The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 20, 1934, Page 5

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, J/ ARY 2, 1934 Page Five | LENIN, THE “MOUNTAIN EAGLE,” GENIUS OF REVOLUTION ‘ Simplicity, Modesty a Fe By JOSEPH STALIN The following speech was de- livered by Comrade Stalin at a ms 1 evening of Kremlin Mili- students, Jan. 28, 1924, seven after Lenin’s death, rades, I was told that you here arranged an evening of re- ices of Lenin, and that I have n invited as one of the speakers. | 1me that there is no need to de- r a set speech on Lenin’s activities. I think it uld be better for me to confine myself to communicating a few facts Which indicate certain of public worker. ature that Helped Him Become Leader of theVery “Rank and File” of Humanity tive. I remember many of the dele-| gates saying: “The logic in Lenin’s Speeches can be compared to all| powerful tentacles which seize one in their grip on all sides and from the| embrace of which it is impossible to | release oneself: either surrender or} make up your mind to be utterly| | crushed.” | I think that this peculiar feature | of Lenin’s speeches represents the | strongest side of this oratorical art. | No Snivelling I met Lenin the second time in 1906, at the Stockholm Congress of | Lenin’s peculiarities as a man and/our Party. It is well known that at/| Perhaps these facts| this Congress the Bolsheviks were in | y 5 ill not be interconnected, but this| the minority, they were defeated. ‘This | the Peculiar feature in Lenin's char-| ill not interfere seriously with pre-| was the first time I saw Lenin in| ®¢ter that helped him soberly to| gates: “The first thing is, not to be| carried away with victory and not/| to boast; the second thing is, con-| solidate the victory; the third thing is, crush the opponent, because he is only defeated, but not yet crushed by | @ long way.” He poured withering} ridicule on those delegates who frivol- | ously declared that “from now on the| Mensheviks are finished.” It was not} | difficult for him to prove that the| | Mensheviks still had roots in the labor | movement, that they had to be fought | | skillfully, and that over-estimation of | one’s own strength, and particularly | under-estimation of the strength of | the enemy, was to be avoided. | “Not boasting of victory’—this is| senting a general picture of Lenin.| the role of the vanquished. He did| Weigh the forces of the enemy and| At all events, I am unable at present! nci in the least look like those lead- | ensure the Party against to do more than what I have} promised, | I first made the acquaintance of} Lenin in 1903. It is true that this fas not a personal acquaintance, it an acquaintance established by correspondence. But this made an} eradicable impression upon me which has never left me all the time I have been working for the Party. At that time I was in exile in Siberia. My introduction to the revolutionary a of Lenin at the end of the nineties, and especially after 1901, after the publication of Iskra, con- vinced me that Lenin was a man out of the ry. At that time I did not regard him merely as the leader of the Party, but as, practica creator, because he alone under- stood the internal substance and the urgent needs of the Party. Whenever I compared him with the other leaders of our Party it always seemed to me that Lenin’s comrades- in-arms—Plekhanov, Martov, Axelrod | and others—were a head shorter than | , that compared with them| was not merely one of the| but a leader of a superior type, a mountain eagle, who knew no fear in the struggle, and who boldly | Jed the Party forward along the un-| explored paths of the Russian revolu- | tionary movement. This impression | was so deeply ingrained in my mind that I felt that I must write about him to one of my intimate friends who was then in exile abroad, and to ask him to give me his opinion | of Lenin. | After a short time, when I was al-| Teady in exile in Siberia, this was at the end of 1903, I received an en- thusiastic letter from my friend and a simple, but very profund letter from Lenin, to whom it appears, my friend had communicated my letter. Lenin’s fearless criticism of the practical work of our Party, and a remarkably clear and concise outline of a whole dlan of work of the Party for the} unmediate period. Lenin alone was} able to write about the most com- plicated things so simply and clearly, | 80 concisely and boldly—so that every e ts sentence seems, not to speak, but to| earnestly impressing upon the dele-'and defeated forces of the Party with ring out like a shot.’ This simple and bold letter still more strengthened me } in my opinion that in Lenin we had the mountain eagle of our Party. I) cannot forgive myself for having) burnt Lenin's letter as I did many) others, as is the habit of an old un-| derground worker. | From that time my acquaintance | 2 began. | | | w Modest. ers who snivel and become despondent after defeat. On the contrary, defeat transformed Lenin into a congelation of energy, who inspired his adherents with courage-for fresh battles and, for future victory. I said that Lenin was defeated. But what sort of a defeat was it? You should have seen Lenin’s opponents, the victors of Stockho.m —Plekhanov, Axelrod, Martov and the others; they did not in the least look like real victors, because, in his ruth- less criticism of Menshevism, Lenin, so to speak, did not leave a sound place on their bodies. I remember the Bolshevik delegates gathering together in a small crowd gazing at Lenin and asking him for ’:| advice. In the conversation of some of the delegates one detected a note of weariness and depression. I re- member Lenin, in reply to such talk, sharply saying through his clenched teeth: “No snivelling, Comrades, we shall certainly win, because we are right.” Hatred for snivelling intel- lectuals, confidence in one’s own strength, confidence in victory — that is what Lenin talked to us about at | that time. One felt that the defeat ot the Bolsheviks was a temporary one, that the Bolsheviks must be vic- torious in the near future, “No snivelling in the event of de- | in the Party, the period of the whole- astonishing patience and unparalleled | termined This is the peculiar feature | sale desertion of the Party, not only, pers |in the activities of Lenin that helped | by the intellectuals, but partly also’ sundry anti-P; |him to rally around himself an army |py the workers, the period when un-| that was faithful to the last and had’ derground work was repudiated, the feat.” confidence in its strength. No Boasting At the next Congress, in 1907, in | London, the Bolsheviks were the vic-| movement. It is well known that it | tors. I then saw Lenin for the first | was precisely at this time that the | was at its hei time in the role of victor. Usually, victory turns ordinary leaders’ heads, makes them proud and boastful. Most their laurels. But Lenin was not in the least like such leaders. On the contrary, it is precisely after victory that he became particularly vigilant, on the alert. I remember Lenin at that time possible | | surprises, | Principle | Party leaders cannot but prize the} opinion of the majority of their party. | The majority is a power, which a} leader cannot but take into account. | Lenin understood this not less than| any other Party leader. But Lenin} never allowed himself to become the captive of the majority, especially | when that majority did not have a; basis of principle. There have been| moments in the history of our Party, | when the opinion of the majority, or the transient interests of the Party, ;came into conflict with the funda- |mental interests of the proletariat. | In such cases Lenin without hesita- | ! tion took determinedly his stand in| | the side of principle against the ma- | jority of the Party. Moreover, in| | Such cases, he did not fear to come| out literally alone against all, cal- culating, as he often said, that “a | policy based on principle is the only | correct policy.” The two following facts are par- | ticularly characteristic in this respect. First Fact. The period of 1909-11, when the Party, defeated by the counter-revolution, was undergoing ,; complete disintergration. This was the period of complete lack of faith! | | period of liquidationism and collapse. | Not only Mensheviks, but also Bol- | sheviks at that time represented a| | number of factions and trends, for; | the most part divorced from the labor | |idea arose of completely liquidating | ; the underground organization and of | organizing the workers in a legal,! | frequently, in such cases, they begin | jiberal, Stolypin (Parties that would | the service of the imper: to celebrate their victory and rest on} be permitted by Stolypin, the reac-| respective countri | tionary Prime Minister of Russia in’ | 1906-11—Ed.), | At that time Lenin was the only one who did not give way to the gen- eral mood and who held aloft