The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 27, 1934, Page 5

GT ith i tor industrial nions reflects ‘enk and file. nh mass solidar- | ty. The rank and ie correctly feel (hat craft unionism merely earmarks them for the muicting for which the A. F, of L. leaders are so well and o thoroughly hated. Most of the 300,000 have never be- | fore been organized. Some of them | have turned company unions into in- | dependent unions, throwing out the company “officials” and electing their} own. All through the country, the) A. F. of L. special conference showed, workers are reaching out for organ- ization, Their eagerness for it has increased in direct proportion to their disillusionment with the National Re- covery Act. No sooner were they or- ganized in federal unions than they | decided to form industrial unions. They objected to being split into hun-| dreds of craft divisions. | ‘The international craft union labor | fakers of the A. F. of L. thereupon protested against the whole federal | union movement, insisting that they should go in and collect the per capita dues. In response, the A. F. of L, heads recently refused to grant} federal union charters. The decision of the conference was to let a hot subject severely alone except for the announcement that federal charters are again to be issued. Bpt on the other hand, craft unions were guar- anteed the right to claim member- ship out of the newly-formed plant unions in the various basic industries. Ce aie Ae: adding insult to injury, Mat- thew Woll, notorious racketeering third vice-president of the A. F. of L. and chairman of the committee that side-stepped the industrial union question, joined Green in garlanding the discredited N.R.A. with new flow- ers, Green even going so far as to dip into the well of Wilsonian dema- gogy to describe the N.R.A. as “the inspiration of a new freedom.” The Woll Committee recommended continued existence of international eraft unions side by side with the national and federal union, advising that the resulting fight for per capita dues should be “accepted in the spirit of tolerance.” Woll sang out in his best pulpit tones that the executive council of the A. F. of L., “contrary to a common belief, does not desire to dictate the form of organization that shall prevail among wage earn- crs,” and that wherever a “temporary infraction of the rights of national end international unions may be in- volved,” they should “adjust such dif- ficulties in the spirit of taking full advantage of the immediate situa- tion.” In other words, he hoped that the competition for expensive initia- tion fees would be settled to the sat- istaction of all concerned, eee (Bisse @ member of the strike- breaking National Labor Board, took advantage of his chairmanship of Seymour Waldman Soviet Films . . on satety. non-burnable stock for organi- zations, clubs, I.W.O. branches Now Available at a Low Rental Rate No fire permit needed — These { WALL STREET’S | Starving War Vets 26.—The diamond-fingered bureaucracy | Leyin, Vet's I the conference to deliver a demagogi: ‘hn in support of the N.R.A.—de- his recent published admission under the N.R.A. the overwhelm- ing majority of workers have suffered ® lowering of living standards. Said Billy Green: “Under the inspiration of the Na- fact, | tional Recovery Act men and women| The hearing, on demands never organized want to be organ- ized. It is the inspiration of the new freedom. - There is indeed need of organizing if the workers are to enjoy all their rights and privileges under the N.R.A. The A. F. of L. has always followed a flexible pro- j cedure... . The A. F. of L. can run parallel to the federal and interna- ticnal union.” Throwing a bouquet to his fellow | strike-breaker and co-signer of the | suber anti-labor “merit” clause in the auto code, John L. Lewis, head of the United Mine Workers of America, | Green declared that the committee Teport maintains “the autonomous rights accorded the U. M. W. A's right to organize the unorganized workers into that great union.” And ignoring his own admissions of the low standard of living forced on most of the workers riveted to N. R, A. codes, Green thundered with hypo- critical self-righteousness: “I can conceive of no greater service than to help workers and lift their stand- ard of living to a higher level. (A. F. of L. leaders “lift” workers up, while leaders of such unions as the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union fight side by side with the workers— S. W.). Our policy should be suf- ficiently flexible to bring in the ten million workers not in national or in- ternational unions so that they and their families may enjoy the pri- A.” Such as being shot down by cor- poration and state police when strik- ing for a bare existence. Green wound up with arms waving around the promise to seek federal legislation outlawing the “fostering or forming” of a company union —an obvious maneuver to keep workers chained