stop lynching unless it} patrolled the roads to keep out other | newman apes, Soe aes | unpmen a cabs, ead satniadhuete tages | Negroes. Ades, the deadly calm But John} On the contrary, the fight is now developing against both — John| t the Little Cahaba Coal Co., owners of the Piper mines, where the strike is on, immediately sent a call to Gov- ernor Miller for troops to cow the miners. The response was the dis- ching of the four companies of the National Guard The miners have been on strike since Feb, 18. |tamt members of the rest of the ocals, there has now developed, on a city-wide scale a broad rank-and- file movement h, through its centralized b the Painters’ Rank and Protective File efiective opposition, that will finally te be bulldozed by their chair- 1 Local officials. developed on all fronts: against the Local officials who are a part of Zaus- ner’s mach: gainst the renew. ! of ‘¢ months, m for un- real or- a involving ead of thi practical trade prozram and | nent to benefit the mem- campaign membership inst a for the complete jouncil 9. Pre-Convention Discussion of the Communist Par The Blocton-Cahaba Coal Co. and | white, Baltimore-born lawyer who The fight of the members must be! which is threatened to the} gangsters, his racketeers | Ch lass ‘acter of A frame-ups Mooney Billings, against Sacco and Vanzett and the bloodthirsty attempt to con-| vict and execute the nine Scottsboro | i s ‘ "4 boys, can be used as examples of| 1m the degree in which this recog-| legal capitalist murder of workers by} nition grows among the workers, | fascism, their struggles increase in numbers} Capitalist class rule in America is|4Md intensity; they take on an in-} wrapped in a democratic toga: but| creasingly more political anti-capital- | beneath this toga it was always fully| isb character. Under these condi-| armed against the working class,| tions, open government force against Whenever necessary, it flapped aw the workers, formerly used only now the toga and let its clubs hit, its guns| 8nd then and here and there, be-| shoot, its laws convict and its execu-| Comes an everyday method of capi-| tioners murder workers who pro-| ‘list rule. Fascism does not grow as | i lution of their problems i,| a ithin capitalism, but in a struggle against it. and not natural functions of the gov-| ers into an everyday method of | ee a in its ae it| capitalist rule, however, creates for club, sI » try or execute cap - | the capitalists the need Af a qualita-| ists for underpaying, mistreating| tive change of the form: of govern- and cheating workers. ment. The 13th Plenum Resolution | The Fascist Phase of Capitalist | declares correctly that “the methods | Rule. of parliamentarism and the bour- | . i i | ge0:se democracy generally are be- democteey de skimerence between | coming a hindrance to the capitalists The differente, before all else, is| i" their home polities (the fight one of quantity. While capitalism | *34inst the prolctariat) as well as developed upward its mailed fist in their foreign politics (war for the was not necded as an everyday| imperialist redistribution of the method of rule. When and where it| W!4): was needed, the democratic toga did) not stand in the way of its use; but when and where it was not needed, the democratic toga covered it up and conveniently fed the illusions of the workers. At the present moment capitalism has entered a new stage of develop- ment. The expansion of its indus- tries has caught up with and has out- distanced the expansion of its mar- kets. It can no longer feed the masses. Its social system has turned into an anti-social scourge of the masses. AS a result the masses turn against capitalism; they become cured of their illusions; they learn The increasing need of the weapons of open class rule, now hidden under | the democratic toga, gradually make this toga a growing nuisance for the | capitalist rulers. First they perma- | nently flap back one side of the toga; the right of the workers to organize is curtailed, their right to strike is denied; the bosses and their govern- ment select the “legal” unions for the| workers. Soon the other side of the} toga is flapped back permanently. | Greater freedom is given to the mur- derous arm of government force and capitalist justice. Finally the toga will be discarded altogether, As the tide of struggle of the workers | of class rule in a class-ridden society, | prevent the application of the only | effective remedy against growing had been through the thick of the fight against Maryland lynchings | both in and out of courtrooms, as | counsel for Euel Lee and others for | whom the International Labor De- | fense fought, was declaring that | lynching springs from the efforts of | the ruling class, particularly during |the misery-making economic crisis, | to “turn the anger of the working class inward upon itself, instead of against those who deprive it of its rights.” | One of the chief objections Ford | Taised against the Costigan-Wagner | bill had been raised but a few mo- k Association —is| ments earlier by the eminently re-| conducting and crystallizing a really | Spectable United States Attorney for | the District of Maryland, Simon E. | Sobeloff. Admit Bill Can Be Used Against the fact that eleven states now have laws against lynching. (The argu- ment runs that federal law is moce effective and fair than state law—a fiction repeatedly disproved.) Bill Silent on Legal Lynchings Senators Wagner (Democrat, New York) and Costigan (Democrat. Colorado) were the first performers on the national stage of the hearing (It was broadcast over a national radio hook-up.) They made a sen- timental case against lynching—and they too revealed, though indirectly, the viewpoint from which they spoke. Wagner said his bill “provides for fed- eral action (against lynchers) only when the state has failed (after the lynching has occurred) and I am con- fident that its first effect willbe to awaken the state to a keener reali- zation of their own duties.” That “keener realization of their own duties” will result, no doubt, in more railroadings of Negroes through “fair” trials such as the Scottsboro trials—something which the Costi- gan-Wagner bill doesn’t even pre- tend to touch. Committee Sidesteps Fundamentai Facts Costigan declared