The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 10, 1933, Page 6

Bray SBA “Amatioe’s Only Working Giass Dethy | lea | FOUNDED 1988 | cas ine, 0 Nant then Direc’ New vows Be | Telephone: ALgomeuia ¢-78s. | Cable Address: “Datwork,” Mew York, KH ns kta, co ee | | | ‘Washington, Sebsortption Rater By Maite Manbatten end Bron, 98.00 @'saontes, A een as eae cae « Meavbation, end Censde: { vena, 99.00; S months, $8.00; months 83.06. By Cartier: Woskiy, 16 cents; monthly, % seoim i FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1983 ] Here’s Your Answer, General IRE the well Known Roman master, Pilate, General | * Johnson did not pause for « reply. Té was at his special Des Moines speech to the | farmers yesterday that Johnson was heckled by = | shrewd, impoverished farmer who could see very well | { | | that the General's smooth, lying words would not feed his family, nor save his farm from foreclosure. And the General thought he had settled the life and death problems of the exploited farmers when he | shot back “What better farm pian than President Roose- yelt’s can you think of?” The answer is easy, General ‘The striking farmers are being crushed by an in- tolerable $12,000,000,000 Ioad of mortgage debts. Ninety per cent of these mortgages are held directly or in- directly by Wall Street banks, insurance, and trust companies. How does Roosevelt's N.R.A. try to help the strug- | Sling farmers to get out of this load, General? ‘You know how it works, General. To those bank- Tuptrbanks which are loaded down with mortgages | that they cannot collect, the Government comes with | offer of exchanging good government bonds for the | worthless mortgages. The Government bails owt the | Banks! To those ruined and impoverished farmers whose | farms.are being foreclosed, the Roosevelt government | comes and offers to lend them money so that they | tan pay off their mortgage loans. But not only does | this actually increase the burden of the farmers still | further by increasing his debts, but in actuality none | of the impoverished farmers are eligible for these gov- | ernment Icans, since they cannot provide any adequate | Only the rich farmers can benefit. | The Roosevelt re-financing program is a disguised | Subsidy to the mortgage holders and to the rich farm- ers, and nothing more! It does not and is not stop- Ping foreclosures! But for the poor farmer, the Roosevelt farm pro- | gtam only fastens the chains of his mortgage slavery, | increases the weight of his debt burdens, or drives | him off the iand altogether. How about ridding the small farmers of the chains of mortgage slavery by cancelling all mortgage debts, General? How about giving the foreclosed farms back to the farmers, debt-free? geourity! OU talk about the wonderful blessings of the Roose~ velt price-raising program. Bt who gets the benefit of this price-raising? Den't you read the government reports of the Depa: of Agriculture, General? Didn’t you read @ few days ago that out of the terrific rise in food prices, the farmer now gets less than he ever did be- fore? Didao’t you read that the farmer now gets only 96.62 from the Wall Street monopolies for food which they sell to the city workers for $17.95? The solution for the farmers’ price problem is to smash the monopoly profits by raising the prices paid vo the farmers and slashing the food prices in the cities. Let the farmers and workers cnt in from both sides against the monopolies! That's the only way they | can win, How about for a Solution, General? Isn't that much better for the farmer and workers than the n of choking off the buying power in | ih rising prices, and slashing the farm- hrough criminal acreage reductions? ; historic Farm Conference to be held at | Chicago on November 15 to 18 will witness 600 to 750 déiegetes discussing the platform of cancellation of mortgage debts -— the platform of slashing monopoly profits—the platform of unity of city and farm workers. ‘THe Roosevelt farm plan means misery and pauper- ism for the farmers. ‘The program of the Farm Conference means the | fight against the farmers’ real enemies—Wall Street finance capital. That's your answer, General Nazi “Fairness” oa entire world is now convinced of the innocence | of Dimitroff, Torgler, Popoff and Taneff, the four | Communist defendants in the Reichstag fire trial. The | documents published in the Brown Book completely | exonerate them and squarely place the blame upon their Nazi foes. But more than anything else, the heroic conduct | ofthe four defendants has convinced the world of their innocence. Their open and courageous stand has changed the character of the trial. The proceedings were to be broadcast to the world by radio. But there Has heen no radio broadcast; there has been no trial before world public opinion. The Nazis could not af. | ford-in the face of the heroic defense of