to the starvation codes of the N.R. A, Cees Mie 3 TEL TOBIN, head of the inter- national union of Teamsters, Helpers and Chauffeurs, who was in- strumental in breaking the recent Philadelphia transit strike, also sup- ported the N. R. A. and the commit- tee report. “I don't want to change the system that has done so much for our people,” said Tobin officiously. “There isn’t any labor movement that compares with the A. F. of L. This hew movement among the young men for industrialization—now the Ger- man labor movement, perhaps the strongest of all, was destroyed by the industrial movement.” Yes, Tobin actually uttered this brothers of the A. F. of L. leaders Played star parts in paving the way for the murderous cur, Hitler. “Can anyone deny,” Tobin con- tinued, “that things aren’t better than they were & year ago? I’m not dis- couraged. On the contrary I have more hope than I’ve had during the Jast four years . . . I think we have laid the foundation for a new day.” Just as the conference ended, Joseph Schlossberg, secretary of the Amalgamated Clothing workers af America, toadied up to Green, and sald: “This is the first conference of the A. F. of L. I've ever attended. I want to congratulate you. It was a splendid conference.” Whereupon Green graciously replied: “I’m very glad to have you here, Brother Schlossberg, and I hope you'll be here many, Many more times. Yes. this has been & splendid conference.” The “brothers” clasped hands, That's the kind of a conference it was, Senators Are Told. vileges guaranteed under the N. R.| Driven to Suicide, zader, to Place Demands in Congress Today (Daily Worker Washington Bureau | WASHINGTON, Jan. 26. jhave driven more Spanish-An war veterans to realize,” e the Spanish W: tion, asserted today before Subcommittee on Approprie | for in- creased ex-soldicr benefits from the government, was filled with the testi mony of Rice Hayes, National Comn |American Legion. The |Servicemen’s League Emanuel Levin, and of Edward representative, and other veteran spokesmen scheduled to speak today, | ¥# |were not given the floor and told to i¢ back tomorrow, The hearing continue until all are heard, the ‘ormmittee chairman said. Rice, a former United States Sen- ator from Colorado, made the state- iment of suicides in pleading merely |for a resumption of the practice that |Spanish-American war veterans’ dis- jabilities are due to their service. This presumption of service-connection— which is required before compensa- tion is given—was revoked by the Roosevelt economy act, Rice quoted a member of Congress as saying recently that in Massachu- setts alone 37 Spanish-American vet- jerens committed suicide. It was the result, Rice said, of the men being destitute. Neither Rice nor Hayes demanded anything on behalf of their member- ship beyond some of the benefits tak- en away by the economy act. Hayes, in fact, stressed his efforts to “figure things out fairly for the government and for the men,” and added: “We (the American Legion leadership) \have been crucified in public opinion and we don’t want it justified.” What he referred to as““public opinion,” ap- com | will ling against. all veterans’ benefits, Hayes didn’t mention the “public opinion” of rank and file veterans| who decry the conservatism and red-| oat habits of the Legion official- om. NRA Aid Reveals . Anti-Strike Plan | Says Labor Board Would Smash Strikes chief aim of the Roos Policies is to break strikes and re- ; duce still further the livi ard | of the Ametican working class was ‘unwittingly revealed yesterday by no lying drivel in the teeth of world-| 15s 4 personage than Pierre S. du) wide knowledge that the German’ Pont, chairman of the Industrial Ad-| | Visory Board of the N. R. A. “I feel that the result of the | National Labor Board's efforts will | | do away with strikes,” du Pont | blurted out to the considerable ap- | plause of a group of manufactur- | ers, members of the strike breaking | American Arbitration Association, | at a luncheon at the Hotel Astor | yesterday. | Hailing the strike breaking policy | of the A. F. of L. leaders, whom he referred to as the leaders of labor, du Pont said that “the Recovery Aci | has provided an opportunity to deal with strikes the way labor (the A. F. of L. leadership) want to deal with them, so eventually strikes will disappear.” Have you sent your contribution to the fund to finance the National | Convention Against Unemployment | to the National Commitice, Un- employed Council, 80 East ith St., New York City? films can be shown in any Clubroom or home For further information write to: GARRISON FILM DISTRIBUTORS, INC. 729 Seventh Ave, N. Y. C. BRyant 9-2963 | | | | UNION OF Soviet Sociatist Republics 7% . GOLD Bonns 0 Interest Payable Quarter! The Chase National Bank of New vom OFFER om Safety: Throughoutthe sixteonyears of its existence the U.S.S.R. has unfail- ingly met all its financial obligations. Gold Stability: the bonds are issued in