The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 13, 1933, Page 6

“America’s Only Working Class Daily, \ Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 Published daily, except Sunday, by the Comprodaily Publishing Go., Inc., 56 Bust 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Telephone: Algonquin 4-7955. Cable Address: “Daiwork,” New York, N. ¥ Washington Bureau: Room 954 14th and G. St, Washington, D.C. Subscription Rates: (except Manhattan and Bronx), 1 yee , $3.50; 3 months, $2.00; 1 month, 78 cents. Foreign and Canada: 1 year, $9.00; 6 months, $5.00; 3 months, National Press Building, $6.00; $3.00. By Carrier: Weekly, 18 cents; FRIDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1933 Enroll Communist! IN the next two days, the workers of New York have @ very serious duty to perform. There are only two days left in which to register for the November elections. Without registering no worker can vote. And without voting for the Communist candidate, Robert Minor, it will be impossible to register the protest of the working class against the starvation and oppression of the capitalist city government. But there is also another reason for registering. Next year, in 1934, the election committees of each party will be elected. And only enrolled yoters enrolled as voting for the Communist Party will be permitted to choose the Par- ty’s candidates, To keep the Party election machinery in our own hands, we must enroll as Communist voters, Every worker must do that. To enroll as a Com- munist voter, does not mean that you are joining the Party. It means that you are registering your protest against the Wall Street bankers’ rule of the city, that you ‘are fighting for relief from the yoke of a capital- ist city government. Registration ends Saturday night! Comrades, work- ers, do your duty! ENROLL COMMUNIST! War Provocation S the threat of Japanese military attack on the Soviet Union becomes more menacing every day, the New York Times prints an editorial which is a cunning attempt to place the responsibility of the grave war danger in the East at the door of the Soviet _ Government. The “firmness” of the Soviet policy in the Far East, hints the N. Y. Times, in contrast to its “failure to concern itself with the annihilation of the Com- munist Party in Germany, has been a severe im- peachment of the sincerity of its foreign policy...The Soviet Government hopes for still more profitable com- mercial relations with Germany. Nothing could be done to imperil them...” Behind this distorted, vicious logic, is a deliberate attempt to discredit .the peace policy of the Soviet Union, which has stood unshakably against the most damnable incitements of which imperialist govern- tents are capable. It is the itching desire to see the Soviet Union Grawn into the vortex of war that beats violently beneath the studied austerity of the New York Times editorial. The editorial of the New York Times is 2 double stab—a stab against the peace policy of the Soviet Union in the Far East, and a stab against the Soviet policy in the world fight against Fascism. The irony of the matter is that the N. Y. Times, to bolster its arguments against the peace policy of | the Soviet Union, must weep glycerine tears for the heroic Communists of Germany who are now ex- Deriencing the naked, brutal oppression of German capitalism, undiluted by any pretenses (still hypocrit- ically maintained in this country) of “democracy.” Is it true, as the N. Y, Times hints, that the Soviet Unicn has suddenly become aggressive in the Far East? Has the N. Y. Times forgotten that Manchukuo is recognized by the entire world as nothing but the puppet State of Japanese imperialism, to be used as the military base for attack against the Soviet Union? Has it forgotten that the Soviet Unoin has per- sistently sought to maintain peace with Japan by offer- ing to sell the Chinese Eastern Railway, the main pretext now being used by the Japanese imperialists to provoke a war with the Soviet Union? Why is the N. Y. Times so silent on these vital facts? Is it because it is, despite its eagerness to see Japan weakened in an imperialist war, still more anxious to conceal the peace policy of the Soviet Union? HE N. Y. TIMES goes to the recent history in Ger- many for its weapons in its attempt to provoke the Soviet Union into breaking its peace policy. It is hardly necessary to comment on the obvious hypocrisy of the N. Y. Times’ sorrow for the Commu- nist Party of Germany. The German Communists do not need that sorrow, even if were genuine. The sincerity of the N. T. Times’ fight against Ger- man Fascism can be gauged by the fact