the four Communists who have put the Nazis on trial and have exposed their guilt. “THe entire world knows that Dimitroff, Torgler, Off dnd Taneff are innocent; it knows that they haye been framed; it knows that their trial is a farce, * ° . | UT Arthur Garfield Hays, retuming from the un- Official commission of inquiry into the fire and from the Leipzig and Berlin trial itself, has other views, ex- ‘pressed in an interview with the New York press. ‘These views are somewhat contradictory, but their geneval tendency is to obscure the extreme danger in which the four defendants find themselves. According to Mr. Hays, the four Communists are iriocent. Their trial 1s not a farce. They will be ac- quitted, BUT THE COURT MIGHT CONVICT THEM OF HIGH TREASON AND SENTENCE THEM TO ! DEATH: Mr, Hays refused to say whether the court ‘Tair until after the decision, but he believes the defense lawyers are conscientious, “This contradictory statement reveals a profound misithderstanding gf the fundamental issues involved in therfire trial. Tt tends to deceive the American work- ers“about the extreme seriousness of the situation. It Seeks’ to prevent a mighty wave of protest in this country for the liberation of the four innocent men framed by the Nazi dictatorship. Mr. Hays cannot tell whether the court {s fair until after dine verdict is rendered. What is the meaning Of Dimitroff's expulsion from the court-room on in- niimerable occasions? Why wae Dimitroft prevented | Why has the court accepted | ton, | ernment. peal Sie” oe ee from acting as his own counsel? Why has the court forbidden him to cross-examine witnesses freely? testimony which Mr. Hays himself admits is perjured? Why has the court permitted Goering and Goebbels to convert the wit- ness stand into a political forum from which to broad- cast, without interruption, the foulest Nazi lies about the Communist Party? ‘The answer is simple. The court which is try*ng the foar Commanists on a frame-up charge is part of the Nazi machine. It is openly and frankly a political instrument, unscrupulous and ruthless in its deter- mination to murder Dimitroff, Torgler, Popoff and Taneff. ‘That is why the judge acts no differently from the prosecutor, the prosgcutor no different from the “star” witnesses. The presiding “justice” raves and foams at the mouth like Goering and Goebbels because he is their servant. The court cannot pos- sibly be fair to the defendants. It is part and parcel of the machine which is bent upon their destruction. * NYONE with the least shred of intelligence or hon~ esty knows what the trial is. It is NOT being held for the purpose of discovering who burned the Reich~ stag. It is as clear as daylight that the Nazis burned the Reichstag. The trial has another purpose, a polit~ ical purpose. It is intended to be a public conviction of the Communist Party. ‘What other conclusion can be drawn from the testi-~ mony of Goering and Goebbels, from the farcical con- duct of the trial, from the whole rotten procedure of 2 | the Nasi frame-up? Mr. Hays may think that “the question of the re- sponsibility of the fire is still steeped in mystery.” But the Brown Book contains even more damning documentary proof—proof that gives the names and addresses of the culprits. Mr. Hays believes the four defendants are innocent. He thinks they may be acquitted on the Reichstag charges, but may he convicted of high treason and sentenced to death. And this court is fair! The fire trial is NOT fair! It is not a trial! It is nothing but s cheap and melodramatic propaganda stunt to prepare German “public opinion” for the execution of Dimitroff, Torgler, Taneff and Popoff! oy 8 yt treet execution must not take place! They can be saved only by a mighty wave of pro- test. American workers, American intellectuals—act now, at once to liberate Dimitroff, Torgler, Taneff, and Popoff! Flood the German consulates in the United States with telegrams and resolutions of protest. Send dele- gations to speak with the German consul in your city. Convey to him the indignation of the American masses against the frame-up of the four Communists. | Organize mass demonstrations before the German con- sulates. Wire the German ambassador in Washing- Wire protests to Wilhelm Buenger, presiding judge of the fire trial in Berlin. Let this protest action involye masses of workers. Call a meeting of the rank and file of your trade union, your professional organization, your fraternal | order. Discuss the case at meetings. Let the voice of | the American masseg be heard! There is no time to lose! Every moment counts! The four men may be executed within the next few days unless there is a tremendous protest action NOW! American workers! American intellectuals! Do your part! Free Dimitroff, Torgler, Taneff and Popoff! What Kind of Social Insurance? > ‘HE fight for the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill must tie up all of the local struggles of the unemployed for relief, against evictions, etc, into a national struggle, aimed to win social insurance and adequate unemployment relief from the federal gov- But this is not sufficient. The campaign for unemployment insurance has not been sufficiently linked up with the strike wave in which the left unions, in many cases, have played an influential or decisive role. Comrade Gusev, in his article in the Communist International, pointed out the major importance of the exposure of the role of the American Federation of Labor, the Musteites, the Socialist Party, and other social-fascist elements in their demagogic slogan of the “30-hour week.” This | slogan, as presented by the social-fascists, without in- sisting on guarantees of no reduction in wages, is one form of the stagger system of Roosevelt and Hoover, which places upon those still employed the burden of unemployment through reducing their wages. In the steel, coal, silk and other strikes the demand for the Workers Unemployment. Insurance Bill and for federal relief was kept in the background, Nor have the directives given in Comrade Gusev’s article for a day to day exposure of the social-fascist proposals for “social insurance,” which give the workers nothing, been sufficiently carried out. Comrade Gusev wrote, “The Communist Party is faced with the most urgent task—to concretely expose the lying demagogic nature of these projects, and carry on the widest campaign for social insurance, converting it into a systematic daily campaign, without losing its leading role in the struggle for social insurance, making it the main axis of all the Party work.” These social-fascist bills, the A. F. of L. proposal (ater even this bill was repudiated by Green), the ‘Wisconsin law, the Muste and Socialist Party bill, etc., have, in common, restrictions and qualifications which make them worthless, They give relief to only a few unemployed, and these jobless are bound over to forced labor, at the wage and kind of work dictated by the government. The advocacy by Mrs. Perkins of “social insurance” in her recent New York speech falls in the same category. She advocated, along with the others, “state” unemployment insurance, a measure aimed to relieye the federal government of responsibility and Strangle and split up the workers’ national struggle for relief and unemployment insurance from the federal government. . Ce Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill put for- ward by the Communist Party and the Unemployed Councils, is the only measure which benefits the unem~ ployed workers. The bill provides relief for all un- employed, and has no restrictions as do the social fas- cist bills, which bar those already unemployed from in- surance. The Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill is the only bill which guarantees all unemployed a minimum amount of insurance, the amount being $10 minimum for all unemployed, with $3 additional for each dependent. ‘The Workers’ Bill Is the only bill which secures the social insurance funds not from the already impover- ished part-time workers, but from the rich, the funds to come from the war funds of the government and from taxation on incomes of corporations and Indi- viduals which are over five thousand dollars. ‘The Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill is the only bill which calls for administration of the funds by the workers’ organizations themseives, all other bills setting up government commissions which put the un- employed at the mercy of the employers. At the national unemployed convention in Wash- ington on January 13, called by the Unemployed Coun- cils, not only must a national campaign for the federal Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill be started, but & campaign of exposure must be launched against the soclal fescist bills, which are of no value to the unem- workes= ployed DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1938 | Trial for Murders — Nazis Committed |Nazi Document Proves} | Accused Are | Innocent | BERLIN, Noy, 9 Death by the | axe, at the hands-of a Fascist exe- | cutioher rigged up ‘in*evening clothes and a top hat—that is what the “Angriff,” officiakorgan of the Hit- |ler Party, demanded today for 53 | workers on trial at the Court of As- | sizes in Berlin! They are accused of | the murder of »Maikovsky, chief of | the notorious Hitler Storm Detach- | ment, No. 33; and* Police Officer | Zauritz on Jan. 30; 1933. The mur- | ders occurred during-a clash between | Nazis and workers’ self-defense | groups in the Walistrasse, Charlot- | tenbursg. To clarify the-events of Jan. 30, | 1933, a copy of the-extraordinary se- | cret orders issued on that day to | Storm Detachment~33 has just been | | made public by the Red Aid of Ger-| | many. The document, obtained from | | sources