The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 31, 1934, Page 4

Page Four DAILY WORKER EW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 31, 1934 Keynote of the 13th Plenum of Communist International Is Turning Crisis of Capitalist System Into the Victory of the Proletarian Revolution Comrade Browder Reports to 18th Meeting of Centra ‘Dhe following i the sexi of the ss of that judgment and Report of Comrade Browder, Sec- vetary of the Communist Party, 0. 8. A. delivered at the 18th meet- ing of the Central Committee in New York, Jan. 16, 1934: comrades: The 13th Plenum of the EF. C. C. L, which finished its sessions in the aiddie of December, had to sum up he mew features in the world situa- jon for the period of fifteen months ince the 12th Plenum of the E. C. C. to give the answer to the new uestions that have been raised before he international movement in this seriod, and to give an estimate of present moment in the world) uation. The Thesis of the 13th “enum, embodying the answers to hese questions, was published in the Yatly Worker on Jan. 13, and you wave all had the opportunity to study his document. You will remember that the cen- ral point of the decisions of the 12 “lenum in 1932 was the judgment of he world situation, that cap’ tabilization had ended and that we rere in a period of transition to a ew round of wars and revolutio’ This judgment of the 12th Plenum vas completely confirmed by all the ‘vents in the fifteen months un 3th Plenum met. T was not ‘ary to revise in any wa nent arrived at by the 1 Che 13th Plenum, basing ‘Ramination of the events since then, t sharpened up this line, pointed out hat everything that has he he intervening period emr AN EXAMINATION OF ROOSEVELT’S POLICIES Let us examine a few arger world developments ies of the Roosevelt government, the New Deal in all its aspects, which is; mie of the main stays of the social- aseist arguments for the capitelist ecovery from the crisis, Is i yay true that the Roosevelt po vaye improved the situation for c alism? We need but examine o dhase of the Roosevelt policies to dis- grove this immediately. When we} ee what the Roosevelt policy of in-| ation means in the situation of the yorld capitalism, it immediately be. wmes clear that far from bringing ny ies | aew elements of stability into the yorld, this inflation policy has de- fvered shattering blows to the capi- alist we , It has upset every rela-| don of fprces in the world market vad Tn World polities, It has not| omy tht about the extreme} sharpening of the class relations| -| Plenum of the E. C. ©. 1, and see in-| 40 on the contrary, we must make where we are very closely approach-| Social Fascist leadership and brought sm? ing a world revolutionary situation. / to the revolutionary policy under the| It is of the most tremendous political! gooi, The Thesis of the 13th Plenum de- clared that the mainstays of capi- | talism are already being destroyet. ‘The world economic crisis, which is most closely interwoven with the gen-} eral crisis of capitalism, sharpens all the cardinal contradictions of the capitalist world to such an extent that a turn may take place at any} moment which will mean the trans-/ formation of the economic crisis into} @ revolutionary crisis. j ‘The Plenum declared that the great task before the international prole- | tariat is to prepare to turn this crisis of the capitalist world into the vic- of the proletarian revolution. is the keynote of the 13th tory Social-Democracy, the Second | 1, and all the various at- to it, the renegade groups, left social-fascists, have inter- ed the events of the past 15 hs in the opposite sense. They reject the conclusions of the 12th/ the prei stead the beginning of a new period of stabilization for world capitalism, a period in whieh capitalism has won a victory over the proletariat and en- tered a more or less protracted period | of fascist reaction. The 13th Plenum a great deal of attention to dis- thoroughly the social-fascist making clear for the world movement the true significance of these big events that have taken place in the past 15 months. e only hastens the development of a catastrophic situation for the German masses, but introduces new strains and new disorders into the interna- tional relations of the capitalist powers We shail go into a more detailed ex- amination of the problems raised by the rise of Hitler in dealing with the problems of the struggle against fas- cism; at this moment it is sufficient to point out that German fascism, rising on the basis of the accentua- tion of every contradiction, internal and external, of world capital, repre- sents a sharpening of the crisis of German capitalism, and a sharpen- of the whole world crisis into a tionary crisis. he third factor to be mentioned characteristic of the past fifteen months is that in every capitalist country, there has taken place a gen- eral lowering of the living standards of the masses, a general all-around attack upon all the toiling sections of problem of how soon the workers can; requires the struggle against social | in s us at this time to the point/be separated from the reformist, | | Committee on Carrying Out of the Party’s Tasks fascism. masses of the social demo- orkers, | cratic What is the significance of fascism?) Oiner considerable numbers of i al democratic workers, who are leadership of the Communist Party.