that it has So far refused to show its readers the secret Nazi let- ters, made public by the Daily Worker. Furthermore, it is a matter of record that the N. Y. Times editorially expressed its indifference to the fate @ the German Communist Party, deploring only the more hideous anti-semitic outrages of the Fascists. But it «tainly cannot have escaped the attention of the reader that the arguments used by the N. Y. Times to discredit the firm and unshakable peace Policy of the Soviet Union come straight from the Copious outpourings of Leon Trotsky. Rie Seni eRe ‘AS it not Trotsky who laid down the moral basis for intervention by declaring that the Soviet policy toward Germany was dictated not by its unalterable desire for peace, but by motives of national, com- mercial advantages? Was it not Trotsky who first gave the argument. to the inciting capitalist press of the world that.the Soviet Union should invade Germany to fight Hitler? The New York Times recognizes in the Trotsky proclamations the true core of intervention provoca- tion. It gives Trotsky the honor due him by taking his arguments over entire. tn aa Gate) IX its unceasing efforts to arouse war, and to distort the peace policy of the Soviet Union, the New York Times is wholly silent on the fact that the Hitler government is precisely at this moment striving in every way to lead the imperialist asasult against the Soviet Union. It deliberately refrains from telling its readers of the notorious Hugenberg Memorandum which contained the grandiose intervention plans of Hitler. It refrains from telling the American work- ers that this intervention Memorandum is still the basic policy of German Fascism toward the Soviet Union. The Times is silent on the fact that the Soviet Union hhas expressed in the sharpest way its determination to smash all these imperialist intervention plans of Hitler! What the Times above all seeks to hide is that the Imperialist world girds itself for a huge bloody on- Slaught against the Soviet Union. ‘That is why it strives so persistently to conceal that t DAILY WORKER, the Soviet Union is the very heart of the world fight against Fascism, that it is the greatest obstacle against the outbreak of world imperialist slaughter. The Soviet Union, by building Socialism, is the stronghold of the world proletariat in the fight against advancing capitalist reaction. Despite the incitements of a Trotsky, who calls for insane adventurist invasions of Germany, despite the echoes of this hideous provocation that find their way into the most reactionary papers of the world, including the organ of American imperialism, the Times, the Soviet Union is not an imperialist power. Tt will not permit itself to be provoked into violating its peace policy, ‘Truly did the resolution of the recent historic United Front Congress Against War speak in its mani- festo: The rise of Fascism in Europe, and especially in Germany, and the sharpened aggressive policy of Japanese militarism, haye greatly increased the danger of a war of intervention against the Soviet Union . ... the consistent peace policy of*the Soviet Union, around which the anti-war struggle through- out the world must be rallied, was made possible by the revolution which overthrew capitalism, re~ organized the economy on the basis of Socialism. . . . One cannot fight seriously against the war danger unless one fights against all attempts to weaken or destroy the Soviet Union.” This manifesto of 2,600 delegates, representing hun- dreds of thousands of workers, farmers and intellec- tuals, is a fighting answer to the counter-revolution- ary incitements of a Trotsky and his New York Times pupils. The Same Master | Bes other day the Tammany hack, Mayor O’Brien, made a speech accepting his boss, Curry’s, nomina- tion for Mayor. At the same time, the great knight of so-called anti-Tammany reform, LaGuardia, also made @ speech, ‘These two candidates are being trundled before the city’s population as political opponents. And yet their two speeches yesterday revolved per- sistently about. one thought—to protect and guarantee the investments and loans of Wall Street, of the Rocke- feller-Morgan bankers! O’Brien boasted of his credit.” LaGuardia, with open agents of the Morgan banks running his campaign for him, gave his full support to the recent infamous Untermyer agreement with the banks. Under this agreement the city government borrowed millions from the bankers in order to pay off millions of loans to the bankers, thereby increas- ing still further the enormous bountain of interest payments. It is precisely the Untermyer agreement, supported by, and binding on, every candidate