The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 17, 1934, Page 5

- + DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1934 Congress Anti-Lynch Bill | Calls Mass Meetings “Mobs” sed To Break Picket Lines; Pretends Federal Courts Are “Impartial”; i} Only Negro Bill of Rights in Interests of Negro Masses SES Se ry By HARRY HAYWOOD I , flood of so-called “anti-lynching” * bills have been introduced in the esent Congress by politicians of the ‘Republican and Democratic eres, Doubtless, the introduction of sé bills at this time, is the result rising movement of the masses inst lynching. But are these bil’s ‘ally directed toward stamping }{ lynching? Let us examine the 4)stigan-Wagner bill, typical of the S bill, introduced by Senator van of Colorado, and Wagner of v York, is spensored by the Nae onal Association for the Advance- Colored Peonle (NAACP), nes become the foeal noint which the reformists and so- ts, ine’uding white of the Negro, North lized. According s, the passage by Con- bill, will put a stop lvnchin: asy imply that the lution ef lynching does not hinge pon the organized revolutionary sht of the masses, but on the mere assage of a bill. Disregarding for © moment this treacherous assump- ‘on on the part ef the reformists, a youerete examination of the “bill it- elf, will brine out clearly its reac- onarv character as a weapon, not gainst the lynchers, but against ‘oss who seriously wish to fight nehing, The bill provides a definition of the tm “mob” which throws light unon 1€ u for which it is intended. It eseribes a mob as “an assemblare f three or more versons acting in oncert, without authority of law, for he wurvose of depriving anv person his life, or doing him physical in- This definition is similar te that sed in the famous Vireinia Anti- ynering Bill, which, although there jave been numerous lynchings in Vir- hia since its pessave, has only been ised once, and thet not in a lynch ase, Jt was used. on the basis of ich a definition of a “mob,” vainst strikers who defended them- elyes against an attack by ganesters ed bv po’ice officers. Under this de- nition, any assemblage of workers— demonstration of share-croopers wainst a local landlord, a mass vicketing of workers in a strike, and ven 2 demonstration against lynch- ne—could be cefined as a “mob” and =the varticinants nrosecuted inder an “anti-lvnching” law, In effect, the bill would leaglize the uurder of Negroes by landlords and their police, 2s happened at Camp Hill and Reeltown, Alabama. Crov- vers and poor farmers organizing to esist seizure by the landlords of heir land, tools and livestock, would ve defined as a ‘mob... acting in [na the without authority of law,” 1b of nd their resistance as “for the pur- ose . . . of doing physical infury” > those seeking to wrest from them heir means of livelihood. oe § HE Costigan-Wagner bill provides that the federal court shail “have Sotion ower the prosecution of chers, whether they be officers of e stete or merelv gangsters. It pro- ides that a sheriff or other officer who fails to protect a prisoner in his ‘sustoody from lynching. shall be le to a fine of $5.000 and im- jonment for not more than five ars, or, for proved participation, of imnrisonment ef from five years to life. This on the surface apvears to be « considerable concession to the anti- lynch movement. But ‘et us analyze it carefully; let us go below the sur- face. It is clear that this section of he bill seeks to foster the lie that there is a differenee between the at- itude of the Federal and local courts on the Negro question. The canitalists and the reformist leadership of the NA.AC.P., while admitting the “possible” partiality of | local courts, would have us believe that this is not the case with the in- stitution of the Federal government. dh, no! The Federal courts are im- vartial, and not influenced by a vul- rar class and national strife. This, in the face of overwhelming proof, that 1 every in gat issue involving op Rint hetyeen ampressod and op- pressor, the federal courts, including that court of “last iusions,” the U. 8. Supreme Court, have invariably rwed in the interest of the oppres- sors, Even in the Scottsboro Case, the When finally forced bv mass pressure to hear the apoeal filed by the In- ternational Labor Defense and grant 2 new trial, the U.S. Suoreme _ Court carefully avoided all funda~ _ mental issues raised by the defense, +3 & LL.D. attorney. in punishment for (Classified) W. 27th St., Apt %, ig 42637. SoM for rent, 361 Zakheim. URNISHED room for rent, woman eom- Lena Batm, S01 's. 140th Bt., 12. OOM fer two. Privilege of sharing 4-reom apartment in Greenwich Village. Landy. 