reliable beyend any doubt, | reads: “SA of the National-Socialist | German Labour Party, 1/3 Horst | Wessel, 159 33, Jam. 30, 1933. SA | Order 111/38. “1. The Chief .SA-Leader, our | leader Adolf Hitler, has become | Reichs-Chancellor. Now we must | prove that we are true SA men. | “2. The storm troopers are to be in fighting trim. For B 1-5 this | order only refefsto the unem- | | ployed. | “3, Today at 19 o'clock, all offi- cers are to come to the storm- troops dept., managing office, Til- siter Hof. “4. All the troops are to be in | headquarters at 8:30 o'clock for | verification. The troops having | gymnasium that evening must put | their sentries on guard while the gymnastics are going on. All are | te come to the Sturmlokal.” | This document reveals that the | Wednesday's cartoon went to H. Goldberg in the Socialist Competittion to help the Daily Worker. He | D7 bid $3 for the original drawing. J. Holmen bid $1. Total to date $81.77. attack on the workers’ restaurant in| | the Wallstrasse, where Communists | who had already been heard to de- clare that the Wallstrasse ought to be “cleaned up” @ little. At 11:30 p.m., according to affi- davits received the next day from dozens of witnesses, the storm troops thus mobilized—about 150 men— marched through the workers’ quar- ters in Oharlottenburg, Berlin. At their head was Maikovsky. ‘They stopped at the restaurant be- longing to Herman Behrendt and smashed the window. The owner ran out into the street and was shot in the right arm. Windows were thrown open, cries arose, “The Nazis have attacked Local No. 90!” Hasti- ly-dressed people, many of them in bed-room slippers, ran out of the house. When the front ranks of the Na- | ais reached the corner of the Krum- menstrasse, so that they blocked the |entrance to the Wallstrasse, they | came to a halt. A police officer, Zau- (ritz, went up to Maikovsky and | spoke to him, as if to pacify him. The chief raised his hand and struck | the policeman. This was a signal to | the others. They pulled revolvers out | of their pockets and began to shoot. | At the first shots, the police officer |fell. The Nazis in the rear also | opened fire, and Maikovsky, too, was | shot down—undoubtedly on secret | orders from his own chiefs. | After the murder of Maikovsky jand Zauritz, dozens of witnesses | proved that the police officer, Zau- ritz, was shot by Nazis and that | Maikovsky also—who- for some time | had been undesirable to Nazis high- ler up, perhaps because he knew too | much—was disposed of in the scuf- | fle. Instead of -arresting the Nazis, | however, the police declared the Wallstrasse to be in a state of siege. | Numerous houses were raided and | mass arrests followed. | Today 53 Inhocent workers are | sitting on the prisoners’ bench, Death | threatens them, after a trial that is a mockery, The workers of the world, | and all who are’ outraged by the mur- |derous terror of the German Fas- | cists, must orgahize powerful mass protests that will knock the axe out of the hands of the’ Fascist butchers. ‘WOR KERS HAIL SOVIET ROSELAND, Ill., “Nov. §.—Six hun- dred workers, Who participated in a mass celebration ofthe 16th anni- |versary of the Russian revolution, |hailed the progress of the Soviet Union last night, 1 nd I [dtr hetiemee tenets, | Nazis Plan to Rush| ‘Executions of Fire Trial Defendants (Continued from Page 1) | |room, the Schreiber woman said jthat unfortunately Dimitroff’s trunk jand wardrobe were always locked. | By this regretful statement, the wit- |mess exposed herself as a Nazi spy. The Schreiber woman was obvi- ously under orders to discredit Di- mitroff personally. When Dimitroff | |asked her whether she was not dis- | |missed by housekeeper Kaspeizer for | |impudence, the Schreiber woman be- | jcame enraged and exclaimed that | | Dimitroff had tried to rape her. | Roessler’s Testimony Dimitroff laughed and said the| charge was beneath the dignity of | a reply. He stated that he had re- | sided in Berlin from the beginning | of 1930 to 1931, but he had never | met Eberlein in Berlin. He first met | Eberlein in Moscow in 1931, where | he saw him occasionally, | Another woman witness named | | Roessler testified that she travelled on | |the same train with Dimitroff on/ | February 27. She showed a sleeping | jcar ticket as evidence, and said that) in 2 conversation she had with Dimit- | roff he made a very good impression | on her, “like a professor.” During | the journey, she said, they bought | some newspapers, probably at Leipzig, | and first learned about the R’ ichstag | fire. According to Miss Roessler Dimit- | | roff at once said the fire was un-/| doubtedly a provocation. | Popoff Proves Alibi | Following Roessler’s testimony, the | court went once more into the ques- | in a movie house on the night of the| fire. | An usher of the movie theatre tes-/ | tified that he remembers