denominations of 100 gold roubles, at a price of par—100 gold Bs MILTON HOWARD Now that even the most hard- bitten, reactionary can no longer deny the immense economic victories which have been achieved by the Proletarian Dictatorship of the Soy- iet Union, those who wish to preserve capitalist exploitation are turning to new methods of blinding the eyes of the workers to the meaning of these victories. What is there about the Soviet system of government that permits the workers and farmers of the Sov- jet Union to march steadily forward to higher levels of living, while the roubles—-and accrued inieresi. (A gold rouble coniains 0.774234 grams of pure gold.) Principal and interest payments are based upon this fixed quantily of gold, payable in American currency at the prevailing rate of exchange. Obviously, this provision offers prolec- Hon against loss resulting from possible farther deprociation in the dollar. Market: Tho Siaie Bank of tho U.S.S.R. will repurchase these bonds on demand of ihe holder at any timo after one year from date of purchase, at par and aceried inierest, Descriptive Circular D-8 on request SOVIET AMERICAN | mind as one reads the leading edi- torial in last week's issue of “Labor,” SECURITIES CORP. Soa ficial organ of the big Railroad 30 Broad Sireet New York: The = What stands in the way of a speedy end of the crisis and the abolition of unemployment and starvation amid plenty? These questions are fundamental. That is why the defenders of capi- talist exploitation are now exercising all their energy and zeal to confuse the minds of the American workers to the true answers. For the cor- rect answering of these questions Railroad Chiefs Fear Editors of “Labor” Try to | Revolutionary Way Out of the Crisis by Talk of “Democracy” Keep Workers from the living standards 109 per cent... within the next four or five years ++. This is Communism’s chalienge te capitalism; but it is much more. It is Communism’s challenge to @emoctpcy . . . Democracy and Communism both aim to increase the prosperity of the common man. Democracy secks this result by private initiative; Communism cen- ters everything in the State... Communism does not appeal to American minds, But hunger and cold appeal even less. Russia, starting far below us, has climbed up while we were sinking. Here is a deliberately tangied dis-| tortion of the truth under the guise of seeming frankness, Here we have a peculiar situation. The officials of the Railroad Brother- hoods cannot but admit that the Proletarian Dictatorship of the Soviet Union is doubling the wages of the Soviet workers, while the workers living under capitalism are forced oe deeper poverty and unemploy- me But they are opposed to the Soviet System of government, because “Com- munism does not appeal to American minds.” Whose minds — the mind of the rich stockholder of railroads, or the “rail” who is getting $10 a week, and the 1,000,000 railroad workers who have been flung into the streets | to starve? In the Soviet Union there NEW YORK.—The fact that the| It N. RB. A.| leads straight towarg the revolution- overthrow ary ot and the setting up of a Soviet America! is a job for every railroad worker at rising wages, with social and Un- employment Insurance in case of ac- cidents, sickness or unemployment. The railroad workers themselves or- | ganized in their working class unions determine their wage scales and working conditions. Is there an American railroad DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 27, 1934 Page Five Soviet Concrees Hail We Plan pe ' Jobless Convention frontier. Soviet Woman | | | By VERN SMITH Moscow Correspondent, Daily Worker MOSCOW, USSR, (By Radio) —| |What do the members of the Soviet | parently, was super-reactionary yow-| Congress, the Central Executive Com- | she was eleven years old. She was mittee of the Sovist Union, look like? Who are they? Where do they come | from? What do th i I had the opportunity hes to answer |these questions when I interviewed {some of the delegates to the current | {si sion of the Central Executive Com- | | mittee of the Soviet Union. I’ve seen | ‘our American senators and congress- | |men, machine politicians all, thetr | |relationship to industry solely that | of owners or corporation lawyers, | jbut I had never seen anything like | this. | Woman Weaver on C.E.C. | forelbly | Kol- The cd me when I mrade Posoft last night in the lobby of|«r hated my boss because he robbed | LeMe Seot vient Seer hi eared | me of pennies, of schooling, of every- | gs Salome igs er 100) | thing.” Afi i the Alexieff Wool Mill S. ter the revolution she in Moscow | jand is going back soon as the} of the C, is over, A} meeting of all her constituents—the | workers of the Alexieff Mill—will be called where Kolbosoff will report on the decisions of the Congress. | She will ans questions. make some provosals and start the work of car- | rying out the next year’s plan in| her mill. Wearing felt boots