in the coming elections, except the Communist candidate, Robert Minor, who would tear it up the first day he took office, that will make it necessary for the capitalist city government to raise taxes still further, cut civil service wages, and increase taxes! Just like every capitalist candidate, like Tammany, like McKee, like Solomon, LaGuardia raised his hands in horror of “default” on the payments to the Rocke- feller-Morgan bankers. Both O'Brien and LaGuardia maintained a deep silence on the proposal of the Communist candidate, Robert Minor, to levy a 10 per cent tax on the hoarded fortunes of the Wall Street millionaires, heavier taxes on the rich real estate magnates, and cancellation of all taxes on small home owners. On the five-cent fare, both O’Brien and LaGuardia made the same fervent and hypocritical promises. Neither of them revealed that the city has an un- derstanding with the bankers on this subject which has never been made public—an agreement that binds all of the capitalist politicians now running for Mayor! LaGuardia spoke of “economies”—so did O’Brien. And that means more wage cuts for the civil service employes. So yesterday’s speeches revealed both LaGuardia and O'Brien as nothing but two servants of the same master—Wall Street. “maintaining the city’s Action Is Imperative! ESTERDAY we published in the “Daily” a table showing how each District stands in the Fund Drive to SAVE the DAILY WORKER. With the drive more than half over, each District should have rated at least 50 per cent of its quota. The highest rating, that of the Denver District, was 39.6 per cent, while some Districts, Minot, N. D., for instance, rated as low as 1.6 per cent. The lag in the drive is not accidental. Our Party comrades have not takenthe drive seriously enough. There is false confidence that because the “Daily” was enlarged the treasury is full) THIS IS DANGER- OUS, COMRADES! Pate Toes 4 te low rating of San Francisco District (11.06%) can be explained in part by the failure of this Dis- trict to send to its sections collection lists for the drive. Los Angeles had to put out its own collection lists in order to quicken the drive. ‘This negligence, com- rades, can give joy to the bosses. To the DAILY WORKER, to the revolutionary struggle, this negli- gence is sheerly criminal. The I. W. O., with 5.8 per cent, must also rouse it- self quickly. ONLY $303.11 raised by the I. W. 0: of its: quota of $8,000, WITH THE DRIVE MORE THAN HALF OVER! In the last. drive the I. W. O. raised $768 in the same period. E are confident that the Districts will not take the above in the light of pessimism, but will realize the need of immediately intensifying their drives to the utmost. ; ‘THE WORKERS WILL GIVE FOR THE “DAILY.” Hundreds of letters coming info the “Daily” office with contributions prove this. BUT THE WORKERS MUST BE APPROACHED. This can be done if every Party member does his or her full share in the drive. THERE IS NO TIME TO BE LOST! Rapid Extension of the Labor Movement H broad radicalized workers who had their bitter ex- perience with the Republicans, are now well on the way to meeting with the same experience from the second traditional party of finance capital, namely, the Democrats, and the movements among the work- ers against robber measures are bound to increase. ‘The poor farmers and the ruined middle farmers who only yesterday voted for the bourgeois - parties are, in fact, already taking the path of struggle against the policy carried on by these parties, and are constant- ly intensifying their efforts to attain an “independent” policy. ‘Thus, as a result of the development of the crisis, which is characterized not only by a rapid extension of the labor movement, but also by a widespread move- ment among the petty bourgeoisie, we find a far-reach- ing mass movement of workers, farmers and other middle elements which is directed against the old bourgeois parties, and against the government, and which is growing continually stronger. —From The Open Letter. W YORK, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1933 | “STOP!