3? Bank 8t. f{ american Groups 28¢ lee- son; also dividv-!, Gendier. 500 West rod Ave Phone Schuyler 4-0176 the lynchers themselves, to prosecute and to seek to disbar one who stands in the forefront of the real fight against lynching in Maryland. to. $2 ts clear, then, that this reputed “difference” between the local and federal courts is but a new and more cunning attempt of the reformists to preserve legalistic illusions among the masses and to revive thelr faith in the bourgeois government and its institutions. Tt is a new attempt to hide from the Negro and white toilers the class character of these institutions as in- struments of class and national op- pression. Federal legislation? Yes, We ere not opposed to effective federal legislation against lynching, but it can only be effective when sunported ‘oy an aroused and organized mass movement for its enforeement. And it is precisely this which the reform- ists wish to avoid. The hypocrisy of the sponsors of the Costigan-Wagner bill, as well as the other so-called anti-lynching bills now before Congress, is further shown by the fact that in all of these bills, lynching is treated as a phenomenon entirely separate from the general oppression of the Negro people. By means of this obviods fraud, the bourgeoisie and their re- formist lackeys seek to divert the masses from any real struggle against lynehing, which, as the exverience of the Scottsboro campaisn has shown, can only be effective if carried thru simultaneously with « fight against, and exvosure of the whole system of national oppression, of which Iynch- ing ts only one expression. Moreover, the bills at.present before Congress, are all, eurlously silent on lynch frams-ups—legal or courtroom lynchings. Simultarieously with the er courtroom lynchings in this period. ! Along with lynchings by “mobs” or- ganized by “leading” citizens, the courts taken upon themselves the role of carrying through the lynch- ings, by frame-ups of innocedt Negroes, speedy trials by all-white juries of business men and farmers, conducted in & lynch atmgsohere with denis! of the consiftutional rights te the defendants-—-the richt te choose their own counzl, etc. This is « maneuver to provide a legal cloak for the lynchers of the Negro people. These legal lynchings expose more clearly than anythivig the system of national oppression and the courts as instruments for dhe maintenance of this system. Tims, anyone proposing to fight lynching without at the same time fighting against the whole sys- tem of natgonel ovoression, frame- ups and lggal lynching is either an ignoramus or a sly agent of the lynchers. In skarp contrast to these reform~- ist measures, is the Bill of Civil! Riehts for the Negro Peovle, provosed | by the League of Strvecle for Nevro Révhts and teken to Washington by| ‘he Scottsboro Marchers. The differ- fence lies in the fol'owing: (1) thal the provosals of the bill are not con- celved as something to replace a/ mass revolutionary movement against | lynching, but on the contrary, as a weavon for broadening out and) strengthening such a movemer& which | alone can vut a stop to lynching; and | (2) this Bill of Civil Rights treats | lynching in @ correct manner, not as an isolated phenomenon, but as an integral part of the whole svstem of jim-crow, national oppression. It) therefore approaches the auestion of | the fight against lynching as a part of the fight for the constitutional and civil riehts of the Negro people) growth of extra-jegal lynchings, we witness an alarnving increase of legal and for national liberation. (To be continued) Jim Crow Negroes On New York C.W.A. Jobs; Are First to Be Fired LaGuardia and Daniels Are Responsible; Workers | Protest Discrimination NEW YORK.