and her she was entirely we talked. Yes, she'd teil me about herself later, but she wanted to tell the Ameri- can workers about her factory right away. “Our shop was closed down by shortages during the civil war, but that cou'dn't stop us. We kers went to the forests and awed wood for fuel and started verations. We had lots of other | trouble, too. Several years ago we | had a bad director but we chucked | him out and got a new one.” | “The food was unsatisfactory,” she | continued, “but desvite the difficulties we tried to fulfill the plan and help | the Soviet tsate. Now”’—here she | r i with pride—“there’s a great m ent. Our food problem is | solved. We natronize a big coilec- | tive farm and own our own garden. | , Naturally, to the “American mind of a Wall Street stockholder, Com- | munism has little appeal. It will] |mean the end of his money bags./ | But to the “American mind” of a| | jebiess railroad worker, the prospect | | of the working class seizing the rail- | roads and all the big means of pro- | | duction, the ousting of the capitalist stockholders, and the setting up of @ workers and farmers government j appeals very much indeed, Whose “Mind.” This talk of an “American mind” is solely for the purpose of cloud-/ ing the essential class difference be- tween the two forms of government. The editors of “Labor” try to ex- plain the difference between the Sov- | iet system of government and the) capitalist as follows—they say: “Com-/| munism centers everything in the) State, capitalist seeks this result by private initiative.” What is the real difference between | the two systems? We could not do, better than quote from Stalin who | gives the best answer to this ques-| tien: | “Why,” he asks, “Is it that the U. S. S. R., in spite of its cultural backwardness, in spite of its lack of capital, in spite of its lack of tezh- nically experienced industrial lead- ers, is in a state of economic expan- sion and has won decisive successes | on the front of economic construc- | tion, while the \foremost capitalist countries, in spite of abundance of capital, their abundance of technical | personnel, ang their higher level of| culture, are in a state of growing economic crisis, and are suffering defeat after defeat in the sphere of economic development?” And it is precisely the enswer that Stalin gives that the editors of “La- bor” are trying so hard to hide from the attention of the workers: “The reason is in the difference worker who is not Willing to fight for these things?” ——™ a of economic systems here and under the capitalists, The reason is the This was the scene as the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union (which is the same as the U. Molotov present the amazing figures of the Second 5-Year Plan and pledge the continued effort of the U.S.S.R, to keep peace on its long From Factory to Congress. Textile Worker Is on Highest U. S. 8. R. Body, Representing Moscow Woolen Mill | our chance to throw the bosses out |was something real and immediate. | Workers committee managing a school Kxample of | S. Congress) heard Premier V. M. Weaver Goes | In Czarist Factory at 11 Kolhossoff has been working in this same factory for twenty-five years, getting her first job in 1908, when too young to understand the issues | behind the first strikes but remem- | bers that her father was blacklisted for striking. Her first knowledge of the meaning of the Bolshevik Revo- lution was through a demonstration at Red Square, which proved to her it was a workers revolution and not @ palace shift in leaders, “That was and free ourselves,” she said. Lived in Barracks “The factory was foreign-owned and the workers’ barracks were like prisons. My room was so small that my child bruised tis face continually.” Her hatred of her former employer went to school, learned to read and write and got the elements of a political education. She moved to a new flat in 1930 and likes the large room for which she and her, husband pay twenty rubles—about ten dollars —a month. Her husband earns 170 rubles monthly, while she averages 150. As a shock-trooper—“udarnik” the Soviet workers call it—she re- ceived premiums four times, “But that isn't my only work,” she smiled. “I’m the chairman of the of 4,000 pupils, considered the second best school in Moscow. Kids of eleven don’t work in textile milis as I did at that age. They go to school and set hot meals, warm clothing and shoes free or at nominal prices.” She sighed happily. “But that’s why there Was @ revolution.” Was she a member of the Com- munist Party? No, she was a can- didate and attending the schoo! for candidates. She'd never been To Open Fight for Social Insurance Bill (Continued from Page Four!) 4 Touchstone of Revolu situation of the army of unemployed; they aim to tie the worker to his job and make him accept any conditions that the employer forces upon him; they are for strikebreaking purposes; they do not solve the problem of seasonal work (which is common in all industries); they make no provi- sion for part time, sickness, accident, old age or maternity. They are being proposed to the workers as “something just as good.” The fight for the Workers Unem- Ployment and Social Insurance Bill, which has been quite weak, must now assume a nationwide character. The By EARL BROWDE! t » true significance of this move? Is it a sincere tempt toward unification of the forces of revolution in America? Or is it cal- culated, rather, to create new confu- sions, new ob: e growth of ? Too Many Parties --- Let’s Build A New One tionary Policy Today Is the Fight Against Fascism be remem gets its demagogic title Workers’ Party.” political though of Muste, however much the present composition and status of the t parties may r. They Make Concessions to Fascism Whoever makes concessions to na- tionalism and chauvinism is betray- ing the working class to fascisi That is precisely the crime of thi : Pg pete gett new teite “American Workers National Convention Against Unem-|® Mass revolutionary party? = t| Party : Ployment in Washington on Feb, 3|, The answer to this a Rois az| Mewes. tabi sa will launch an energetic campaign | be found aor ite aitun: First, what | about the weaknesses and among the unemployed, in the shops, Hiséal oeeeramm on the most| iam” of tho CPUSA. T n n ‘am on the most) 18m” of tho C.P.US.A. Ti unions, fraternal organiza‘ clu f revolutionary} ments are obviously h‘ ete, There must be an intense dis- cussion in all working class organiza- tions on the Workers Bill as compared = 3 with all other bills, and this be the | | roude. beginning of the biggest struggle that Earl Browder this country has ever seen. The| ~ 3 & Situation demands it—the workers want it. The need of unemployment and social insurance has become ciear. NOTE: — The pamphlet “Why the Workers Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill and How It Can Be Won” by I. Amter, National Secre- tary of the Unemployed Councils, may be obtained from the National Unemployed Councils, 80 E. 11th St., Room 437, N. Y. City. The pamphlet goes into detail on the question, analyzing the Workers Bill and all other insurance schemes. Roosevelt Stops CWA Funds, Gives Billions for War (Continued from Page Four) others. All o! bil policy; and second, what is the record General Secretary, Communist | Party, U. 8S. A, ills have in these of practical action of the leadreship common the object of swindling] which thus offers itself to the work- workers out of real unemployment in- ing class? | surance, the shunting of the demand A touchstone of revolutionary policy |for the Workers Unemvloyment In- surance Bill into “harmless” channels where no real unemployment insur- | ance will come to the masses of the| ‘unemployed, The millions of unemployed are} seething with anver at being fired from their C. W. A. jobs. Thousand |have already been fired. with a mi lion more to be fired on Feb, 15. Wages have been cut. The stove: has been introduced eri hi today is the fight against fascism. What is the attitude of Muste and his associates? This is clearest ex-| pressed in relation to the German situation. Muste tries to separate | himself from the discredited German Social-Democracy—but only in order to declare that it is jointly responsible | together with the German Commu- Party for the rise of Hitlerism ie meaning is clear—Muste, the same as his friends the sectarian “So-| Cialist Labor Party” in Germany, re- jects the mass struggle against fas- cism led by the Communist Party and ITs cur from 30 to 24 hours in the cities and to 15 hours in smoler towns, | which mons wage cuts of from 20 Lal national movement. The convention will demand the immediate enactment of the Workers Unemployment In-| surance Bill. The demands for the C. W. A. workers include: No more firing on| C. W. A. jobs, every fired worker to be at once re-instated. Full trade union wages for all C. W. A. work: jincluding time lost after being fired. Immediate adequate relief for all fired C. W. A. workers. International in action while cover- Committees of action should im-| ing it up with high-sounding revolu-| mediately be set up on all C. W. A.| tionary phrases. jobs, mass demonstrations should be| Miuste rejects the possibility of an/ organized before the city halls, and| international working class party.! at C. W. A. bureaus, for these de-; That is why he stresses “American” | mands, City-wide actions of both em-/ in the name of his new infant party. ployed and unemployed organizations! He steals the honorable name used | should be organized. Rush telegrams | in this country for years by the Com-| |of protest of the C. W. A. workers! munist Party (Workers Party of Am-| to Washington, to Congress and the) erica) and by transposition of words formula to the U.S.A. and every other) country. Of the Socalist and Co. munist Parties, “nationally and it ternationally,” he says, “Neither has} established nor