The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 21, 1933, Page 4

| etal amemeeneteianninenitl Page Four For the United Fr With the Strike Wave and Radicalization of Masses, The Open Letter of the Party Remains in Full Force By EARL BROWDER Speech of Earl Browder at 17th, dan have raised the class struggle meeting of the Central Committee of fo 4 higher level and have greatly . intensified the development of the 1 cam trend towards fascism in the United aback aig States. Open Letter and the Resol It is apparent today and pretty tion of the 14th Plenum r recognized that all of the full force as the basic « all of the extraordinary weaknesses and tas! es of the Roosevelt Adminis- events have especially have failed to change the estimate of the situation d course of development. As the Open Letter at the I we already see the begin- Party Conference, as one ngs of a shifting of emphasis in the of the crisis, sharpen! policy of the Roosevelt Administra- struggles and intens! n from the phase of the demagogic danger of new imperia iddlement of the minds of the pecially of intervention ich still remains as a We ¢ policy, to the phase of the sion of the movements of the Soviet Union. emphasize that crisis and the sharper Ww [Bringing Forward the Fascist Elements in| the New Deal in other places; the speech of Labor Perkins who rd openly, in the name ‘ation, the concept of porate state, taken over bodily rnational fascist ideology; iy in the speech of Hugh son, Recovery Administrator, d that strikes are out- the NRA, that strikes t be tolerated. cident with this development e again the bringing for- injunction weapon as one 1 means of combatting ke movement, especially industries, and in the of thousands of small ‘e sweeping the country. he struggle against injunc- becoming one of the of the fight of the sist the capitalist of- pecially of our efforts ndependent organization independent rev- leadership of these mass the streets machine guns tically place upon the m Ambridge and olutiona: movements, Concentration of Forces to Stop Growing| Strike Wave at ingly provocative activities designed to draw the Soviet Union into war, preparing for an assauit on the eastern borders of the Soviet Union. The development of the Fascist ne in Germany is further inten- the war danger as it ex- itself in Western Europe and There is taking moment a big concentration of forces to stop the strike wave at all costs by suppression, by breakinz it up from within as much as possible, | but abov it with | reg forces fro r to en- force the starv levels place Psst that have been in the NEA codes. W Iready pointed out in quite some detail in the Extraordinary Party ‘onfer- ence, and since then and pamphlets the connec of all these developments in the internal life of the country with the sharp- ening of the war danger, and have shown how all of these develop- ments reflect the sharpening class relations in the country and the preparations for imperialist war. It is necessary to register, without go- Cc in articles in the preparations of the imperial- ists for intervention against the Soviet the West. ion in Latin America con- s to show further the develop- t of the Anglo-American anta- n and above all the rising rev- onary movement of the Latin- American masses and the imperialist policy of the United States in sup- pressing this revolutionary movement. This is especially shown in the inter- | vention against the Cuban revolution, | and in the manoeuvers being executed Union from fng into great detail, the extreme | in the inner political life of Cuba by tension in the Far East,—the grow- | the agents of American Imperialism. ing provocations of Japanese impe- | In ail of these developments of rialism, which with the encourage- | preparations for war, it is necessary ment of imperialist powers in the | again to point out the tremendous West, with the encouragement of | role that is being played by the peace the government of the United | policy of the, Soviet Union around States, is step by step seizing the | which are being rallied all the forces Soviet owned “Chinese - Eastern | of struggle against war in the entire Railway,” and conducting increas- | world, For Effective Revolutionary Work Within the American Federation of Labor The upsurge of struggle of the | velopment of their struggles against workers, leading and extending the the A. F. ee ree eee a we od sections | leadership of the Commu: : strugeles of other oppressed sections At the same time we can note the of the population, has brought cer-| rurther development of the differen- tain new feaures into the life of the| tiation within the Socialist Party, the working class in the United States,| further divisions between workers fol- Pequiring certain additional emp | lowing the Socialist Party and their upon some of the tasks which we/ official leadership. This was given an had previously set ourselves. The de- | impetus by the lessons of the rise of velopments of the American Federa- | German Fascism and the capitulation tion of Labor, marked on the one and complete bankruptcy of German hand by inclusion of some new hun- | Social Democracy. It is being carried dreds of thousands of workers within | further especially by the development the A. F. of L., and on other hand! of the war danger, and is sharpened by additional