—Marcel Work, a job- less Negro, representing the Unem- ployment Council, demanded of C. W. A. Administrator Daniels an end of discrimination against Negro workers on ©, W, A, jobs in New York City, during yesterday’s united front demonstration against Roose- velt's C, W. A. layoffs. Daniels shirked all responsibility for the scandalous treatment of the Negroes on C. W. A. work in New York City. Under the New York C. W. A administration and the regime of Mayor La Guardis, the unem- vleyed Negroes have been jim-crowed have undergone sharper and sharper discrimination. City, with a population of Negroes which according to the 1932 Census was 327,706. At least 60 per cent of all Negro workers in the elty are jobless. In New York there is the largest concentration of Negro popu- lation in the world. But of the 100,000 unemployed Negro workers, only about 2,700 got on C. W. A, jobs, Even in the heart of Harlem, where the Negro workers are segregated, whites predominated on C.W.A. jobs at least 5 to 1. Scores of thousands of Negro workers were not even permitted to register. Only about 10,000 Negroes were registered. Even the registration of Nesso work- Zz ‘The skilled work was not given to Negro workers. Almost none of the skilled Negro mechanics or building trades workers got skilled C. W. A. jobs. Those few Negrées who got C. W. A, jobs were given pick and shovel work. The C. W. A. adminis- tration offices are filled with thou- sands of whites. Negroes cannot be found in these jobs. Where the Negro workers got un- from the whites. Im the firing of workers now going on under Roosevelt's orders, the Negroes are among the first to be fired. LeGuardia has ailowed this gross discrimination to take place without so much as a word. La- Guardia as well as the Roosevelt- ‘Tarnmany machine, is directly re- sponsible for the disgraceful Jim Crow practices of the CWA adminis- tration in New York City. The same discrimination exists throughout the country. The League of Struggie for Negro Rights, as well as the Unemployed Councils and the Relief Workers Leagues are carrying on a vigorous campaign for the rights of the Negroes on CWA jobs. All workers and workers organizations shoul! fight against the Jim Crowing of Negro workers on CWA jobs, against the firing of Negro workers from CWA projects; for equal pay for equal work for Negroes, and against any form of discrimination against the unemployed Negro workers; with no discrimination in the giving out of jobs and relief. skilled jobs they were peeregates | d pie oe i | NEW YORK WORKERS DEMONS“ RATE AGAINST C.W.A. LAY-OFFS Workers demonstrating in New York Thursday against C.¥ | chukuo Bureau of information,” A. lay-offs. }cated in the Shoreham Hotel he Inset shows Richard Sullivan, Secretary of the Unomployment Counciis of Greater New York, at the dem Uivam declared: “Every unemployed and C.W.A. union must amalgamaie into one strong fighting unified organization to struggie against the Roosevelt attacks upon the working-class.” To Celebrate Fortieth Birthday of J. W. Ford NEW YORK.—The Harlem See- tion of the Communist Party will celebrate the h birthday of James W. Fo: wed leader and Comununist candidate for vice- president of the United States dur- ing the recent ele ms. The af- fair will the Estonian Rall, 27 W 5th St., Satu Feb. 24. members of the Party the significance of in the r tionary en the course: et, there w asts by those ve worked with Ford in various fields of Party activity There will be d ing and en- tertainment. E mous pianist, will render selections and the W oratory atz of their revolutionary skits. mission to the affair, including the banquet, will be 50 cents. Sculptor Withdraws ‘Exhibit in Protest iat Mural Vandalism NEW sculptor, hibition protest YORK.—Minna Harkavy, has withdrawn from the at the Rockefeller Center, in aga: the destruction of the mural by Diego Rivera, because it contained a portrait of Lenin. | “The destruction of the mural is | of a piece with the revolting bru- | tality of that class which takes the creations of the human mind in | beings, and destroys them as rnuth- | lessly if they cease to serve its in- | terests,” she wrote in a letter to Holger Cahill, director of the ex- hibition, informing him of her withdrawal. “It was not so long ago that here in America the ery was raised that in Russia they were not preserving their art. It is a fact, however, that not ever was a church or building demolished in the USSR. if it possessed any historic or artistic value, not even where the workers demanded it. I was in Russia in 1931-1932 when millions of rubles were being spent to r re the fres- cos. in the Uspensky Cathedral in the Kremlin, in snite of the fact that ithe subjects of those frescoes were in sharp contrast to the prevailing view. “Apart from its barbarism, the act of destruction carried out with such furtiveness was an intolerable affront to the dignity and self-respect of every artist. “In the face of what has happened, I desire to have my name withdrawn from the list of exhibitors. “(Signed) MINNA R. HARKAVY.” | the same way as it uses human | 14,000 in Jobless and CWA Workers United Front Demonstration | By HOWARD BOLDT | NEW YORK.