can establish its claim to revolutionary leadership.” All his| political arguments to 2 are shameless}; redit from the counter-revolutionary | | Their essence in each case | is to retain the line of the Second in the iower Soviets but was elect- od directly to the All-Union Con- stress, by which body shs was se- ‘octed for the Central Executive | Committee. She butt comrade! American workers,” bankruptcy of the capitalist system of economy.” The Soviet System of Government. | The editors of “Labor” cannot but | admit that the Proletarian dictator- ship in the Soviet Union is going | economically upward, bringing ever rising standards of living to the work-| ers and farmers. But they are care- ful not to draw the political lesson | of this. It is that the Soviet sys-| tem of government where power is in| the hands of the workers, is supe-/ rior to the capitalist system, where power is in the hands of the own- ers of industry, the capitalist class. | What is the Soviet system of econ- omy? Stalin again has given us the/ best. answer: “The Soviet system of economy means: 1. That the power of the capi- talist class has been overthrown and has been replaced by the power of the working class, 2. The tools and means of pro- duction, the land, factories, works, ete., have been taken away from the capitalists, and handed over to the working class and the peas- antry. 3. The development of produc- tion is subordinated, not to the principle of competition and safe- guarding capitalist profit, but to the principle of planned guidance and systematic improvement of the material and cultural level of the toilers. 5.6 4. The working class is master of the country, working not for cap- italists, but for its own class,” It is clear that under such a sys- tem the workers have infinitely more democracy than they can ever have | under capitalist democracy, which is | nothing but the mask for the Wall | Street dictatorship, | What then are the essentials of| | the capitalist system under which we are now living? Stalin answers: “The capitalist system of economy i { | “ : | ir : his 70} Give Pa taste oe % | THE WORFRS UNEMPLOYMENT | who in words maintained at least the|C. P. U. S. A. is loxked unon br Soviet Union on U.S. Workers 2 QUEENA White House. ©. W. A. workers/ makes it a nationalist party instead should at once elect delegates to the | of a national section of an interna- | Unemployed Convention. | tional organization. This is a conces- DEMAND JOBS OR RELIEF FOR/ sion to chauvinism, a distinctly | | ALL UNEMPLOYED! cial-fascist program which goes be-| DEMAND THE ENACTMENT OF} yond even that of Morris Hillquit,| | INSURANCE BIL™! | fiction of internationalism, It must | Admit Soviet System Gives Workers Higher Well- Being; Defend Wall Street Capitalist | Would we still be “sectarian” if we polled five million votes in the eleo- tions? But he finds r for the same sland against the Ge But American sectarianism! what.a howling joke it becomes to think of Muste and his “Party” as the cor- rective. As a result of its leadership of struggle of the workers, the C. P U. S. A. has 23,000 members who pay dues every week of 2 per cent of their income, and actively lead mass or- ganizations embracing 500,000 mem- bers; it has a newspaper press of 220,000 circulation in 22 languages, of which nine are daily papers, includ- ing the Daily Worker, the ONLY English language workers’ daily in America; it prints books and pam- phlets which circulate every year in millions of copies. And this is the Party which Muste, with his aggrega- tion of remnants of m cts, not one of which can stand on its own feet, accuses of “sectarianism”! Yes, we criticize ourselves for not growing fast enough, for not having @ party ten times as big—but compared with Muste, we are already a real mass movement of American A Division of Third Party And who are th call upon the workers “new revolutionary part @ minister of the churc! a “call” to “go to the peopl \- man (Salutsky) is 2 rea!politiker of the Hillman machine which rules the Amalgamated Clothing Worker: true A. F. the of L. style. Hi Communist Part against the Party poli the policy of Hillman, has occupied a comfortable Their most vocal sup) their own small group, is 50 per cent. | supports the theory of the “lesser| Trotskyite sect, e will The nal Convention Against | evil” under which the Social Democ-| carry them to land Unemployment on Feb. 3, in Wash-| racy voted for Hindenburg and in-!of a “Fourth hich ington, will organize this mess re-| ducted Hitler into power. Muste is|is really a orna- sentment of the unemployed into a! quite impartial in applying this| tional. The Muste party is only ized subdivision of the larg party movement” which spoken of as a “Farmer-Lobor Party” tendency. It arises out of the weak- ness and bank: Party, which can the radicalizing wo. expedient to keep going over to the C —the only really rev: This effort to form a “third party — of capitalism — a