seeing | Popoff in the theatre, but could not | recall whether it was on the night of the fire. He did remember that re- turned a lost glove to a man, statement tended to support Popoff's| | assertion in th pre-examination meee | ceding the trial that he had returned | to the movie house after the per- formance to get his glove. The usher testified that he remembers the eye- ning because the Princess Hermine, the ex-Kaiser’s wife, was present in | tion of Popoff’s and Taneff’s presence | serted that the Bugarian Communist This | secutor to slander Dimitroff, the latter Workers In Mass Rally Hang Nazi Leader In Effigy Hitler was hung In effigy Wednes- day evening, the gallows bringing up the rear of a parade which preceded the Anti-Fascist rally called by the} I. L. D. and the N. ¥, Committee to| Aid the Victims of German Fascism. | The parade and meeting were held | on the eve of the trial of Jim Mc- Farland. About 250 marchers started | from Ave. A and Seventh St., going | through Union Square and Sheridan | Square to Second Ave. and Tenth) St., where the march was ended. | Speakers, including Jim McFarland | of the Marine Workers’ Industrial | Union, then out on bail; Sol Davis and Hank Fuller of the Tom Mooney trict representative of the Downtown | Section, and Donald Henderson, ad-/| dressed a meeting of about 400 work- | ers. A long banner, “Save the Scotts- | boro Boys,” was carried by eight men, | and made an effective backdrop for | the rally. Other banners demanded | freedom for Torgler, Dimitroff, Pop- off and Taneff, on trial in the Nazi} courts, | The meeting emphasized the lynch | terror against Negroes here, and the Hitler terror here and abroad. The} speakers connected the Fascist meth-| ods with the lynch campaign now) under way against the Negroes of| America, and stressed the importance | of the coming Anti-Lynch Confer-| ence in Baltimore. | person in the movie theatre. When Popoff described the exact position oceupied by the ushers in the entrance to the theatre, the ushers said his description was correct. In another attempt to discredit Di- mitroff personally, the prosecutor as- had issued cards announcing his be- trothal to Madame Krueger. But Madame Krueger in her testimony confirmed Dimitroff’s statement that | his friendship with her did not in- | volve any thoughts of marriage. After repeated attempts by the pro- | leaped to his feet and shouted: “Pardon me, Mr. Prosecutor, but T) must declared once for all that I am neither impotent nor homosexual!” ‘This reference to the homosexual | leaders of the Nazi party so enraged | the presiding judge that he adjourned | the court. Indictment Faces 12]owa Communists LL. D. Calls for Fight on Syndicalist Law SIOUX CITY, Iowa, Nov. 9.—-The defense of 12 workers charged with criminal syndicalism is being organ- ized among the workers of this city, who are thoroughly aroused over the brutal police attacks on working- class organizations and meetings. The 12 workers were arrested during a police raid on a Communist meet- ing following the successful fight, led by the Communist Party and the Un- | Branch of the L.L.D.; Sam Stein, dis-| employed Council, against relief cuts. Since the raid, the police have also interfered with the holding of the Moore-Patterson Scottsboro meeting by intimidating the hall owner into breaking his contract and stationing police around the meeting place to intimidate the workers. Indictments against the 12 work- ers are expected to be returned this month by the grand jury. The In- ternational Labor Defense is defend- ing the workers, and is organizing a mass fight against the criminal syn- dicalist laws, which are being increas- ingly directed towards crushing the rising resistance of the workers against the N. R. A. hunger deal. Workers organizations throughout the country are urged to send protests to Max Duckworth, Woodbury Coun- ty Attorney, Sioux City, Iowa, de- manding the release of the 12 work- ers and the repeal of the criminal syndicalist laws, J udge Forced to Free Anti-Fascist Seaman NEW YORK.—Several hundred workers packed the special sessions court yesterday in protest against the framing of James MacFarlane, a sea- man, arrested last month for leading an anti-fascist demonstration in front of the North German Lloyd line, and forced the judge to acquit him. Joseph Tauber, attorney for the In- ternational Labor Defense defended McFarlane, the German metal indusiry is in- creasing, the attacks of the fascists upon the workers are becoming more and more ruthless, but the resistance of the proletariat. in the metal in- dustry of Germany is also growing, It is true, the huge armament or- ders brought about a certain revival of the smelting industry, but unem- ployment among the smelting work- ers was not reduced thereby even temporarily, From July to August the number of workers engaged in the smelting