—WE KNOW YOUR PLANS!” } |borer on a kulak’s farm. minister of War Araki —By Burck Vapgpee. ae i Soviet Pilot Drops 2 Miles a Minute in Jumps from Plane at | Bullet More Than New Record 23,500 Feet, Falls Like Four Miles, Lands Safely for New Record (Special Cable to the Daily Worker) MOSCOW, Oct. 12—A young Soviet pilot broke the world’s record for a delayed parachute jump teday and set a new height record for parachute jumping for the Soviet Union, when Evseyev, chief test pilot for the Scien- tifie Testing Institute, bailed out of \ Eyseyev dropped more than 23,000 two miles a minute, parachute cord when he was only 500 feet from the ground. Evseyey was born in the Far East, where his father, a lathe- hand in St. Petersburg factories, had been exiled by the Czar’s gov- ernment for participation in the revolutionary movement. The History of a Young Soviet Worker. After his father’s death had to give up his studies. when only 18 years old, working as a truckman and later as a farm la- In 1922 Evseyev got a job in the Blagove- schensk power plant, where he qualified as a skilled fitter. He joined the Young Communist League the same year, entering the Communist Party in 1924, the Party sending him to study in the Workers’ Faculty. After completing the course of study, Evseyev joined a flying school as a volunteer. He fin- ished the course so successfully that he was appointed a pilot in the Scientific Testing where he is now employed. Rooseyelt’s Aid to Small Home Owners} Proves of Little Help CLEVELAND, O.—The Cleygland office of the Home Owners’ Loan Corp. has been in existence nearly two months, and so far oné home- owner has been able to get a loan. This is the way Roosevelt is saving the homes of small home owners. pulling his¢———_—_-____-- he} Institute, | a plane at the height of 23,600 feet. feet in 132 seconds, falling at a rate of 400,000 Soldiers for Nanking Anti- Soviet Campaign SHANGHAI, Oct. |dred thousand Nanking troops are concentrated in Kiangsi Province, awaiting the orders of Chiang-Kai- Shek, Nanking generalissimo, for the impending ninth Anti-Red drive against the Chinese Soviet Republic. More than 10,000 hospital beds have been just shipped to base hos- pitals hurriedly erected in Nenchang, capital of Kiangsi, Kian, Yanfeng, Ihwang and other cities, while nurses and physicians are being sent south to staff these hospitals and take care of the Nanking wounded. R.F.C, Millions Financing Drive The proceeds of the $50.000,000 loan from the United States Recon- struction Finance Corporation have otherwise finance this new anti- Soviet campaign. After issuing hun- dreds of millions of dollars in treas- ury notes, directly inflating the cur- rency, Finance Minister Soong’ has just borrowed another $20,000,000 from the Shanghai bankers to assist in financing the drive. The only thing holding up the be- ginning of the military campaign is the negotiations with the Canton government for a simultaneous at- armies. Emissaries are bargaining both in Canton and in Nanking to gain concessions for one side of the ‘other in the campaign. 12—Four hun- | been used to buy munitions and! tack by the Nanking and Canton) Marine Battalion Off for Cuba on the Battleship Wyoming |\First Transport of Big Troop Unit Is U. S. Threat WASHINGTON, Oct. 12.—The bat- tleship Wyoming, with a battalion of Marines on board, was ordered today by the Navy Department to sail for Guantanamo Bay, U. S. naval base ott the south shore of Cuba. Original orders for a training cruise off Hampton Roads were cancelled and the Wyoming was ordered to shift its course, proceeding to Cuba. Navy officials claimed that the move- ment to Cuba of the marines, part | of the Seventh Regiment, was still part’ of their regular “training cruise,” HAVANA, Oct. 12—The National Confederation of Labor today called a general strike throughout the island to protest “the Grau-Batista govern- ment’s repression and non-recogni- tion of the Confederation.” State Dept. Backed Loans to Bolivia for Chaco War Arms WASHINGTON, Oct. 12. — The United States State Department specifically approved payment of a Bolivian government munitions. debt jto the Vickers armament trust of | England in 1928 with the proceeds of a loan fioated in the United States by Dillon, Read & Co., Wall ‘treet banking House, a member of |the firm announced today. Besides this $5,000,000 bond is- sue, another issue of $1,500,000 for Bolivia was. also used by the Bo- |livian War Ministry to finance the War in the Chaco region’ against Paraguay. | These disclosures confirm - the charge made by.the Daily Worker that the American State Depart- ment and American imperialism American Concern Asks Intervention by U.S. in Cuba Wants Government to Act Against “Peril of Bolshevism” The persistent propaganda of American manufacturers and ¢Xx- port firms for armed U. 8S. inter- vention in Cuba has been carried ‘on below the surface, but the let- ter from the American Writing Yaper Company to Under-Secre- tary of State Jefferson Cafirey, published below, is a danger signal to the American workers. The workers will be summoned by Wall Street’s Washington ad- ministration to shed their blood in Cuba for the greater profits of