exposure of the A. F, | by the issues of the struggle against of L. burocracy as strike-breaking | war within the Socialist ranks, by the machinery, serve to emphasize for us| organization of the recent Anti-War the enormous opportunities now be-| Congress, as well as by the develop- fore us for effective revolutionary | ments in the strike struggles in which work within the A. F. of L., oppor-| the Socialist Party official leaders give tunities in winning large numbers of | complete support to the burocracy of these workers for the independent de- | the A. F, of L. Reviewing Work of the Party in Light of the Open Letter Now we must review the work of our Party in its main aspects of car- Tying out the Open Letter since the opal Party Conference. We te in the draft resolution, which ‘We present to you that since the Ex- traordinary Party Conference out the Open Letter. We fae out the increased and more ef- fective participation in strikes, espe- cially in the basic industries, and the beginnings made in the building of mass trade unions. Second, some im- provements in the methods of con- the | Party has made certain beginnings in | [Advances of Party of Very Uneven centration. Third, improved applica- | tion of the united front policy shown | in strikes, especially in the silk strike, |in the Cleveland Conference for | united action where we established | before the masses our program of | struggle against the NRA, and in the successful U. 8. Congress Against War. Fourth, serious beginnings in the transformation of the Daily Worker into a mass paper by the improve- ment in its contents and circulation. Our draft resolution, however, em- phasizes that these advances. are marked by the most serious slowness, weakness and inadequacies, Character ‘We emphasize that the whole Party has not as yet fully understood the application of the Open Letter, that the leading cadres have not succeeded in fully mobilizing the Party for these We emphasize that the ad- vances have been of a very uneven character. Some important districts guch as Clevalend, have hardly par- ticipated in these advances. Other districts for example, Detroit, which had made important beginnings have lost their grip for a period and even slipped back. And even in the best of districts, there {s a most serious anevenness in the work, an instabil- ity of the advances which have been le and continued weaknesses, We ave to emphasize that generally ‘hroughout the country and in prac- possible single exception of some be- | ginnings among the miners in West- ern Pennsylvania, where we are stil) largely working on the basis of the old NMU cadres that were swept into the UMWA in the recent struggles. We have to point out also that in per- haps not a single district has the Party seriously taken up the question of building the Young Communist League or given the youth any serious political guidance or material help, Outstanding among these various wealmesses has to be mentioned the serious lack of engaging the Negro workers in the mass struggles that have taken place, of recruiting them into the trade unions or the Unem- ployed Councils, with a few good ex- ceptions, such as the St. Louis nut iieally every industry we have not any serious beginnings in mass pickers and Chicago garment work- ers, which occurred even before the per. EW YORK, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1933 we must further mention the extreme weaknesses of development, the lag- ging of the unemployed struggles dur- ing the past three or four months, The explanation of these weak- nesses come under one head, This is the UNDERESTIMATION OF THE RADICALIZATION OF ‘THE MASSES, OF THEIR READI- NESS TO STRUGGLE, RISING OUT OF THIS, DOUBTS AND HESITATION ABOUT THE PARTY LINE, AS EXPRESSED IN TEE OPEN LETTER, THE FAILURE TO APPLY THIS LINE BOLDLY AND UNCOMPROMISINGLY, AND THE TENDENCY "9 RETREAT BEFORE OR CAPI.ULATE TO THE ILLUSIONS ABOUT THE NRA, TO FAIL TO DEVELOP STRUGGLE AGAINST IT AS A PRECONDITION FOR ALL REVOLUTIONARY WORK, Where this factor is not thoroughly understood, the result has been stag- nation and the development of innu- merable expressions of right oppor- tunist tendencies in our movement. The main problem before the Party now is the struggle against these weaknesses and deviations, the strug- gle against deviations on two fronts, the struggles against right oppor- tunism, which more than ever before becomes the chief danger and a very pressing danger in all of our practical work, and in the struggle against its shadow, left sectarianism. We have in the past weeks given lthe Party many concrete examina- tions of specific instances of this right danger, in the Daily Worker and in the Communist. I do not want to take the time to go over these same | grounds again in my report, which |T want to make as brief as possible. T assume that the comrades here have read my article in the October Com- munist, which develops this question in some detail, but I want to give just enough time to emphasize the points that were made in that article, and establish this argument as part of my report, I Rpacally want to point out the extreme importance for our practical work and for the development of our revélutionary line, of # conscious and intolerant struggle against the ten- dency to capitulation shown in the