that the “tidal wave of resentment and indignation” against lynching “swept across America when Governor Rolph of California publicly defended . . . the preventable and typically barbarous lynchings of two white youths.” And so, Senator Costigan, the wave did not begin years ago when lynchings first began to mount under the stimulous of the depression? It did not grow swiftly when they strung Negroes to the trees in Louisiana, and shot three down with the Tusca- loosa sheriff's connivance? It was only when white youths were lynched It would be possible to continue | thus through all the long list of wit- nesses before the August proceeding, For this was a Libetal, publicity- getting party dealing with lynching as a special phenomenon unrelated to the conditions that Me under-~ | Strikers “The bill is so broad,” admitted Sobeloff, “that it might be utilized in some other situations as well as lynchings. For example, its defint- tion of a lynch ‘mob’ is three or more persons acting without authority of law. . . . It is possible that three or more strikers might be guilty of as- sault without being in fact a lynch mob, I would suggest that you nar- Tow your definition.” Yet Arthur Garfield Hays, the Civil Liberties Union liberal lawyer; Elizabeth Gilman, Baltimore Social- ist Party leader once candidate for Governor; chell, Johns Hopkins liberal; Mare Connally, the “Green Pastures” play- | League Against Lynching; these and | many other Liberals babbled for the bill without reservation. ‘This despite the fact that some of ty Fascism! against capitalism rises, the capital- ist government drops all pretense of equal rights for the workers, racy is abandoned. The capitalist dictatorship appears undisguised in its brutal nakedness and in its naked brutality. Fascism rules. The whole process of transforma~ tion is a very natural and simple one. However, it is not inevitable in its final consummation, Democracy is not the antithesis of fascism. It is rather a benevolent mask of that same capitalist dicta- | tested, who organized and f | foe of democracy and opposed | torship of which fascism is the avait a eae ge put it develo the brutal physiognomy, The struggle against any m: s, to for any) it, but it develops as the . y 2 i ocratic argt n| Practice of it against fascism, therefore, cannot social democratic argument that such | ? . a AGGauIS for capitalist. daaranee clubbings, shootings, trials and ex: The quaniiiative ease of open! jt must ‘struggle against e mates tions were oniy unfortunate accidents | government force against the work-| ree te a wt ee eee nee! Phases, Because the Socialist Party's de- fense of capitalist democracy is clear- ly a defense of capitalist rule, there- fore the Socialist Party is the pace- maker of fascism, it is a Social-Pascist party. It is denying the inevitability Instead of raising the issue of work- ingelass rule against capitalist class rule, it defend capitalist class rule by defending capitalist democracy, Thus the Socialist Party tries to fascism: class rule, If we succzed in defeating the ob- jective of the Socialist Party, if we succeed in mobilizing the workers for struggle against capitalist rule even in its democratic disguise, we will be able to prevent the final consum- mation of the transformation of capitalist democracy into fascism. We will, instead, transform capitalist democracy into proletarian democ- cracy, capitalist class rule into working class rule, by means of the the struggle for working Professor Broadus Mit- | wright who represented the Writers) Democ- | | neath. Even when the Committee | caled W. Preston Lane, the Gs | Attorney-General who dawdled reck- | lessly through several bitterly-pro- | tested lynchings that culminated in | the George Armwood halocaust, and |evaded punishment of the knowr | lynchers, they sidestepped the fund- | amental facts, Lane gave the names | of nine lynchers—but not the name of the State's Attorney who, accord- ing to an affidavit which Lans has |'seen, participated to the extent o! verbally encouraging lynch-mobsters by announcing he was clearing ou! | of town beforehand, “Fighters” Against Lynching Jim- Crowism at Hearing But why go on? In the very roon in which the Committee sat, the Ne- | gro press was jim-crowed. They sab | on one side of the room, the+white | correspondents on the other, One of | them was ejected from the res- taurant in the building on the first | day of the hearing. The next day | after Senator Royal S. Copeland hac been confronted by the “Daily Worker” and asked to say whether | the incident represented his policy \as senator in charge of the restau | rant, a Negro reporter was served in | the restaurant. He sat at a table ai which two white lunchers were cat ing. A white waitress served th vhite patrons. A Negro waiter wa sent to serve the Negro, White Complains of Radicals in Seeking Hand-out Tt was left for Walter White, Negro | secretary of the reformist National Association for the Advancement o! Colored People, to blurt one of the pose of staying the fast-moving surge of Negro and white labor in reyolu~- of people. The blue-eyed, | White complained to the Committec | that, “Energetic and long continued efforts have been made by certain radical movements to convince the American Negro that his hope o! justice under the present form of | government is useless and that he | must lend his aid in helping to over- throw this government and to estab- lish & new one,” Contemptibly see at the same time exploiting is “propa~ aganda,”. White declared it “has “not succeeded as well as it might for two reasons only . . . the ineptitude and lack of wisdom and honesty with which some of these radical move- ments have been led” and “that s majority of the American still hope . . . that event Jus- tice and freedom from the may be possible under the: present system. tend that such a hope is idiotic.” ~ In other words, said “Pass Nesro saves!" We had the splomb egro slaves!” le to admit: “Swift, deep currents of unrest, of bitter resentment the lynching mob and every othe: form of proscription surge throug): the life of those who form one-tenth of America’s population.” i proletarian revolution and prole- tarian dictatorshi~ It was this that Ford recalled as he left the witness stand,