—As t and less workers, strated at Union Square Thursday, , swung into erderly columns, with hardly a single defection in their jTanks. hundreds of onlooking workers | Joined the march until, as |ers neared the C.W.A , 14,000 Were in the lines. Singing revolu- ti ry songs, shouting militant slo- , With working class banners hold high, Communists and rank and file Socialist workers, with interlocked arms marched side by side. The workers were joined at Madi- {son Soua aout 809 whit-colla: rkers, The line of march, now olen to 14,800 by actual count ci cled the city C.W.A. administration offices. Trade union. Socialist, Com- munist. and nor Ss greeted each other in mutual solidar. Ci the mighty roar of their de- | Delegates. Meet With C,W.A. A delegation of nine, representing | the orxanizations which had partici- | pated in the demonstration, left the | line of. march to oresent the workers lemands te “-- WA. Thev con- ed with F. I. Daniels, and Dr. 5S. mstein of the C.W.A elief Workers League, pointed out cases of discrimination against C. W. A. union organizers. “Today,” he declared. “as we get first hastw re- ports of C.W.A lay-offs. we find that mass ‘ay-offs have taken ‘place at Bear Mountain. Three hundred and j Kines County Mosrital; 50 at Man- hattan Park, Brooklyn; the entire | crew at Belleview Hosvit2!: the super- intendest at Marine Park has orders to fire ten workers dailv. These are only isolated instances that have come to our attention today. We de- ~and a ston to these mass lav-o*s.” The C.W.A. board remained silent. Demani Negro D'scrimination End Marce! Work, icbless Negro, mem- ber of the City Unemn'oyment Ccun- cil, demanded an end to discrimina- tion against Neerozs on relief. On the streets below could be heard the mishty roar of the workers. ‘The delegate of the Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists and | Technicians, Marcel Shearer, said to Daniels, “Negro technicians are’ re- fused skilled jobs, and given work with a pick and shovel . . . at Bear Mountain, engineers were finger- ity. Defying the police, the worker: refused to march hack to Union|" | Square until the C.W.A. officials had } Michael Davidow, president of the/ fifty workers have been laid off at) ; appeared tell us that j aspect to the C. W. A, when | workers wished to join the Feb, 5th the demonstration, the army officers openiy spoke of getting machine guns | to keep us at our wi : because I we been active in organizing | technical workers, I am placed in the lowest category of C. W. A. pay | I was threatened when I left | to join today’s demonstration.” | Puts Blame on Washington “But your legitimate place of pro- | test is in Washington,” interjected the C. W. A. officials. | ington,” Shearer hurled back at them, | “then, in the name of the thousands | of workers down there on the streets, | we demand that the C. W. A. provide | transportation and food for every worker to go there in a mass delega- q Delegate after delegate placed de- mands before the C. W. A... . un- |} employment insurance continua- | tion and enlargement of the C. W. A. no discrinfnation against Ne- gro and foreign born workers. Finally, the C. W. A. board gave its answer. Dr. Lowenstein spoke. He threw the entire burden upon Washington. FPlacecid and fiabby, purple’ jowled, he sat back and weakly said: “I j have listened very sympathetically. This is a federal matter; this C. W. A. body is a representative of fed- eral suthority. The place for you to address yourselves is in Washing- ton.” Thus the C. W. A. adminis:-a- tion refused to act on the demanas. The delegates reported back to Union Square to the workers who were waiting. The delegates of the Unemployed Councils, Sullivan and Work, placed the proposals before the workers that all the organizations present at this demonstration hold a delegated con- ference and plan future united ac- tion. The workers greeted this pro- posal enthusiastically. The demonstration disbanded at 7 p.m. amid eries of “On to the mass meeting at Bronx Coliseum; to the Austria Mass Meeting at Bronx Col- iseum.” The organizations participating in the united front demonstration in- cluded: The Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists and Technicians, the Association of Civil Works Em- ployes, Associated Office and Profes- sional Emergency Employes, Home Relicf Bureau Employes Association, Worke:s Committee on Unemploy- | George Washing- | still owns the formerly | | |of Japanese mon | “If our place of protest is in Wash- ment, Workers Unemployed League, | Page Five WALL STREET’S CAPITOL Weer: Feb. 16.