hiding of the face of the Party; the fear to bring forward even our Daily Worker among the masses, and even going to the length of hiding the face of the revolutionary unions, and try- ing to find some way of working among the masses that makes us in- distinguishable from the reformists, ‘This tendency shows itself almost everywhere, in more or less degree. In some places it shows itself in very flagrant examples that everyone can see and that not anyone can defend. But from these examples it shows it- self in all sorts of fine shadings, all these attempts to get away from the struggle, to evade the issues. Every- where this tendency shows itself. It weakens our work in most every- thing we do and prepares victories for the Socia) Fascists and defeats for the workers and our Party. We cannot emphasize too much that we can’t make a single step for- ward in leading these mass struggles of the workers unless we boldly meet this issue and win the workers'on the hasis of our revolutionary program, and not abstractly but concretely applied to the issues before these workers, It is, of course, not necessary to argue here to convince the com- rades that the tactic of going to the workers, leading them in organiza- tion under the slogan of “support our president in his holy war against the devression” is a wrong one, We know that this has been done. But {t is still necessary in every phase of the development of the strike struggles to be on guard against the thousand expressions of that same tendency,—the fear to challenge the program of the Roosevelt adminis- tration before the masses. Our comrades, in many cases, have a conception that the masses are very backward, They have no con- fidence in the ability of the misses of workers to understand these is- sues and their readiness to support a revolutionary approach to these question. We must be on our guard against this exaggeration of the backwardness of the American work- ers, for otherwise even the best of us will fall victims to these ten- dencies, When we say we have to struggle against these tendencies as a struggle against right opportunism, the main danger, that doesn’t mean that this can be solved merely by struggle against a few outstanding struggle of this tendency who show themselves here and there in our work. i We have seen in the silk industry, in the automobile industry and a dozen industries, the tendency to decide for these so-called backward workers that they are not ready for revolutionary unions and to bring them a local independent union. So that, in some instances, these back- ward workers have turned away from us and have gone to the American Federation of Labor because they have the impression that not only are we indistinguishable, but the A, F of L. is something more progres- sive because they stand for a larger union than merely a union in one plant. That does not mean that in all circumstances we have to and in all places base ourselves only upon the tactic of building revolutionary unions, but especially when we are dealing with masses of unorganized workers beginning to move to struggle, we can say that in the overwhelming majority of cases the sound tactic for us is to move to bring these workers into revolutionary unions, We had a big conflict with the Musteites precisely on this question with regard to steel in the Cleveland United Front Conference. I think that we must say that we took an entirely correct position on that question and we delivered a heavy blow at the policy of Musteism, and Rams the A. F, of L., with the perorsinary Party Conference, And | we also helped to clarify, and orien- EARL BR tate our own movement to combat the deviations in this respect which had been developing in our own work in many fields. We must emphasize this lesson at this meeting of the Central Commit- tee, at the same time that we bring forward sharper than ever before the necessity of working within the A. F. of L. in all those industries in which masses of workers are re- cruited into the reformist unions. We have been participating in and leading more mass struggles this year than ever before, and consider- ably niore than last year. But what has been happening with Party re- cruiting? In the most important dis- tricts; the concentration districts, Party recruiting through the firs half of this year is running not more than 50 per cent of what it was in 1932. Some of the outlying districts have improved in recruiting this year, but when we take the entire Party for the first nine months of 1933, we find recruitment of 11,600, as compared with the same period last year of almost 15,000 — just under 15,000. The average recruiting per month for the first six months of this year was 1344. Last year, the average was 1896. We are not re- cruiting as much as we were last year when in the mass movement we were lagging behind, Bringing Forward the Party Our Party seems to have the con- ception that if we are in mass ac- tivities, we cannot build—recruit into the Party, “We haven't got time for such a thing. We have more im- portant things to do. If we could stop all the struggles, then we would have time to recruit; then we could build the Party.” What does it mean when the comrades say, “We are too busy with more important things and haven’t time to build the Party?” Such an answer, such an attitude