| importance for our movement today) not yet ready to join the Communist This is a question that is determined| that our Party answer this question/ party, place themselves at the dis- by the quality of the work of our| sharply and clearly, in such a W8Y| posal of the Communist Party for Party. as to make the masses understand | yeeolutionary work, beg for directives, Let us examine a central problem| this question. The Thesis of the 13th and accept the Communist Party as in the struggle for the majority of} races ave ger pac the only leader of the daily struggles. the working class, in the preparation|isties ef fascism, which are essential) ‘ Bs of the workers for the proletarian] to the understanding of this problem | arial pemacene, Cmeney among revolution. This is the problem of the) and which our Party must convey to| —.,, circles, to try to reconstitute the struggle against fascism, which also’ the broadest masses in the U. 8. ss : be within the country, representing the| the population, and, aceompanying nost far-going offensive against the) this, a sharpening of political repres- iving standards of the American) sion, of all the class antagonisms be- masses, but has at the same time| tween the bourgeoisie and the work- deem an imperialist offensive through-| ing ciass and the toiling farmers, vut the world against the imperialist | peasantry, and the bourgeoisie itself tyals of the United States. It has|is more and more breaking up into meant the extreme sharpening of | struggling antagonistic groups, and pee | THE MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF FASCIS} First, the growth of fascism means | ing class and paved the way for Hitler) German Communist Party has to| throughout the world is the problem that the revolutionary crisis and the| to come to power. The working class; struggle, but which at the same time|of exposing par indignation of the broad massesjean take power only when the is one of the stages of the coming of | 2nd strugeling against the “left” re- | jority of the working class, the| the social democratic workers to the | formists — “left” social fascists. against the rule of capital is growing. This is the answer to the basic point} of the social democracy, which sees in the rise of fascism the defeat of the revolution, which tries to discour- age and demoralize the working class by picturing the rise of fascism as the defeat of the proletarian revolu- clear that the rise of fascism is it- self an indication of the deepening of the crisis of capitalism and a factor in that deepening, an indica- tion of the rise of the indignation of the broad masses against capitalism. Secondly, the growth of fascism shows that the capitalists are no longer able to maintain their dic- tatorship by the old methods of par- Mamentarism and bourgeois democ- racy in general. That is, the rise of fascism is itself realizing one of the basic preconditions of the revolution- ary crisis. It is the realization of that condition whieh Lenin long ago pointed out to us as one of the pre-| conditions for the struggle for power of the working class, that condition| when the bourgeoisie is no longer able to rule by the old methods. Fascism is an expression of that condition. ‘Thirdly, that, moreover, the methods of parliamentarism and bourgeois democracy in general are becoming a hindrance to the capital- ists both in their internal politics as well ag in their foreign politics. That the policies of finatice capital today require that the capitalists themselves carry through measures which destroy the existing apparatus of con- trol, which destroy the old social forms and relationships and introduce conditions of instability in every fea~ ture of life, and thereby destroy among the masses the authority and the influence of the parties and the institutions of capitalist democracy which have hitherto been their main instruments of rule. | And fourthly, that in view of these | things the capitalists are compelled to pass over to open terroristic dic- tatorship within the country and un- restrained chauvinism in foreign poli- ties which represent direct prepara- tion for imperialist war. From these main characteristics of fascism, which we must make clear mi decisive sections of the working class, are prepared for the revolutionary struggle and accept revolutionary leadership. The German soci influence over the majority of the German working class. The role of the social democracy and of the trade union bureaucrats in Germany was decisive and pre-determined the rise of Hitler to power. Hitler came to power not only through the financial assistance of the big capitalists of Germany, but above all, through the direct collaboration of the democracy and the trade union bu- reaucrats, The question is then raised—agree- ing this is so, was it not necessary revolutions? section of the Gemec|| DEEPENING OF GENERAL CRISIS IS MATURING | DEVELOPMENT OF REVOLUTIONARY CRISIS revolutionary section of the German working ciass in insurrection, in armed struggle against the rise of fas- cism even though they were in a minority and even though the condi- tions for a successful struggle were not present? It is especially neces- sary to give a clear and sharp an- swer to this question because it has been raised even within the ranks