American capitalists—unless they unite in one solid mass to enforce their demand: “Hands Off Cuba!” The letter follows: Sept. 15, 1933, Letter No, 3023. Hon. Jefferson Caffri Department of State, Washington, D. C. # Dear Sir: From all the news which we have received, both by letters and from highly placed visiting Cu- bans and Americans, it is obvious that the situation in Havana is not that of an ordinary Latin-American revolution, but is actually Bolshevism. This is a condition which must not be allowed to exist because the longer it is temporized with, the more diffi- cult it will be to handle. Commu~- nistic government once established in the Western Hemisphere will lead to emulation in other Latin-Ameri- can countries, whose governments are not too strong. The Cuban situation then consti- tutes today a danger for all, and if the true facts were presented to their authorities, I feel that they can not only be persuaded to countenance the American intervention which be- comes more imperative every day, but that they will even join us in the statement to the effect that they will unite with us to prevent any Bol- shevist. government obtaining a foot- held anywhere in the Western Hemisphere. As yet the Red character in Cuban affairs has not yet been officially presented to the American people. Privately, however, more are learning of true conditions every day and they are wondering why our government hesitates to present the true facts which it must know, and which un- doubtedly inspired the extraordinary show of naval strength which we already made. If these facts were presented, the true character of those who are op- posing intervention would be shown, and the way opened for the backing of the American people when our government can no longer refrain from intervening. Your very truly, AMERICAN WRITING PAPER COMPANY, INC., Joseph Kestner, Jr» Erport Manager. gion. American financiers _ control immensely valuable oil fields, tin were backing Bolivia in the Para- guay-Bolivia. war in the Chaco re- and other metal deposits, and coffee plantations in Bolivia, Dimitroff Inspires (Second of a series of articles from a special correspondent in Leipzig, where the four Commu- nists on trial on charges of burning the German Reichstag have put the court itself on trial, and the whole Nazi government, which engineered this frame-up. These articles were smuggled’ ont of Ger- many at the risk of ' the corres- pondent’s life. LEIPZIG, Sept. 23.—As soon as to- day’s session of the Reichstag: fire ended, I hastened to the workihg- class section of the city to find out the sentiments of the people, and what was going on in the streets. The afternoon papers had just appeared, with ® report of the examination of Dimitroff. The Nazi papers without exception, whether they are official Hitlerite organs, or “merely”. directed by the fascists, are scarcely’ éver’ looked at by the working mass¢s, who for the most part boycott them. But today, things were different. The people wanted details. The ques- tioning. of Dimitroff, who today emerged as the central figure in the trial, and will perhaps remain so until the end, provoked passionate in- terest. Before the windows and before the news-stands where the sheets: were tacked up, people stood silently reading the reports. It is very dan- gerous to say a single word on the street, especially when one is sur- rounded by strangers. Where to go now? A Leipzig comrade whom Thad met, took me to his house, where :T met three other comrades, ‘Invthe course’ of the conversation, they gave me considerable information on the po- lice methods. Inspired by Dimitroff Then we talked about the trial: A metal worker could not restrain his enthusiasm: “This Dimitroff, there's a real guy for you! Did vou see how he showed Silence on Murder Fearless Communist Leader Rips Nazi Veil of Barracks and Concentration Camps and Torture in the the bandits his teeth?” He expresses his satisfaction that, Dimitroff answered so clearly every question put by the judge, who tried in vain to build up the prosecution's case, : “It's going to: electrify all the fel- lows!” he said. The mere fact that he has shown that he was chained up and ill-treat- ed for five months is going to provoke a lot of feeling,” said another. “Why?” I asked. “It isn’t the first example.” “It's very’ simple. We are used to haying all our stories of what's going on in prison, in the ‘concentration canrps, and especially in the cellars ‘|of the Storm Troops, taken with a certain amount of skepticism. Not because of any sympathy with the Nazis. Not at all. But the things that go on are so terrible it’s hard to believe them