as his to the question of building the Party displays a serious lack of understanding of the role of the Party in the mass struggles. Comrades, we must speak very sharply. It shows a Menshevik opportunist conception of the Party. It is impossible for us to lead and organize the masses in their struggles im a revolutionary way without building the Party. If we do not build the Party as the basic vart of organizing and leading the mass struggles, we will inevitably yo into the swamp of opportunism. The Party is the heart of all of our work, We are the Party of the | vevolutionary way out of the crisis, we say, the Party of the Proletarian Dictatership, the Party that is going to lead the workers in Am- erica to the establishment of So- cialism in this country, But with this program we go into the mass struggles and say we are too busy leading strikes to build the Party. I think it is clear, comrades, that this fs not an organizational ques- tion, This is a political question of the first magnitude. And here we have expressed in the sharpest form the political weaknesses of our Party. The Congress Against War and Fascism | Nobody can say that the Com- munist: Party was not the very center of the Anti-War Congress—the out- standing feature of the Congress was the work of the Communist Party, But nobody can accuse the Communist Party that by standing at the very center of it before the whole world, it was pursuing a sec- tarian policy, that it was limiting the united front. On the contrary, no right sectarianism or left sectar+ janism was expressed in this congress because the Party was there as the foremost fighter for the broadest possible united front in the struggle against war. The Party brought forward the program that united the whole Congress, and the Party estab- lished a favorable condition among. all of those masses who worked in the Congress, who had any contact, with the Congress, to create great prestige for the Party, creating the Conditions for building the Party,| recruiting new members, gathering around us larger groups of sym- pathizers. It is on this model that we have to work in all phases of the struggle, It is along this line that the unions must work inside of each industry; it is along this line that the unemployed councils must carry through their struggle for the uni- fication of all unemployed organiza- tions of the United States—not by hiding themselves in top committees, but by standing forth as the chief fighters and chief instruments for achieving this union. A few words about the DAILY WORKER. We are proud of the im- provements that have been made in the DAILY WORKER. But I want to talk mainly about the continued weaknesses, There are still three main weaknesses with regard to our paper, First the DAILY WORKER must become more of an organizer and agitator of the masses on specific ac- tions. Second, the DAILY WORKER must have more of a mass cir- culation. And third, the DAILY WORKER must have a more acti- viged, organized financial support. With regard to the first question of making the DAILY WORKER a better organizer and agitator, a great deal of this must be done by the staff of the DAILY WORKER, but there must be more organized collaboration from the unions and from the districts, Some beginnin~: have been made in this respect. but they are still inadequate, There is still too much the feeling on the part of our unions and districts that the imp-ovement of DAILY WORKER is only a question to-be solved in the office of the DAILY WORKER, not an understanding that this requires very serious political coliadoration trem tne field, it which no serious improvement can be made in the Center, With regard to the circulation of the DAILY WORKER we must say that it is criminally neglected. There is hardly a single district in our Party that gives really serious attention to securing a mass circulation of the DAILY WORK@®R. The DATLY WORKER circulation is increasing, but it is a spontaneous process. No- body really organizes it, nobody really plans what shall be done bv the Party to give us a mass circulation. And what would it mean if we had 100,000 circulation every day? It would multiply the effectiveness of our in every field of work, just by that one fact alone Why don’t we do it? And when we speak about the financial question of the DAILY WORKER, we have to say] that we have a very serlous danger) signal in the fact that in five weeks} of our financial drive, we have got/ 20 per cent of the goal that was set —20 per cent. I think this is the) worst showing of any financial drive | that the DAILY WORKER ever had, and at a moment when we have the broadest mass contacts that we ever had ift the districts, when we have the best paper we ever had. This is a defect of the organized, planned work of the Party. I must say a few words about the youth, Every time we have & Plenum we talk about the youth and then the next time the subject comes up is in the next Plenum. We are not making progress in building the Y. C. L., in spite of tremendous op- portunities. We have seen a re- sponse of the young workers when they are given a chance to respond, They are in the forefront of the radi- calization of the working masses. We |see this in every strike movement | taking place today, in the basic in- | dustries. Young workers are the most