the Party banner, rallied the scattered | Principle Leader of the World Proletariat Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union st social- ence, fought agai ifism, who trend: Guesdes and | movement half- unparalleled courage hearte: y “revolu- and unprecedented persistence, | tionaries.” Lenin realized that he had It is well known that in this fight! an insigr for the Party principle Lenin later but he d proved victorious. |of decisive imp Second fact. The period of 1914-17,| that the only the lod nm the imperialist war ‘ht, when all, or nearly all, the Social-Democratic and Social- ist parties, giving way to the univer- sal patriotic intoxication, ‘d this as a matter for he knew ‘ect policy which had the policy of for he ple a future before it consistent internationalism, knew that a policy 'd on princi) | was the only correct policy. went into} It is well know that in t of their for a new International Lenin turned out to be the victor. “A policy based on prince | Only correct policy his }mula, with which Lenin st 1 Positions an the best elements of the pr« | the side of revolutionary Mars period when the Se’ 1, when even people like. Plekhanoy, Kautsky, Guesde and others failed to withstand the wave of chauvinism. Lenin at that time was the only one, or almost the only one, who commenced a de- ‘sm. Theoreticians and leaders of parties! ; | who know the hist | of the masse: {the creative abi | aristocratic pose | tions, are destined to break | and build the new. of nations, who have studied t he vards the masses who, din the history of r The fear }elements may break forth, | masses may “break up too much,” the | desire to play the role of nurses who |try to teach the masses from books but who refuse to learn from the masses- ch is the basis of this sort of aritocratic attitude. Lenin represented the very opposite of such leaders. I do not know another | revolutionary who had such profound |confidence in the creative strengt jot the proletariat and in the r | tionary expediency |stincts as Lenin did. olu- its c) in- I do not know who was so able he smug critics tion” and the | chanalis of irre sible actions {of the masses” as Lenin was. I re- ber during a conversation, in re- de by mrade n normal order enin sarcastic- of jmust be establ j ally remarked: people who want to be revolutionaries forget that the most normal kind of order in history is revolutionary 's contempt for all those reiliously’ to look down and to teach them Lenin’s constant urging that we must learn from the tions and carefully study the practical experience of the struggle of the masses, Confidence in the creative power of the mass: is the peculiar fea- s of Lenin which understand the th ture in the activ led him to annels of the proietarian | revolution, The Genius of Revolution | Lenin was born for revolution. He was, in truth, t genius of revolu- mary cut \d a great master revolutionary Ne did he feel so free as in the epoch of revolu- tionary shocks. By that I do not want to say that Lenin equally approved of all revolutionary shocks, or that he master | advecated revolutionary outbreaks at | all times and under all conditions. Not in the least. I want merely to say that never was the profound fore- ht of Lenin revealed so fully and tinctly as during revolutionary out- breaks. In the days of revolutionary uprisings he blossomed out, as it were, became a prophet, foresaw the move- ment of classes and the probable zig- zags of the revolution, saw them like ““Tt is a pity that| masses, try to understand their ac-) movement anf direct it} jthe lines on the palm of his hand. | It was not for nothing that it used t be said in our Party circles 2 “llyich is able to swim in the wave: ion like @ fish in water. e astonishing” clarity of Lenin's tical slogans, the “breat! less” audacity of his revolutionary signs. I remember two pa: acteristic facts which r: culiar feature of Lenin’s. First fact. The period before the October uprising, when millions of workers, peasants and soldiers, lashed by the crisis in the rear and at 1 front, demanded peace and libert: ; when the militarists and the bour- geoisie were preparing for a military | dictatorship in order to pursue the “war to the bitter end’; when the whole of so-called “public opinion,” all the so-called “Socialist parties” were opposed to the Bolsheviks, charged them with being “German spies”; when Kerensky tried, and to some extent succeeded, in driving the Bolshevik