and rolling works in- creased by 1 per cent, but at the same time the average working day of the smelting workers was reduced | from 7.09 to 7,02 hours. This means: increased rationalization and intro- duction of short-time work in all works, where fresh workers are en- gaged, Production {s also declining in the motor-car industry (in July the de- cline in production amounted to 8 to 11 per cent). In the Opel works the four and in in some cases the three- day week has been introduced, at ye worst situation Is in the engi- neering industry, As a result of the decline in the number of sub- seribers to the wireless the electrical industry is likewise experiencing a serious crisis. At the firm of Borsig tn Berlin 200 unemployed were taken on, but they were soon told that they would get only @ day’s work every fort~ ® ERLIN (By Mail).—The crisis in German Metal Workers Resist N Communist Leaflets Infuriate Nazis As Crisis _ Grows More Acute ¢ night. These workers now receive re- lief as short-time workers, but they are struck off the unemployed regis- ter. The same method is being adopted in several departments of the Siemens concern. Even the "Deutsche Bergwerkszel- tung” (German organ of the mining industry) of September 22 was com- pelled to admit that the engagement of fresh workers in the iron and steel | industry of Dortmund was only pos- sible because the working day had been considerably reduced, In spite of “peace in Industry” fresh wage cuts are being carried out, The reduction of work time is one form of wage reduction, But, in addition, the newly engaged workers | are simply paid 10 to 20 per cent be-) low the old hourly wage rates, Pea Wy ii ‘HE atiack on the working women in the metal industry is carried out with particular ruthlessness. In the Siemens Werner works the con- veyor is run so fast that the work~ ing women cannot keep pace’ with it. They recently enforced a pause of ten minutes. Owing to many com- puisory contributions which are de- ducted from their wages the working women of Siemens receive only 20 to 21 marks a week instead of 27, The commissioners appointed in the factories and trade unions ruth- lessly defend the interests of the em- ployers. To give an example of how these people treat the metal work- ers: the fascist "Deutsche Metallar- beiter-Zeitung” of Sept. 2 slanders the workers of the Hamburg dock- yards as follows; “Incited elements, brutal, bestial, repulsive products of the lowest mob instincts.” es E indignation and resistance of. the German metal workers are increasing as a result of these brutal measures. The leaflets of the C. P. of Germany of the Red Trade Union Opposition and of the class trade unions are passed from hand to hand. Small actions (refusal to subscribe to fascist collection sheets), passive re- sistance to rationalization, social- democratic metal workers joining the red metal workers’ union, open strikes—-these are the individual pases of this growing resistance. Thus in Remscheid a strike broke out on account of the dismissal of workers in the Alexander works. At 11 o'clock, during work time, at an agreed signal, the workers streamed into the yard and demanded the re- instatement of the dismissed work- azit Terror mand; nevertheless the dismissals were carried out later. When in the radio factory “Reico,” in Berlin, the wages were paid only after great delay and great arrears of wages accumulated for the in- dividual workers, the staff started passive resistance, which output greatly declined. There- upon the factory was closed down by the Nazis on Sept. 2 and the work- ers dismissed, hae | Ge. activity is being displayed by the fascists against the increas-~ ing distribution of leaflets. In the Berlin factory “Deutsche Telefon- Werke” the workers were summoned to a meeting and in the meantime all the cloakrooms were searched by troops of Nazis. In spite of the fact that nothing was found, 50 workers were arrested, their places being taken by Storm Troopers. .In the AEG. Brunnenstrasse, in Berlin, the speaker at a meeting of the N.E.B.O. threatened :— “Tf there is any more distribu- tion of Communist leaflets, we shall simply send a number of workers to the concentration camp.” The struggle of the German metal workers is being carried on uninter- | ruptedly. This struggle is led and organized by the only class organiza- tions which the metal workers pos- sess, the Red Trade Union Opposi- tion and the unity Trade Union of ers, The fascists acceded to this de~ the metal workers, as a result of‘ (Goes to Bunin, an Anti-Soviet Writer ‘Nobel Prize Winner Is | Novelist of Second Rank | By JOSEPH FREEMAN | Dispatches from Stockholm, Swe- | den, reported yesterday that the 1938 | Nobel Prize for literature has been awarded to Ivan Bunin, white-guard | Russian author. The award of the Nobel’ Prize to |a@ poet and novelist of the second | rank who since 