—*Th is the title of a recently pri after the United States r i the payroll of Japanese imper-¢ ialism in the high-sounding ca- pacity of “Counsellor of the Ministry of Foreign Affeirs of the Government of Manchukuo.” Rea distributed his printed poison through the journalistic nerve cen- ter of the United States, in short to all the Was ington corres- pondents, The Speech, now in pamphlet form, was delivered orig- inally by Rea to & legal fraternity of the reactionary ton Law School. Rea, now “Counsellor” run- ning the “Man- Seymour Waldman lo- Far Eastern bu' Eastern Rey the light ma | not the first time he is servin anese imperialism. under demagogic banner of th butcher, Chiang Kai-shek, for some | years, it is his first open job for the | Tokio imperialists. For operating Japan’s “Manchukuo Bureau of Iniormation,” Rea $25,000 a year and $1,000 a month “expenses,” he recently toid paper men. “Of course, the Japanese see that I get the money,” he added, explaining that he hoped to live on the expense money and put the rest away so that he could retire in a few years. Obviously, he his racket to last only a shi | Stripped of the nons |“the basic and unswi | Japen in Manchukuo most scrup- ulous respect for the independence and sovereignty of that country,” that Japan has not employed force to conquer or annex that territory,” the Rea pamphiet calls upon Americans \to believe that Japan made “Con ism realize that its dream ‘orld Revolution was over” and that “the only barrier between Commu~- {nism and its domination of Eastern Asia is the buffer state of Manchu- kuo allied with Japan to ward off this menace of their existence.” mi. of nu * 6 « wark against Communism in the East, against the force that has lib- erated fifty million Chinese workers and farmers in Central China. In fact, says this Tokio tool, “The Soviet Government, the Third In- | ternational, or the Central Commit- tee of the Communist Party (the names are interchangeable), has a fixed and unalterable program for the domination of Asia. Slowly, but steadily, Communist agents are si- lently extending their spheres of in~ | fluence, inciting the peoples to rise against their rulers. With an army of over a million and a quarter men, | ishly into non-aggressive pacts, pro- |claims her readiness to disarm and | broadcasts her definition of the ‘ag- gressor.. And the world, especially the unsophisticated American paci- fist, laps up the Communist pap and acclaims the Soviet as their allies in the movement for world peace. These peace-loving Americans, how- ever, overlook that aggressive pe rialism does not always take the form zed the Soviet U ince he worked | in ( gets |.) news- | or «| by the various imperialist IN SHORT, Japan stands as the bul-| Moscow preaches peace, enters fever- | By SEYMOUR WALDMAN Independence of Manchukuo” here a week n, by George st now on nted speech, mad n ary publi of ar tration. ained by ples to over In of Re ed conquest The same propagenda in nrow their governments.” press e Nati Press Club in Washington, declsred Third International is not he document. You ead into it more than was is lie on and that a ery essence of Communism ing overboard the Third Int se In the terror being v t Chir “being reenactec so, asks Rea, “Do you nat Japan is uneasy anc jumpy? ef ele 1S own “investigations” as to “the objectives of Japanese ) Manchoukuo convinced Rea sie and unswerving rolic —yes, the independence of Manchoukuo, when Japan considers the time propitious. Haven’t you Cuba And the Philippines, my fri Rea asks American im- perialists, smiling understanding] Now, I don’t speak merely as an investigator and appreciator of the “Japan’s resort to _self- has not resulted in the con- annexation of new terri- Rea confides, but also as “a dyed-in-the-wool Jefferson De mo- erat.” As such an individual he un- derstands that the Chinese work ers and peasants must be exploited especially |the Japanese, “another century . or |s0 to educate the Chinese in the rudiments of self-government as we understand it.” Of course, it’s fo’ |Humanity. “In plain words, I have |reluctantly subordinated my political jideals and principles to the exigen- | cies of Humanity...” “For, unless I am wrong, the next | Government of China wi'l be Red, in |league with Moscow. Manchoukuo | will then be compelled to fight for jits life.” And then the swelling note of the paid imperial