of the Communist Parties and even in the leadership of the German Com- munist Party itself. This tendency within the German Communist Party was represented by Remmele and Neuman, who came forward with the thesis that although it was impossible to take power, although defeat of such | an attempt was pre-determined by the rule of the social democracy and| ° the trade union bureegicrats, and al-| | though all was lost, yet “honor” still Have been saved only by a last | could desperate armed struggle even though it was pre-determined to defeat. ‘This position, which in words sounds very revolutionary, is of course poli- tically nothing but capitulation to the Social Democracy. It is a complete acceptance of the social democratic understanding of the significance of the rise of fascism and of Hitler, Along with it necessarily goes the view that the victory of Hitler in- augurates a protracted period of fas- cist reaction and long time defeat of Social Democratic Party upon an il- | legal basis, upon the basis of a united + | front program with the Communist | |Party and against their old leaders. | ‘This is a tendency which is quite dangerous, and against which the | Communist Party. The Communist Party is more and more penetrating the factories and | the fascist factory organizations, | detailed examples. reported in the Inprecorr and Daily Worker. I merely cite these things |to characterize the process that is | going on, the gathering of all revolu- |tionary forces inside and around {the German Communist Party. | The last question which must be | answered wih regard to the develop- social, ments in Germany is, what has as |e Has | come of the Social-Democracy? lit been destroyed? danger? The Is it still a Social-Democratic It} demoeracy still exercised ® decisive|is not necessary for me to give long, | They have been | , Party in Germany as an organiza- tion is shattered. | influence of the Social-Democracy | still exists and is still the main social |support of the Fascist dictatorship. | The central problem of the German | Communist Party still remains the ‘liquidation of the influence of, the | Social-Democracy upon the German | Working class. |. What we have said about Germany | holds true for the entire Second In- ternational. The role of each of the different national sections of the | social-fascists differs only in detail according to the alignments of its ; own national bourgeoisie. | Especially significant in this pro- |cess of winning over. the social- democratic workers in Germany and But the political Social-Democracy In | every country, Social-Democracy en- deavors to protect itself against the | trend of the masses to Communism | by setting up left wing groupings, by @ certain division of labor, whereby they attempt to pacify their follow- | ers with left phrases while continu- jing essentially the same policies of their official parties. This is the problem in England of the struggle against the leaders of the BE. L. P., who sabotage the decision for unity. | This is the problem in the United | States of the struggle against farmer- laborism and against those special- sub-divisions of the farmer- Jacor Party idea, the Muste group, | the renegades, and the third party jelements of the bourgeoisie. We have pointed out the main | factors determining the character of | this period as one of the deepening of the crisis and the passing over to the revolutionary crisis. There is one aspect of this problem that remains |to be examined which is especially significant for the United States, This is, what part is played in this | process by the rise or fall of indus- trial production, by the course of the business index. How is it possible, some comrades may say, that we can speak of the deepening of the crisis in a period jn which there has been recovery of production in the capi- countries. There has heen such nerease in production. It is true ai this increase has been very un- | even, irregular and spotty. But mak- jing all allowances for this and tak- jing the whole capitalist world, the | year 1933 witnessed a growth in gen- eral industrial production of some 20 to 30 per cent. What is the signi- ficance of this feature and what. part does it play in our ‘analysis of the whole character of the whole situa- tion? We are not interested in trying to explain away any facts that exist in the capitalist world. We want to face every fact fully and frankly to understand exactly what it means. jan the revolution. It is a point of view) ‘he struggle for. markets; it has ~ augurated a world-wide currency war; it has changed the balance of | gower; it has disturbed all political | Must resort more and more te extra- ordinary means to secure united class action. A fourth feature of this period, which denies the possibility of the de-| velopment of the revolutionary forces | within Germany, for the mobilization | to the broadest masses as the basic instruments of our political struggle against fascism, it becomes clear that “clear answer as to increase of capitalist in- tetion signifies in any Therefore, we must | alignments in the worid, and, in com. | which has intensified the chaos of dination with other factors, has | the capitalist world, has been the ‘ought about such a sharpening of} continued victories of the Chinese hie international relations as hes not | Soviet Republic, which, in the past geen seen before except in the midst | weeks, have already emerged triumph- of general war. | antly from the test of the sixth anti- ic is only for the purpose of creat-| Soviet expedition of the Nanking ng new illusions among the masses,| Government, rigged out and financed shat the bourgeoisie speaks of the| by American imperialism and assisted 2oosevelt policies as having a stabiliz-| politically and materially by British ug effect in the world situation. panese and French imperialism. In Among themselves they are very clear| spite of this great concentration of 18 to its having the opposite effect,!the forces of reaction against the shat of bringing the international an-| Chinese Soviets, they have again sagonisms to the breaking point. |emerged victorious, creating, in the Let us examine the second great de-| Far Fast, a new strong base for the sélopment in the world—the rise of anti-capitalist elements, for the anti- Hitler-fascism to power in Germany.| imperialist revolution, intensifying at {$s this, as the social fascists and/the same time, all of the eontradic- senegades say, introducing new ele-| tions among the imperialist powers, wents of stability into the world| who are beginning to move among | imation of capitalism? Far from it.| themselves for the actual division of The policy of the Hitler me not! China. THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR IN | THE WORLD SITUATION | Finally, there is that most im- as you will see by studying the figures gortent factor in the world situation: | of be Seeond en oe Plan, which she Soviet Union and its socialist | *¢ just now being placed before the “onstruction. In the past fifteen| {7h Party Congress in the Soviet | Union, by the end of the Second Five- months, there has been a tremend-) year Plan, the Soviet Union will be “vit shift in the relation of forces in approximately equal to the U. 8. in “the favor of the socialist system of| Mational income, even supposing that the Soviet Union and against the "22 U- S. does not further decline. world, While the capitalist) isis has deepened during this period, he Soviet Union bas moyed steadily! torward, consolidating its Socialist in-| , continuing the steady advance! ‘socialist industrialization of the| atry, consolidating the victorious| n of agriculture into the soci-| economy through the victories) Hectivization, which solved the presenting difficulties a year 9 that this year is for the Soviet anion what Comrade Stalin described ne last year of economic difficul- or our Socialist Fathcriand. It this basis of the rise of Sovict heights that the pcll- Soviet Union past year. It the whole series of diplo-| by the Soviet) emerged as a great Tt has realized in of the Soviet Union power, Party to catch up with oi: the most advanced coun- ‘of the world. The Soviet Union Second only to the United} in industrial production. And) for the working class to be prepared All these factors, which are the de- cisive features of the past period. prove unquestionably the end of capi- talist stabilization — unquestionably demonstrate that the crisis of the capitalist world, far from being over- come, is, on the contrary, passing into & new stage, the stage of transforma- | tion into a revolutionary crisis. ‘The objective pre-conditions already exist for the revolutionary crisis, What is still lacking is the prepared- ness of the working class, its reyolu- tionary determination to make an end of the bankrupt system of capitalism and to enter the decisive struggle for the reorganization of society upon 8 socialist basis. The preparation of the working class ts the task of the Communist Party, The greatest obstacle to this prep- aration and therefore the greatest obstacle to the revolution, and there~ fore the greatest support to the bank- Tupt c&pitalist society, is the continu- ing influence among the workers and the toiling masses of the Parties of the Second International, the Social Fascists generally and, in the U. &., the special feature of Social-Fascism, the American Federation of Labor. The problem of fiow long it will take for the proletarian revolution is the fascism is born directly out of bour-| geois democracy with the help of the social fascists. The rise of fascist tendencies on the part of the bour- geoisie is a sign of the passing of the crisis into a revolutionary crisis, is an inevitable phase of the revolu- tionary struggle. But on the other hand we must emphasfze that the vic- tery of fascism is not inevitable. Whether fascism is vietorious or not! depends upon the forces of the fight- ing working class and its allies; and the development of these fighting forces of the working class depends upon the defeat of the paralyzing in- fluence of the social democracy within the working class, Therefore, the struggle against fas- cism, the rousing of the broadest masses for the struggle against fas- cism, is in the first place the struggle to defeat the social democracy, to isolate the social democratic leaders from the masses, to destroy their in- fluence among the masses. Let us examine the situation in Germany in the light of this analysis of fascism and answer some of the broad masses of workers, some ques- tions which rise spontaneously in the minds of the politically uninstructed workers, and questions which are