active elements in these strikes. We see this in the Anti-War Congress, where out of the 2,616 delegates, 500 or more went into the youth section for the special meeting and provided | one of the liveliest and most political and active sections of the Congress. Youth from all sorts of organizations and all kinds of tendencies, we were able to weld them together under our leadership—our Y, C, L. But the Party does not lead this work and it does not help this work. ‘We must give political assistance to the youth, show them the way and help them to solve their practical every day problems and give to the youth cadres the basic bolshevik education and training. The youth must become conscious of these spe- cial needs of the youth and must begin to function as the leader of the youth. There is every oppor- tunity in the world to root the Y. C. L. in the shops, in the trade unions, in the mass struggles that are now taking place, The new organization that we helped form is the Anti-War Con- gress, which we intend to help make the rallying center for the whole broad mass movement against war and against Fascism as one of the first orders of the day for the Dis-| tricts, and not only for those districts | which had delegations in the Con- | gress but for all the Districts. Today this question is on the order of the day more than it has ever been before. The Congress gave an ex‘l-at foundation for building a united front movement in every lo- cality, Political direction must be given to this. A minimum of or- ganizational forces must give their attention to the practical tasks of getting this movement togteher and | we must actually organize a broad united.front on the basis of the re- volutionary program adopted in the New York Congress Against War and Against Fascism in every locality. We have a foundation which is broad enough to include the largest number of workers that we have ever approached. We have proven that these workers can be won on this issue and there can be no excuse if this work is not developed in every district. Further, this Anti-War Congress and the other work that we are doing has proved the possibility of penetrating into the ranks of the Socialist Party, and this is of the | greatest political importance for us today, On the issues of war and fascism, the Socialist Party is today in the | process of ferment and differentia- tion, which opens wide the door for us to go and win wide sections of the worker members and followers of the Socialist Party. The possibilities of | Successful work inside the A. F. of L, were never so good as ‘xy are today, |The question of struggle for Social Insuranee, the struggle for the unem- ployed demands, the building of the | unemployed organizations, and the | movement for a unification of all the unemployed organizations im the country, are being neglected, There is work being done, there are struggles ta’:ing place, but it has fallen too much out of the center of consciousness of the Party with a re- sultant weakening politically in this work, lagging in its extensions and particularly very little progress in the building of the unity movement of the unemployed, except in those outlying territories, where we have won over large mass organizations to the unemployed. ‘These are questions which must re- ceive the svstematic political atten- tion of the Districts. It is necessary to devote some at- tention, also, to the farmers work, We have a very healthy growing mass movement among the farmers. and |let me give you some news: There jis going to be a National Conference of the farmers in Chicago on Nov. 15th to 18th,—a National Conference of the Farmers Committee of Action, which will play a considerable role in the political development of the farmers, It is necessary to ask the Districts to give some serious atten- tion to getting delegates from the farmers movements that exist in every one of the Districts present at this Plenum. Now I want, in conclusion, to spealr about another problem, Not ta ranaet | what was said before, but to bring forward the problem of recru'tin’? as | the central politica! task of the Party. which involves every other vroblem that we have been speaking about, | Especially I want to bring for- ward this question: what is the greatest obstacle to the recru'ting of the Party? An obstacle that exists in the mind of the symnathizer that we want to reeruit? T think we can say It is the fact that he doesn’t yet see (that is, if he is a sym- pathiser who follows the Party, but doesn’t want to join the Party yet), the necessity of the Party as a spe- cial organization, And why doesn’t mands, immediate program, being carried through by the mass organ- izations. He is active there, he is satisfied, why should he join the Party? For him the Party is merely that organization that takes upon itself special responsibilities for the proper conduct of all these mass organizations, All he gets by join- ing the Party is new responsibilities and new tasks. And he only sees the Party as the instrument for the immediate struggle. Why is this? Because we have not brought to this wide circle of our sympathizers in any systematic, effective way, con- necting it up with the immediate life and struggle of the workers in which he is already engaged, the ont of the Workers Against Fascism and War problem of