Party underground; when the still powerful, disciplined army of the Austro-German coalition confronting our weary and disin- tegrating armies, and when the West European “Socialists” lived in happy alliance with their governments for the purpose of pursuing the “war to final victory”... What did raising a rebellion mean at that time? Raising a rebellion in such circumstances led this pe- Lenin did not fear to take the risk, because he knew, he saw with his prophetic eye, that rebellion was 1: evitable, that rebellion would be vit torious, that rebellion in Russia would prepare for the end of the imperialist war, the rebellion in Russia would arouse the tortured masses of the West, that rebellion in Russia would | transform the imperialist war into civil war, that rebellion would give rise to a republic of Soviets, that a | republic of Soviets would serve as a bulwark for the revolutionary move- ; ment of the whole world. It is well known that Lenin's rev- | olutionary foresight was afterwards confirmed with unprecedented preci- | | sion, | Second fact. During the first days after the October Revolution, when the Council of People’s Commissars tried to compel the mutinous general, | Commander-in-Chief Dukhonin, to cease military operations and open negotiations for a truce with the} Germans, I remember that Lenin, Krylenko (the future Commander-in- |situation was very tense. Dukhonin and the General Staff categorically | refused to carry out the orders of the Council of People’s Commissars, The |army officers were entirely in the) As for) hands of the General Staff. the soldiers, it was impossible to fore- tell whet the twelve million army, With Leninism in Struggle Against Opportunism, Against Class Collaboration CLASS COLLABORATION WAS THE BANN: b By ALEX BITTELMAN y It is well known that Leninism be- nin for the first time in came the only guide of the world rev- Decan 1905, at a conference of/olutionary movement through con- Bolsheviks in Tammerfors (Finland).|stant and merciless struggle against T was looking forward to seeing the} opportunism in all its manifestations. mountain eagle of our Party, the! And it is also well known that the great man, great, not only politically,| struggle against opportunism is a but, if you will, physically, because in| struggle on two fronts: against open my imagination I pictured Lenin as| Right opportunism, the chief danger a@ giant, well built and imposing.|in the present period; and against Imagine my disappointment whén I| opportunism covered with “Left” saw an ordinary man, below average phrases. Since Lenin’s death, this height, in no way, literally in no way,! struggle has been successfully carried to oe guished from ordinary on under the leadership of comrade morials ... . Stalin, the recognized teacher and It is the accepted thing for a “great leader of the world struggle for the man’ to come late to meetings so that dictatorship of the proletariat and for tho other people gathered at the meeting should wait on the tenter-| hooks of expectation for his appear- | ance; and just before the appearance of the great man, the people at the meeting say, “Sh... Silence... He is coming.” This rite seemed to me necessary because it makes an im- pression, it imbues one with respect. Imagine my disappointment when I Jearned that Lenin had arrived 2 the meeting before the delegates, and having ensconced himself in a corner was conversing, holding an ordinary conversation, with the ordinary dele- gates.to the conference. I will not conceal from you that then this seemed to me somewhat of a viola- tion of certain necessary rules. Only later did I realize that this simplicy and modesty of Lenin, this striving to remain unobserved, or at all events, not to make himself prom- inent, not to emphasize his high position — this feature was one of Lenin‘s strongest sides as 4 new leader of new masses, of simple and or- dinary masses, of the very “rank and file” of humanity, Strength of Logic The two speeches that Lenin de- livered at this conference on the political situation and on the agrarian question were most remarkable. Un- fortunately, the reports of them have not been preserved. These were in- spired speeches, which roused the whole conference to an outburst of enthusiasm. Extraordinary power of conviction, simplicity and clarity in argumentation, short sentences in- telligible to all, the absence of posing, the absence of violent gesticulations and high-sounding