es- pecially raised and cultivated by the renegades and the social fascists. First, let us again answer the ques- tion: Why, in Germany, did not the power in Germany under the leader- ship of the Communist Party because the influence of the social democracy Peaveccien: toe workers: fren tees ing struggle against fascism. Social democracy disarmed the work- of the majority of the working class to overthrow Hitler. Its political es- sence is in no way to be distinguished from the position of the social demo- cracy and the renegades, especially the TrOtskyites, that the rise of Hit- ler opens a new era of fascism. First of all, this theory is based upon @ false analogy between Hitler and Mussolini, between Germany and Italy, and depends upon the compari- son of the 10 years of fascist rule in Italy with the .perspective of Hitler in Germany. This analogy completely ignores the different period in which these events occur. Italian fascism came to power at the end of the first Post-war wave of wars and revolu- tions, at the beginning of the period of relative stabilization of capitalism. Italian fascism was maintained in power not by the internal forces of fascism so much as by the assistance of a stabilizing capitalist world around Italy. German fascism comes to power in quite opposite circumstances. Tt rises at the end of capitalist stabi- lization, at a period when the capi- talist world, far from being able to give help toward stabilizing German capitalism, is itself in the deepest crisis; is itself divided in a thousand sharpening conflicts and by which the rise of fascism in Germany itself be- comes a centrd? point in deepening all these conflicts and in the im- mediate development of a. world war situation. There are further, the in- ner problems of German economy which are pre-determined by this world situation, the increasingly catastrophic conditions of German economy which are intensified by the rise of German fascism. Therefore, only one who deliberately wishes to mislead the working class can speak of the perspectives of a long time de- velopment of German fascism, THE LESSONS OF THE HEROIC FIGHT OF THE GERMAN C. P. AGAINST FASCISM Sanna URRERREEnEEen RRR nee ‘What is going on in Germany under the fascist rule? It is difficult to give detailed answer to ail the questions involved in the inner situation in Ger- many because of the conditions of illegality, because of the extremely difficult conditions under which the German working class is gathering its forces today. One thing is quite clear, that the revolutioriiry forces of the German working class are consolidat- ing themselves daily and weekly under the conditions of the Hitler terror, The German Communist Party has not been destroyed, but has sunk its roots deeper than ever among the decisive masses of the | German working class. The workers who continued under the leadership of the Social year ago, are now beginning to come over in large numbers to the Ger- man Communist Party. There are such problems as this, for example, which typify the process which is going on. In some industrial localities in Germany we have social democratic workers coming in organ- ized groups to the Communist Party and requesting to be admitted into the Communist Party in such num- bers that the local leadership of the Communist Party has hesitated to take them in on the grounds that the recruits from the Social Democratic Party who outnumber the members of the old German Communist Party might endanger the Party line. The Party has had to conduct a campaign way an alleviation of the crisis. Does it signify that the crisis of capital- ism in the terminology of the bour- |geois experts, “touched bottom,” so | that the perspective may now be re- covery either gradual or rapid? If we examine the character of this in- crease in industrial production, we must come to the conclusion that it {has no such significance. This in- jcrease in production has taken place upon the basis of the extreme rapid- ity of the development of the inter- national antagonisms, and the whole capitalist world, we find that the first place, been an increase in the production of materials for war. It has been an accumulation of stocks of war materials, munitions, Weapons and supplies for the com- ing struggle, for the coming world yond the limits of war preparations, it is mostly caused by inflation and the speculative market created by in- flation. Now, it is clear that these two influences are truly character- preparations for war. If we take the! the increase in production has, in | war. In the second place, insofar as ! the increase in production goes be- | istic of the increase in industry. All {such increase in industrial produc- tion, based upon war preparations and upon inflationary, speculative markets, in no way contributes to a stabilizing of capitalism, jn no way indicates that the bottom of the crisis has been reached. It only marks the passing of the crisis into new forms. The crisis no longer can be measured by economic indices, but has taken on political forms. | This is the analysis which we made already last summer of the signifi- cance of the Roosevelt New Deal, at the time of our Extraordinary Party | Conference. It has been proved cor- |reet for the whole world situation. | Tt is not necessary for us to go over all that ground