when they are told.", “And why will Dimitvoff’s testi- mony change this attitude?” . “Because, for the first time in Germany a voice is raised openiy, publicly, to genounce the ‘special treatment,’ and also because the judge was unable to contradict him.” At this point the comrades told me of. various tortures inflicted on revo- Titionaries. ‘The Storm Troop Barracks It is in the Storm Troop barracks that prisoners are treated worst. They are brought therefor their first examination. “They go through hell,” a com- rade says in a low voice, trembling with emotion. “There are so many tortures that it is hard to believe the human brain inyented them all. They beat you with clubs, They beat you with the cat-o’-nine-tails, They beat you with thin wands. They beat you with black-jacks. And everything is carcied out with the most refined sadism.” “And they use the wet towel, too,” another interrupted. “They beat you with a wet towel and it leaves no visible wound, especially in the face.” Tt is in Breslau, in Brunswick, in troops, that the prisoners were tor- tured worst, Men, women, young and old, everybody was taken there. The {beasia made no distinction. : ee : The Koepenick Massacre One of the comrades, a printer, handed me a leaflet entitled: “What the Brown Beasts Did in Koepe- nick..” It told of the, things that happened in the Koepenick, a sub- arb of Berlin, in the last days of June. From "Seo to 260 persons, it told, were arrested. A room was specially arranged for their exam- ination. Through this room the anti- fascists who refused to give the names of their comrades had to pass. They were laid naked over a table and received up to 40 blows with rabbetblackjacks, While their throats Were squeezed until they choked...So that screams should not attract passers-by, the Nazis sang, shouted- and whistled. But, crowds fo ferm in front of the house all the same. They were forcibly dispersed, Fights developed between the workers gathered on the street and the police. The son of a militant unionist by the Berlin barracks of the storm-/} the Workers of Leipzig revolver when the Nazis tried to arrest him and shot down three Storm Troopers. He was killed on the spot and his body horribly mu- tilated. His father was arrested in the cellar of his house. His mother was driven mad with grief. Janetzki, a Communist, was thrown into @ truck and murdered there by the Nazis. “Committing Suicide” ‘The resistance of the revolution- aries roused the Hitlerites to mad rage. Every prisoner in their hands was beaten, slugged, and stabbed. The prison heeame the stage for most horrible secnes. The massacre lasted four days. At the end of that time, the Nazis brought ropes into the cells and gave the survivors half an hour fo commit suicide. When they came back, one 7 oner had not yet done “What, you son-of-~ ch?” they said, “You're still alive? One of the murderer shot hin through the heart. During the month of July, the bodies of 25 anti-fascists were thrown up on the banks of the river, They had been tied up in sacks, The comrades talked with me for a long time... . How admirable they are, these Workers and their women comra les, and all these young people who. in spite of the daily terror and the daily danger, accomplish their rey- olutionary duty! One understands how Dimitroff’s conrageous stand warmed their hee When I left the Leipzig comredes, I knew. with more corteinty than eve before thet some day ihe Ger- man proletariat will rise and con- quer. We went out. With a last look, and a last vigorous handshake, they the name of Schmaus grabbad « < We also will do aur duty.” AT THE GERMAN FRONTIER, Oct. 12 (Via Zurich, Switzerland).—A mortal blow was dealt to the very foundations of the Nazi terror regime yesterday when Police Lieutenant Lateit failed to confirm the official Nazi version of the fire—that hundreds of pounds of incendiary material had been found in the burned building, requiring at least ten people to carry it and at least ten were needed to set Police Witness Topples Whole | Navi F ire Case Nazis Now Trying to Evade Inquiry Into the Aid That Van Der Lubbe Must Have Had to Fire the Reichstag the building on fire. Lateit testified that he received no- tice of the fire at 9:15 pm. He went to the Reichstag alone, return ing=to the police station at 9:25,7 where he gathered seven policemen to follow him to the scene Fs i Mi SRI IN RIE C Flaws In Police Testimony | It is remarkable that detectives had already arrested van der Lubbe in the -meanwhile. Another suspicious cireumstance is that no answer has been given to the question of who notified the detectives and the Tier- garten Police