phrases audience, gradually electrifies it, and then holds the whole audience cap- socialism. But what is opportunism? “The main thing in opportunism,” said Lenin, “is the idea of class collabora- on.” ‘This is true for opportupism throughout the world, but especially so for the United States. Class col- laboration was the banner of Gom- pers and Hiliquit; it ts now the ban- ner of Green and Thomas. And the “Left” opportunists of the Muste- Hardman (Salutzky) variety are merely covering up the rotten-carcass of class collaboration with “Left” phrases in the hope of thereby catch- ing more easily the radicalized work- ers that are moving towards Com- munism. Class Collaboration Class collaboration, naturally, takes on different forms depending upon the state of the class struggle. no matter what its concrete and prac- tical manifestations, class collabora- tion is always a policy of “sacrificing the basic interests of the mass of the Proletariat to the temporary interests of a negligible minority of workers”; it ts a policy of “a union of part of the workers with the bourgeoisie against the mass of the proletariat” (enin). This is precisely the policy of the bureaucracy of the American Federation of Labor and of the So- minority is itself becoming ever smaller in number. The old bureau- But ! ship of the Socialist Party had no oc- ER OF GOMPERS AND HILLQUIT; NOW IT IS THE BANNER OF GREEN AND THOMAS ing the crisis years, been driven down to the position occupied by the mass of the proletariat, both in respect to employment (or unemployment) and conditions of labor. And this process of reducing the entire working class of the U. S. to the standards formerly | occupied by its worst paid and most exploited szc!ions has re eda row | swing with the introduction of the New Deal and the N. R, A. Social Base of Opportunism i sreachery to the working class, Opportunism in the Present Period | In the present epoch, whi class with As a consequence, the social base | of opportunism is becoming ever more narrow and unstable, while the repre- sentatives of opportunism degenerate into a clique of bureaucrats which, ; especially in the trade unions, must resort ever more frequently to fas- cist methods in order to maintain! themselves in the labor movement, In the years of the world imperial- | ist war (1914-18), the opportunists of | the Socialist Parties and of the trade unions carried the idea of class col- laboration to the point of allying themselves with the bourgeoisie to drive the working class into the war, to forestall proletarian revolutions for which Lenin and the Bolsheviks were fighting, and to crush such revolu- tions wherever they break out despite the opportunists. Of this the Ger- man Social-Democracy offers the classic example, But the same was. the policy of the entire Second In- ternational, The bureaucracy of the American Federation of Labor and the leader- casion to crush a proletarian revolu- | tion in the U. S., but they did their utmost to prevent such a revolution | end to dragoon the masses into the war. Opportunism during that period | inevitably led to social-chauvinism and social-patriotism. ‘There were at the time also centrist ; groups in the Second International, U. S., groups that claimed to be free from the opportunism of the open social-chauvinists as well as more “practical” than Lenin and the Bol- sheviks. But what was the actual role of these centrist groups? What was their policy? “Their policy con- sisted in putting on a paint of Left phrases upon the opportunism of the Rights and to subordinate the Lefts to the Rights” (Stalin). That’s why Lenin and the Bolsheviks waged a determined struggle against the cen- trists, while organizing the break with the Rights in the Second Interna- tional and the formation of the Com- munist International. With the fascization of the bour- geoisie, opportunism is underscing a similar process of fascization. That is why we speak now of social-democ- racy and the opportunists in the unions as of social-fasciem and social~ fascists. The (dea of class collabora. tion—the ess: has reached here new depth of | fronts the working ternative, either the the proletariat, opportunism main task in fivhting for the m jtenance of the dictatorship of the} {the A. F. of L. bureaucra from the fact that bourgeois demcracy £ 20) ista the best conditions | for building itself up as the chief social support of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, But social-democracy will not fight for the maintenance of even bourgeois der when th | alternative to it is either fascism or the proletarian revolution. And, in- asmuch as the new stage in the gen- eral crisis of capitalism confronts the | proletariat of the capitalist world ence of opportunis: tor the bourgeoisie or the dic ato ees its | satay |ever more urgently with the alter- porate. 