song: “If Japan |fails to check this movement, if she |goes under in the struggle, the last |barrier to the Soviet domination of | Asia will be removed. ... This is |Japan’s fight. If the people of the United States can no longer applaud or support her, at least give her the benefit of the doubt and remain | neutral.” Nevertheless, I feel certain that i! |Japanese imperialists attack the | Soviet Union in the Spring, the; | will not only have to deal with th | magnificent ani powerful Red Army, |but also with the class conscious | American workers who will fight to |prevent American capitalism from assisting Japan, by such action as | preventing shipments of munitions | billed for Japan, to leave the docks. | Others will serve in the Red Army: Unemployment Councils, and Reliet Workers League. ‘The 16 point demands called for, in part: Continuance and expansion of the C. W. A.; restoration of pay cuts; no lay-offs; immediate cash relief for all jobless workers; the right to organize, and recognition of job committees; no discrimination against Negroes and foreign born; and federal unemployment insurance at the expense of the bosses and gov- ernment. Every new subscriber you get for | the Daily Worker means winning | another worker to the revolution- ary war and fascism. Lincoln’s Policies Protected the Interests of Northern Capitalists = . | the but the compromising, | feudglism of Europe. It continued to PRESERVED POWER OF PLANTATION ASTERS BY DRIVING NEGROES AWAY FROM DIVIDING UP THE LAND vaciliating and hesitating center petty bourgeoisie. Not “Lincoln, the Great Compromiser” is the ac- curate historical picture. The Civil War Conflict ‘The Civil War was a conflict be- tween the still young, pro- the reactionsry slave regime of the South for hegemony over the United States. The nature of the conflict was century: the struggle of the rising middle class, brought into being by it of capitalism, were the Cromwellian Revo- ‘ution in England, the Great French Revolution of 1789 which broke out anew in 1848, and the revolutions ‘vhich began in Gezmany and Austria ‘n the same year. Capitalism was cstablished only as a result of a rev- olution against feudalism, when one exploiting class was replaced by an- other, even as today we live in the veriod of profound revolutionary up- heavals, when capitalism must give way to socialism, this time to abolish forever exploiting minorities and give rise to a classless society. The Slave Regime The slave reguce of the South was a many weys similar to the oder exist side by side with the capital- ism of the North because it rendered it service: profits from the slave trade at an earlier period, supply- ing the raw material for the rapidly developing textile industry of New England, the profit from the cotton trade and commerce in food stuffs and manufactured products with the plantation owners. But as capitalism grew further in the North, as the factory system de- Nelopei andthe pioneer frontier spread westward, the interests of the two systems came more sharply into conflict and could no longer’ be con- ciliated. Should the vast western ter- sitory be opened to capitalism or to chattel slavery? This was the prime question in the famous debates be- tween Lincoin and Douglas; it was cut of the conflict between slave- owners and pioneer farmers in Kan- sas that the Republican Party grew which elected Lincoln to tl i @ency in 1869. But behind t even a more basic question capitalism or chattel slave: upon the North American continent? This question could only be settled by force of arms; the Civil War gave | answer, Lincoln’s Real Attitude The attitude of Lincoln to the principal issues at stake reveal not the revolutionary, but the liberal, the | conciliator, the compromiser, the petty-bourgeois the interests of whose class he really represented in the oonflict, the destruction of the slave regime, and this could only be carried out |in a revolutionary way: by waging | relentless war against the slaveown- ers, from the very beginning declar- ing the slaves free and thus releas- ing a powerful revolutionary force against the slave oligarchy, proclaim- ing the confiscation of the landed estates in the South and their dis- tribution among the former slaves, opening the doors of bourgeois dem- ocracy to them and guaranteeing the Negroes full equal rights as citizens. This was, in essence, the program written in the blood of the numerous slave revolts, tor which thousands 0° Nat Turners and Denmark Veseys had given their life