again, especially in view of the fact that experience since Jast July, when our Extraor- dinary Party Conference met, has completely confirmed our analysis. We have nothing to correct in the analysis that we made and we have very little to add to it. Certain new features have come forward in the New Deal since our Extraordinary Party conference, which are further developments of the basic trends that we pointed cut at that time. There / is a much more concrete and rapid | development of the inflationary program, there is an enormous ex- pansion of the program of direct financial help to the giants of mon- opoly capitalism, even beyond any- thing that we envisaged at that time. The new budget that was just presented to Congress by Roosevelt. carries these policies so far that if anyone had predicted such a develop- ment six months ago, it would have seemed impossible, but now these facts are accented as quite normal and everyday factors along with the tremendous tempo with which the crisis is developing, Roosevelt has developed much sharper and drastically the policy | Which we pointed out at that time i of cutting off unemployed relief, sub- stituting of relief with forced labor projects, and so-called Public Works which are not Public Works, and complete rejection of any and every form of unemployment insv~.ace. All these latest developments of the | New Deal are merely the logical out- growth and development of the basic features which we analyzed at the Extraordinary Party Conference. They are all concrete examples of the general signifieance of the de- ‘These things have brought about {it is being consciously prepared by @ changed relation in world politics|the Roosevelt administration, not and in view of the extreme sharpen-|only for military duties, but for ing within the imperialist camp, the| directing and running the entire necessity of re-groupings in the impe- | country in evi phase of life. Mr. rialist camp, created the possibility | Woodring sa) the army “is our for the Soviet Union to strengthen | secret against chaos. its international position by utilizing some of these imperialist contradictions. Does this in any way indicate any change in the basic direction of American policies? By no means. It indicates a certain chahge in the imperialist relations at the moment, a sharpening in the first place of the struggle between | the United States and Britain, a struggle which for the past few years has been conducted in South Amer- ica in an armed struggle between the puppets of the two imperialist powers, and with the development of | the eurrency war, becomes sharpened in every field where the two powers come face to face. At the same time it indicates the further sharpening of the contradictions between the United States and Japan due to the tremendous expansions of the Ja- Panese monopolistic control of the Far Eastern markets at the expense, in the first place, of the United States, but also of England. It also reflects the fact that in the im- mediate preparations for war the other imperialist powers are more ready than the United States, that the United States needs more time for maneuvering for position before | the outbreck of the general con- flagration. Furthermore, it reflects, as one of the basic strategic situa- tions of American imperialism, that American imperialism jis playing for time as a factor weakening its enemies, figuring that the further development of the crisis will strike Japan and Great Britain harder than the United States, ican imperialist policy on all the main objectives of the drift towards war; and it is especially valuable for us at this time that we have a good statement of this fact from one of the leading figures in the American government itself. have called my attention to the is- sue of “Liberty” for Jan. 6. In it, there {s an article by Harry H. Woodring, the Assistant Secretary of | ‘The comrades | | That is, if the army were not so | well prepared, there would be chaos jin the United States, or the im- mediate threat of chaos. This should be a very good answer to those who jthink that the policies of the New Deal are already stabilizing condi- tions in the United States. Condi- tions cannot be very stable when the jarmy stands as the main insurance against chaos in the country. He | Says: | “Let me speak frankly: If this country should be threatened with foreign war, economic chaos, or social revolution, the Army has the training, the experience, the or- ganization, and the men to sapport the government and direct the country in the national interest.” In this quotation he starts out with | the word “if,” but later on, he shows | that this “if” is not a very important |word for him, because he declares | directly that this same insurance is |not against some general possibility that exists, but against an imminent danger that the country faces. He says in describing the Army: “It is escentiatly a self-contained nation within the nation, an authority able to work independ- ently of the political and business | conditions of the country, under the constitutional Commander-in- Chief, the President, assisted by the Secretary of War...” “.. . the Army is standing by loyally, ready and able not only te support the constuted authority, | but to organize the life of the coun- There is no reorientation of Amer- | try se as