5 B : | Native of elther fascism and war or World social-democracy, which in! the proletarian revolution and the dic- the U. S. is represented chiefly by|tatorship of the proletariat, social- cy and the) democracy chooses the “lesser evil” Socialist Party, would prefer to main-| for itself which is fascism, interven- tion, and imperialist war, This is how “simple and primitive” tain the dictatorship of the bot geoisie by “democratic” means, that is, in a form covered by bourgeois dem- ocracy. These democratic preferences | -!ass collaboration has era into °7 | of social-democracy arise primarily! instrument which Paves the way for fascism and fetters the proletarian class struggle so that it should not be in a position to offer effective resist- latter entered the late world imperial- | ist wer on the side of the American | bourgeoisie upon the outbreak of the! | | meant staking | everything on this one card. But, Chief) and I went to General Military | | Headquarters in Petrograd to speak| | on the direct wire to Dukhonin. The | ance to fascism, | War, but the former are already work- At its very inception in the early | ing hand in glove with the capitalists, nineties of the past century, Lenin | through the N. R. A. and otherwise, | declared mortal war against class col- | in preparation for the coming war.) laboration. The Bolsheviks, first un-| Gompers and Hillquit in the period | | der Lenin and then under Stalin, have | prior to the war of 1914-1918, and be- | | consistently waged this war against ope! pee ie vreseny po t earers of 0} junism, SS » le. e S ee ee eee | consistently adhering to bourgeois | = | democracy. But the same Hillquit af- | At the present moment in the | ter the war, and now Thomas and United States we are continuing this| Green are more or less consistently struggle when we expose the role of | adhering to the “lesser evil,” which is the A. F. of L. bureaucracy and of| fascism, rather than the dictatorship the Socialist Party in putting across of the proletariat, {enforced upon workers. lenk: Chief and the hea the g establish German 50 stro- into the un- as not afraid ent out to mee: the army wanted i win peace and known.” But Le to take this leap; it, for he knew t peace, that it w sweep every obstacle from its path to peace; for he knew t such method of estal ng peace have an effect upon the Au ire for peace on all fronts without exception. It is well known that Lenin’s rev- olutionary foresight on this occasion was also confirmed later with the ut- | most precision. Brilliant foresight, the ability rapid- ly to catch and appreciate the inner sense of impending events—this is the | feature fo Lenin that enabled him to outline the correct strategy and a clear line of conduct of the turning | points of the revolutionary movement | Events in Life of Lenin | April 2, 1870—V. I. Ulyanov (Lerin) |born in Simbirsk, now Ulyanovsk, | capital city of province of same name, His father, I. N. Ulyanov, was ‘head of the public schools of the province. | May 20, 1887—Execution of Alex- ander, Lenin’s older brother, for par- | ietpation in the attempt on the life of Czar Alexander II. August 25, 1887—Matriculates #t | Law Faculty of Kazan University. | Dec. 17, 1887—Arrested with 40 other students of Kazan University ‘or participation in an illegal meet- ing. Dec. 19, 1887—Expelled from the university and banished to live in a village with his grandfather. Feb., 1889—Continues his theoreti- cal studies of Marxism and lect to youth circles of Samara to |his family moved. Petitions Minist of Education for permission to take law examination, which is refused. The minister marked the petition “to jenquire from educational and police | authorities. He is a bad man.” 1893—Writes first work, “New Eco- nomic Tendencies in Peasant Life.” 1894—Actively participates in so- cial-democratic organization. Joins oropagandist group. Teaches in workers’ circles May-September, 1895— Leaves for Switzerland to establish connec with the group “Liberation of Toil. November, 1895—Upon return Russia, cratic organization in