Farmer-Labor Party, brings together a large aqgre- gation of which Muste’s grouplet is not the largest. But their only bond of unity is their hatred and fear of the Communist Party. Their iy common ideas are nders against Communism. They rise to new activity today, not because of the Communist Party esses, hut on the contrary y because the C..P, is ravidly ex ng its influence over greater masses, is rooting itself among the American workers in the basic industries. This growth of the gent'emen as the “greatest ev they bestir themselves with their most important task, to stop this growth by anv and all means. Well, this is a free country—for social-fascists! So let them form their “party” as rapidly as may b; But there is no reason why any workers should be fooled into pa: pation in the new effort to divide the workers There is no reason to beli pleas that it is “just as good” as th H 7 | Communist Party while “costing less Dictatorship jin self-sacrificing revolutionary AGRA F ‘ | labors. ueans millionaire railroad stockholders are| 1, That power in the country be- longs to the capiatiists. 2 The tools and means of pro- duction are concentrated in the hands of the exploiters. 3. Production is subordinated not to the principle of improving ‘he material position of the toilers, out to the principle of safeguard- ing high capitalist profits. 4. The working class is an ex- ploited class, working not for itself, but for an alien class, the class of capitalist exploiters.” “equal” under capitalist democracy.| They both have the right, say the/ ; editors of “Labor” to their “private | | initiative.” But the multi-million- | j aire stockholder, together with his | class. Owns and controls the news- | papers, the courts, and the govern- ment. Under such conditions, talk of democracy is a fraud. The American workers will have| | true democracy only when they es- | tablish a Soviet America, an Amer- | ica without a capitalist class, when they set up their own Proletarian It is obvious, and every worker can! democracy, @ democracy for those learn it from his experience that, un-| who toil, and a dictatorship against | der such a system there can be no/ those who exploit. | real democracy for the millions who| It is not difficult to see what the | possess nothing but their labor power,| main point of the “Labor” edi- | while the capitalists own the means| torial is. The labor fakers who ran | of production, a a aware that bia aor yeu arrowing crisis, the workers The ams ace ai Tee the country are beginning to com- pare the two systems, the Soviet | system and the capitalist system. Tt ts these essential political dif-| | ‘They compare the tremendous vic- _ ferences between the Soviet Union end capitalist systems that the ed-| itors of “Labor,” faithful to the in-) terests of the big railroad stockhold- ers, whose dividends they recently helped to swell through the signing of the 10 per cent Chicago wage cut, | are striving to hide from the rail-| Toad workers. i ‘When the editors of “Labor” seek) to establish a choice between Com-) munism and “democracy” they are! tories of the Five-Year Plan with the terrific decline in United States oroduction, they are comparing the omployment in the Soviet Union and the terrific joblessness in this country. It is to keep the workers’ faith in the soundness of the capitalist system that is the main purpose of the editors of “Labor.” It is the fear that the workers will take the | It is true there are too mi ties among the working clas: fuste gives only one more which must be thrown into the waste-basket of his- tory along the road to real unity of the working class. That road to real unity and victory was shown by Lenin. The only party of Lenin is the Communist Party. i FRIENDS. yu GG RELATIVES, | | YOUR GIFT OF | A TORGSIN ORDER will enable them to buy do- mestic or imported articles at the TORGSIN STORES, lo- cated in every city of the Soviet Union. Orders promptly executed. Prices in the Torg- sin Stores compare favorably with those in the United States merely striving to keep the railroad workers blind to the essential fact that under capitalism, where the means of production are in the hands of a small, powerful, owning class of road of proletarian revolution that haunts the minds of wage-cutting labor fakers of the Brotherhoods. But to do this, they must first overthrow and destroy the capitalist racy for the vast millions who have) tion. The purpose of the editors of} nothing but their labor-power for; “Labor” is to protect capitalist pri- sale, that capitalist democracy is a vate property with deliberate confu- fraud, calculated to conceal the Wall| sion of the difference between the capitalists, there can be no 0 have | state through a proletarian revolu- For orders on local ‘Torgsin spply to your bank or authorized agent Street capitalist dictatorship. The Jobless ‘rail* ang the sulii- advancing Soviet economy and the decaying copitolist system, \ |