to defend the people from starvation and disorder.” This is the program of the army today, it is the preparation for the militarization of the entire country from top to bottom — the economic and social life of the country, With regard to the industries of the coun- try, Mr. Woodring describes the preparations for industrial mobiliza- tion as looking beyond the scope of Wer Department activities, as in- War in the Roosevelt government. { cluding all plans requisite to govern- This article is entitled “The Amer- ican Army Stands Ready.” I am go- ing to make some extended quota- tions from this article. I do this be- cause it seems that Mr. Woodring must have been reading our thesis. He states completely the program of the Roosevelt administration as we have been describing it for the past eight, nine months. The thesis of the article is that the American army 4s the bulwark against social disorder and revolution at this moment, that ment supervision and coordination of industry, transportation, labor, finance and similar matters in time of national emergency. Every fac- tory in the country has its particular place in the plan, every factory in the country is a part of the war machine already engaged in this ap- paratus in such a way that the prac-. tical control and direction of indus- trial production can overnight be in the hands of the general staff of the Army. NEW DEAL SHOWS ARMY FOR TESTING ITS MACHINERY | van | Of equal significance is the method by which, in the first stages of the New Deal, the Army has carried through the testing of its machinery, You will remember how indignantly the liberals and socialists met our accusation that the reforestation camps were measures of militariza~ tion. Mr. Woodring makes no bones about it, He says: velopments within capitalism all over the world. SHIFTING OF IMPERIALIST RELATIONS SHOWS SHARPER WAR DANGER The United States occupies no “ex- ceptional” position, except that in many respects it represents the sharpest expression of all these tendencies of capitalist development throughout the world, that in many features it leads in a development of these policies for the rest of the world. But in the character of the measures that are adopted, in the direction of development and in the significance of these features as the passing over of the crisis into new and sharper the world situation applies exactly the same to the United States as to the other capitalist countries. Es- pecially is this true with regard to foreign policy, that is, war prepara~ tions. It is true, only in a lesser degree, with regard to the fascization of the political life within the country. These two main features of world development, fascism and war, are developing in the United States as in other sections of the capitalist world, There are ine toe ae not only among the masses, even within our own ranks, that the de- velopment by Roosevelt to a certain ternational questions, brings a cer- tain pacifist trend into American foreign policy. These illusions, more or less, crystallize around the inter- pretation of the recognition of the Soviet Union as an effort towards peace on the part of the United tic Party a to overcome this hesitation to take) States Government. forms, the analysis of | past extent of new attitudes to some in-|in the war of intervention against the Soviet a by the whole imperialist world, emphasize again what we said in the general section of the report about the meaning of the diplomatic vic- tories of the Soviet Union in The Soviet Union has become doubly strong; first of all, upon the basis of consolidating the ive farming, the ture the of 3 and second, by no means unim- portant, the tremendous a Red Army upon the successful industrialization, so that the Soviet Union can adequately de- tend itself in @ military way. skill that when they return home they could be leaders in recrea- tional programs among their own peeple. I should like to see them organize athletic associations like the German Turnvereins and the ecor| of — 5 |, Europe, which we resul| raising the physi- | cal standards of our entire popn- “The lessons which the army has learned from this experience will in themselves prove invaln- able. Our young officers are re- practical leader- ship; the army’s traditional ‘hard- boiled’ theories of discipline have had to be discarded in favor of force of o and natural leadership. “The result in the American army of the future will ho hetter morale and better relations between officers and men, “T believe, however, that of far greater importance at this time are the stabilizing effects that the car- rying out of the program will exert upon the moral and secial struc- | ture of the whole country, “In my opinion, next year the | individual €.C.C. set-up should be eliminated in the interest of econ- omy and efficiency and the whole In these few quotations you have every feature of the fascist for the internal polly States as a part of the preparations for international war, the complete fascization of the inner life by the war machinery of the country—and this is not from the thesis of the 13th Plenum of the Communist In- ternational at Moscow. Neither- is this an editorial from the Worker. Let me remind you that this ee wee Bae a Secre- ry of War, Mr. 4, Woodring, former Governor of the State of Kansas. (Continged on Page ®