Peter: Eq leads in the agitation and propa- | to heads central social-demo- ganda among fectory wi , writes leaflets, contribu: and writes pamphlet de: fines Dec. 20, 1895—Arrested in St. Pe- tevsburg. Feb. 10, 1897--Exiled to Siberia for three years. July 22, 1898—N. K. Krupskaya and Lenin are married. Feb. 11, 1900—Ends exile and re- turns to Euronean Russia. June 3, 1900—Arrested in St. Pe- tersburg, but released after ten days. July 29, 1900—Leaves for Germany to begin publication in Munich of first revolutionary Marxist periodical, che New Deal and the N. R. A, Present Day U. S. Opportunists Green and Thomas are going Gom- pers and Hillquit one better. The | 1 Gans Funeral Dincsiion an Jan. 21, 1924 Muste & Company wish to be e- garded as something very different |from Green and Thomas. But the Communist Party has warned the working class followers of this move- ment that it can be nothing else but a “Left” cover for Green and Thomas. | And so it is. On the trade unoin field, whether in the A. F. L. or outside of it, Musteism is leading everywhere to a strengthening of the Green bureau- cracy or elements similar to it. be building up on the trade union red” as the T. U. U. L. Musteism helps to demoralize and weaken the proletarian militants that fall under its influence, stopping their struggle against Green half-way and thus working directly for Green and such like, On the question of a working class political party, Musteism claims to be | working for a party that would be free from the opportunism of the Social- Communist Party. For this purpose, Muste and one of the sleekest op- portunists in the labor movement, Salutzky-Hardman, have formed the “American Workers Party.’ In prac- tice—if not effectively combatted by the Communists—this can werk out only in one way: to strengthen the capitalist tactics of “red scare,” to help the bourgeoisie drive a wedge between the native and foreign-born workers, to weaken the movement of the radicalized workers toward Com- munism, and to reestablish the op- the cover of “Left” phrases. It is either Communism or oppor- tunism, Anything that claims to be standing in between, like the Muste- Salutzky “American Party,” is oppor- tunism dressed in “Left” phrases. And this is the most dangerous form of opportunism becouse it is most deceit- ful for the insufficiently trained radi- calized worker. For this reason the exposure of Musteism as “Left” social- fascism is of the greatest importance for the development of the clasc + otruggle in the United States, Theoretically, Musteism claims to| field something that would be free of | the Green cpportunism and “not so) In practice, | di ist Party and “not so red” as the | ~ portunist influence among them under | the “Iskra.” July to August, 1903—Participates at Second Congress of Sociz]-Demo- cratic Party, where the split between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks took vlace, with Lertn as leader of the *ormer. Nov. 20, 1905—Prturns te SF Pa. ‘ersburg during the first Russian Revolution. August, 1914—Outbreak of war finds Lenin in Galicia, where he had gone to be nearer to Russia. Arrested and deported. April 16, 1917—Arrives in Petrograd and fs received at the station by large delegations of workers and sol- ers. April-May, 1917—Attends Bolshe- | vik Conference, at which his pro- gram and policies regarding the Rus- sian Revolution are accented. July-November, 1917—Lives in hid- |{ng, moving from place to place, but | Keeps in constant touch with Bolshe- vik leaders. Writes for the Party | Press and to the Central Committee | urging preparation for armed upris- | ing. Nov. 6, 1917—Returns disguised to Smotny Institute. heatiouarters of | the Bolshevik Party, and assumes di- rect leadershin of final preparations for armed unrising. | Nov. 7, 1917—Kerensky government | overthrown, and power passes into | the hands of the Soviets. Soviet gov- ernment organized with Lenin as chairman of Council of People’s Commissars. August 30, 1918—Attempt on his ‘ife made by member of the Social- *st-Revelutior Party. The wound inflicted by a serious, he: mass of © 3 | Decsmber 1919—First illness. May 26, 1922—Partial paralyti¢ . 13, 1922—Recove-s sufficiently 9 be able to address Fourth Congress f the Communist International. Jan. 21, 1924—V. I. Lenin, the “ounder of the first Soviet State and e Comm) t International, and ‘se greatest teacher of the world’s orkers since Marx and Engels, died at Gorki, near Moscow.