Station. Continuing, Lateit stated that van der Lubbe had been arrested before he went back to the Reichstag. “Van der Lubbe was laughing heart- ily like a lunatic,” Lieutenant Lateit said, “and declared that he had set the Reichstag on fire. When we asked him why he had done it, he gave no answers, he merely smiled.” Lateit created a sensation in the courtroom when he testified that it was his impression that the fire could have been easily localized and kept down to insignificant dimen- sions, He added that there were no bloodstains in the broken window- panes, and that van der Lubbe’s person bore no cuts or abrasions. Lateit said that it is impossible to find one’s way about in a building like the Reichstag in the dark as quickly as was necessary to set this fire. Nazi Case In Dilemma In reply to the prosecuting attor- ney’s question, Lateit testified that the police had searched the Reich- stag to the very last corner, but had found no incendiary materials, This testimony leaves the Nazi case in an untenable dilemma. Either the Prussian Press Service and Capt. Goering, Prussian Pre- mier, lied on the night of the fire when they announced that tons of incendiary material had been found, blaming an organized Com- munist plot for the blaze, or Police Lieutenant Lateit’s testimony isi perjured in an. official eftort t& cover up the fact that van der Lubbe was the tool and aid of Nazi leaders in setting the fire. ‘The prosecution is now dropping the official version of the fire an- nounced in February and March, be- cause the Nazis find it physically im- possible, with all their perjury and concerted efforts, to link the Com- munists on trial with the fire. - Now, since they dare not admit that van der Lubbe had accomplices who weren't Communists, but Nazis, they are trying to create the fiction that this young Dutchman set the giant building on fire himself, with nothing more than matches. Correspondents Contradicted Testimony Attorney-General Werner, anxious {| to relieve the Nazis of responsibility for the fire, asked Lateit if Hitler”. Storm Troops and Special Guards had helped establish the police cor- don around the Reichstag. Lateit denied this, which is an obvious con- tradiction of numerous dispatches sent by foreign journalists on’ the scéne on the night of the blaze, as well as of the reports in German newspapers the following morning. Judge Buenger asked van der, Lubbe whether Police Lieut. Lateit’s description was right on the whole. Van. der Lubbe: “I cannot say.”.-'The Prosecutor then declared: that van der Lubbe frequently answers “I cannot say” when questioned about his accomplices. The probable con- clusion is that van der Lubbe is con= cealing a secret from the outside world, Presiding Judge Suenger then an- nounced that the court would inspect the site of the crime on Thursday night. Dr. Teichert, Dimitroff’s Nazi-ap- pointed official counsel, was: obliged to make a pretense of defending his client; applying for’ the ‘court’s’ per- mission to admit Dimitroff to the proceedings. < x _Judge Buenger. replied: “Dimitroff Nas. exhausted the court's patienee and dignity. Dimitroff must Jearn to employ counsel, and ‘not interfere himself in the proceedings.” Buenger omitted to state that Dimitroff cannot empioy. his own: ‘attorney, but must allow a Nazt lawyer to talk for him. Fire department, officials then tes- tified, saying that the 16th alarm was issued. The first alarms on the night of the fire were given at 9:14, 9:15, 9:35 and 9:45. p.m. The 10th alatm was sent in at, 9:32 p.m., but the= 15th ide) alarm was ne! issued until 10:30. Tepstvs, an ¢xpert chemist al specie ist on air bombing defeyse* then (ostified “hat he was anaibus to ufilize the five in the study of how ib was possit.e for so gigantic # building to cacch fire so ravidly, His study substantiated the assere. t¥on ‘that in a future war great pub= We buildings will be the first target, Ofvalr-bombers, Lensius interviewed after the the Mine ‘Ho testified. nz Dutchmen. sndiary metho‘is, Co) ie ¥ pains declared it w. fan der Lubbe on fire wit h the ner ted the -y regarding Nis ving cle solely teclr= crest that led him to inves- the possibility of- firing .the- iz within 12 minuiss, Hr or) to play. the role of a polit~ expert. he der dotnet an oe Lubbe told him the incondiary tic] nical in! tigate buildi) Wasest. “Tar ce pasivs aico read in tie preys th: the five was dotsd on nt idess;~end therefore hold ven der Lyhbe. to -be a Ca: wanted to advance his cause, counb decided, at the cloze of the day's sessions, not. to. allow. Dimityolt to-attend the inspection of the fire scelle Thursday night eho } , | if «