1917 has bitterly at: tacked the Soviet Union’ is.a glar- | ing example of the class basis of lit- | erature, | Bunin is krown here: chiefly | as the author of a short story called | “The Gentleman of San Francisco.” In Russia he is known as the trans- | lator of Longfellow’s “Hiawatha,” and | Byron’s “Cain” and “Manfred.” | He is best known as one of the lit- | evary spokesmen of the small, land- | owning nobility, which wés already | falling to pieces when the October | Revolution swept it out of history. | This year’s Nobel Prize-winner was | born in Voronezh in 1870." He came from an old noble family of minor importance, and although he called | himself a “free spirit,” his ‘works ac- | tually reflected the feeble and hope- | less spirit of the petty nobility. Indeed, Bunin may be said to be the last poet of the Russian nobility. His early works, delicate pastels in verse and prose colored by affec- tionate and detailed descriptions of | the Russian landscape, described the |“noblemen’s nest” dying. ‘The poet mourned the passing of a beauty that was no more—the beauty of those days when the Russian landowning nobility was a vital force. His poems and novels flutter with old-fashioned sentiments for “Little Mother Rus~ sia.” The Beauty of Autumn The Gentleman from Voronezh loved the decadent beauty of autumn, which somehow symbolized the dy- ing culture of the. Russian. nobility. From the futility and despair of the landowning class) lying on its his- toric deathbed, Bunin sought escape | in philosophic thoughts, as vague as they were vast. Because the idle landowners, the Qblomovs, living on peasant labor, about their un- cultivated estates. in decrepit. futility, Bunin concluded ..thet everything mundane was futile. ly life, he said, did not count in the face of the endless infinity of time. - But there came a day when the ethereal runner of the Russian skies plunged passionately.into the affairs of this vulgar earth. The October Revolution roused in him all the hatred and fury of the noblevagainst the toiling masses. In the early days of the Revolution, he edited a white_guard. chauvinist sheet in the Ukraine. -‘Later he joined the white emigres in Paris, where for the past fifteen years he has hurled impotent insults against the workers and Of his homeland building a Socialist Se- ciety. : Dynamite, Oil and Poetry. In addition to his work as a coun- ter-revolutionary _ journalist, Buntn has continued ‘to~ write versé- and prose tales. ‘The broad nafute of Soviet literary life may be judged by the fact that some of his-tales, not of a political nature, which ‘he has written in emigration, have been re- published in the Soviet Union. His “Loves of Mityin” was issued in Len~ ingrad in 1924 and 1926, and. his col- lection of tales “Chang’s Dreams” was issued in 1927 by the State Publish- ing House in Moscow. The Swedish Academy has honored this white guard writer witha prize founded by Alfred Nobel, who was not only the inventor of dynamite, but the owner of oil fields in Baku now owned and operated by the workers and peasants’ state. No wonder, then, that the Swedish Academy, in deciding upon a Russian author, for the prize has chosen & bitter foe of the Soviet regime. Even among white guard writers, Bunin is not considered as of the first rank. Both Kuprin and Merezhkovsky are his superior in talent, imagination and energy. But all of these pale into insignifi- cance—considered © from purely literary viewpoint—beside the gigantic figure of Maxim Gorky, who even be- fore the October Revolution towered as one of the titans of Russian and world literature. ae Two Camps. To have ignoréd..Gorkiand have the Nobel prize to g. second- | { ote w guard is only one example of the growing politicalization of liter- ary life. It is no longer a question as to whether writers should have Political views. That cuestion fs dead and cannot be revived by” the’ cheap antics of anti-Communist ‘trittes who The question ne a writer should he jot Wishito into the camn of the white: guards and the fascisis must Jolt tha camp, Workers Bieht Boston White Cnuerd Standers ‘Against Soviet Union donaiaas mamepri BOSTON, Noy. 8.—Boston’s bitter~ est reactionaries and white*guards | have issued leaflets sland “Maxim. Litvinoff and the Soviet Union in prevaration for a mass meeting ta be held Sunday.sNev. 12)cultder the ausvices of the Un'ted Ukrainian So- cieties for the purpose of protesting American recognition of the-U.8.S.R. The leaflets, reeking with the most braken Mes about Litvinoff.and the | Soviet Union, asks.in melodramatic. tones: “Do we want to.actept the hands of murderers?. Thieves? Vio- | lators of all priricipies of human de- cency? iF rane 8) Sein! as with the v of the Soviet pro- letariat, which-ev@h the capitalist press has had to: admit, have ignored the leaflet as anecho fromthe dead past, < Never: 7 [ } {