the revolutionary way out of the crisis, the problems of the seizure of power, the problem of the resolution, the overthrow of capitalism, And a large part of the turnover in our Party membership arises from the fact that we recruit the new members only on the basis of the immediate struggle, without educating them into the higher political significance of the Party as the instrument for through the revolution and the transformation of society, the defeat of the capitalist class, the estab- lishment of a new kind of govern- ment. And, after all this is the real explanation for the necesisty for our kind of Party. The Revolutionary Solution of the Crisis | An essential part of the whole prop- aganda of the revolutionary solution of the crisis, the proletarian dictator- ship is the example of the successful revolution and the building of social- ism in the Soviet Union, It is all these things that will really win the workers to join our Party and hold them in the Party when we get them in, And a large number of our lead- ing comrades in many districts who think that they can get a larzer num- ber of workers to join the Party by talking to them only about the im- mediate demands, and who soft-pedal the ultimate program of our Party in order to be popular, these comrades are making a big mistake. Precisely this line is what keeps workers out of the Party, because it doesn’t give them the essential reason why the Partly is necessary and why they must join. 2 So in emphasizing in concluston again the problem of recruiting and building the Party, I think we must say it is essential to bring forward the revolutionary program, the revo- lutionary character of our Party, to propagandize the revolutionary way out of the crisis, the problem of the seizure of power, the problem of building socialism in America as a problem of the next future of the United States. And on this basis, standing on our revolutionary pro- gram, not only in our inner councils, but before the masses of workers, we will not weaken but on the contrary we will strengthen the daily struggle, we will strengthen our position in the trade unions and other mass organ- izations, and we will strengthen and build our Party. For the Carrying Ou t of the Open Letter The main feature of our coming convention, the preparations, the discussion of the elections that take place must be the bringing for- ward in the most energetic manner of the new fresh forces that have developed out of the mass struggles, the bringing forward and placing in positions of responsibility and leadership from the bottom to the top of those who have proven in practice that they can carry through the Open Letter in mass work, that they can build the Party in the midst of this mass work, that they can make the Party the leader of the masses, that they will be those who will carry the Party in the new period when we will be organizing hundreds and thousands of workers, There must be the rejuvenation of the Party from the bottom to the top. We must bring forward all those forces who hitherto have not had the opportunity to develop in our movement, whom the Open Letter brought forward, who have proven in practice that they can do it—these elements must be brought to the forefront and all obstrucive elements pushed to one side, This must be the slogan for the 8th Con- vention of our Party, for the ac- celerated tempo of the carrying through of the Open Letter, Celebrate the Opening of the Plenum of the International Workers Order Saturday, October 21st, at 8 P. M. Charles Lichter famous violinist, concertmaster of the Musicians’ Symphony, in classical numbers Andri Sybulsky in classical and modern Soviet Songs tenor, GREETIN Order, BEN GOLD, Communist Candidate | H. SCHILLER, Secretary of the Ci! chairman. at NEW STAR CASINO 101th Street and Park Avenue PROGRAM | MAX BEDACHT, National Secretary of the International Workers’ R, SALTZMAN, Secretary of the Jewish Section, I. W. O. Freiheit Gezang Farein JACOB SCHAEFER, Conductor, in new revolutionary compo- sitions Ukrainian Dance Group in Russian Folk Dances GS FROM for the Board of Aldermen. ity Committee, I. W. O., will act as ADMISSION 25 CENTS ee Workers School Forum JIM ALLEN, sthor of “Negro Liberation”, will lecture on “The American Revolution of 1860-70 and Its Heritage to the Working Class” SUNDAY, OCTOBER 22nd, at 8 P. M. at WORKERS SCHOOL FORUM, 35 E, 12th St., 2d Floor QUESTIONS; DISCUSSION ADMISSION 25¢ el Unions—Working Class Organizations—Units of the Communist Party! Celebrate with us the improvement of the new enlarged “Daily” at the delegated DAILY WORKER BANQUET Sun., Noy, 12, 7:30 p. m., Irving Plaza Hall Every organization is invited to send 2 representatives and help the Financial Drive - “THE BEST PROGRAM OF THE SEASON” Exceptionally. High Quality Suits and Overcoats at Exceptionally Low Prices ; MAX TRAIGER One Price Clothing Store CORRECT STYLES—FINE FABRICS Orchard 4-968 168 STANTON STREET S™ “inten 8+ Mention the Daily Worker and Get 10% Special Reduction! NOTICE! NOTICE! RUSSIAN ART SHOP Inc. PEASANT HANDICRAFTS BRANCH AT MOVED TO 9 West 42nd Street 107 E. 14th Street Large Selection of Gifts, Toys and Novellies from the Soviet Union. 10% Discount to Readers of the Daily Worker he see the Party is necessary? He sees all the Party’s immediate de- a i n Be | f