and additional thousands upon thousands abolition- ‘sts and the early Socialists among the workers of the North. It was | this course of uncompromising, rev- | clutionary action that was urged by Kerl Marx, who mobilized the work- in England and on the continent support of the North and against the threat of the English ruling class to join the war on the side of the South. To Save the Union Lincoln did not take the offensive; |he would, he said, save the Union, | with slavery if. necessary, without slevery if compelled. Between the time he took the presidency and when the South actually placed a gun into his hand and forced him to go to war, he attempted every means at his disposal to reach a com- ing the retention of slavery in the South, even echoing the cry of the bourgecis abolitionists, like Horace | Greely or Wendell Phillips, “Let the Erving States Depart in Peace!” When the war actually broke out he and his government of compro- misers studied the constitution to find legal means of raising funds and carrying on the war, while the South was inflicting one defeat after an- other on inadequate and ill-equipped Northern troops. Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation only as a military measure, when Northern troops were hard-pressed and when the wisdom of Frederick Douglass’ cry—“release the nower<ul black hand against the foe!”—finally, by its mere weicht, forced him to act. He resisted the important demands of the Negroes that they he enrolled into the North- ern army to fight against the masters, until the forme’ overran the army camps per: their demands for arms and took up service. The Defeat of the Slaveowners After the slaveowners had been de- | feated on the battlefield the chief | task was to prevent a resioration, to wipe out the last survival of slavery. And yet, Lincoln’s plan of Recon- struction would havo immediately re- turned the seceded states, dominated by the former slaveowners, to the to the Negroes, and without a single The prin 1 issue at stake was promise with the slaveowners, offer- word about the division of the huge Union, without assuring full freedom | plantations or a final settlement of the issues which had precipitated the conflict, Had an assassin’s bullet not lbeen produced by history, Lincoln Loncoln’s policies and was destroyed by the industrial bourgeoisie of the North, which had come to the ascen- dancy and which, for a short time, sought a revolutionary solution. In the end, Lincoln’s policies were also accepted by the big bourgeoisie | turned reactionary, which after a decade of sharp conflicts and mass revolutionary upheavals in the South, took the former slaveowners to their bosom and re-enslaved the Negroes on the Southern plantations. ‘The heritage left by Lincoln and the class he represented is the pres- ent-day plantation system in the South with its share-cropping and veonage, the oppression of the Negro people, Linco!n and the bourgeoisie to carry out the revolutionary struggle to its jconclusion has left these tasks for the revolutionary working class, white and black, to perform. They are | written on the banner of the pr day rev fo} | side by the di cs of | the roi “Equal Rights for) | Negroes, the Right of Self-Deter- mination for the egro People in the | Black Belt’—this is the Communist. | answer to the Lincoln myth. struggle against exploitation, | would ha uuffered the same polit- | ical and terical fate as Johnson, his successor. Johnson continued iynching, continual persecu- | Y |tion and degradation. The failure of | —_—— Oren Forum JAMES W. FORD Nat'l Minorities in U.S.S.R. SATURDAY, FEB. lith, 7:30 P, M. at 2075 Clinton Avenue, Bronx Auspices: Sec.15, Communist Party @ Housewa Spaghetti Party Dancing @ Italian Music SATURDAY EVENING, FEB. 17 LOWER WEST SIDE WORKERS’ CLUB 107 MacDougal Street \| Adm. 15¢ With Spaghetti 25¢ | RUSSIAN NITE SATURDAY, FEB. 17th Moscow Balalaika Orchestra | Rossien Program Admission 35¢, CONCERT—Feb. 18, 9 P. M. Solos and Chamber Music Mathew Keaban—Man: uel Firstman—! | Dave Kotkin—Pisno || TREMONT PROG. CLUB | 866 So. Boulevard, Bronx To Greet the Delegates | to the conference for | “UNITA’ OPERAIA” DAILY BANQUET, CONCERT. and BALL Chow, Belet, Singing, | Musical Numbers | Five Course Dianer at 2 P.M. Dancing Starts at & P.M. SUNDAY, FEB 18 | MANHATTAN LYCEUM 66 E. 4th St, N.Y.C, Contribution 50e, Every new subscriber gained for the “Dally” strengthens our revolu | tutionary movement. Ask your fet- low worker to subscribe. \ \ > 2 oe a oe