The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 16, 1933, Page 9

By BILL DUNNE f tener heroic struggle of the Cuban masses has served to force open >th®masked“portholes of Wall Street “4mpprialism. Protruding through them now are the threatening muzzles of the big guns in battle position—the eiit@e, expression of the attitude of “Arherican” rulers toward the doubly oppressed cbfonial masses of Cuba and the rest of Latin America. Roosevelt waves away all mention of intervention and smiles for the .#dmiring. newspapermen, Bat the ‘Shotted guns frown in every Cuban ‘There ‘has been no such naval con- centration in the Carribbean since the Spanish-American war. Yankee im- Perialism has painted its face, called out, its braves and is dancing the war dance to intimidate the Cuban Masses by a crushing display of foree—and impress its main im- pefialist, Great Britain and Japan. Cuba wa8 surrounded by a ring of U.S. warships’as soon as the masses overthrew de Cespedes, He was mérély a paler Machado whose ap- pointment Was wangled by Ambas- Sador Suminer’ Welles with the aid of the, National City and Chase Na- tiofial Bank” Mangers-on among the Machad@ opponents—the ring of the ABG gréup” Whose chief complaint Was ‘that they were not cut in on the blgodstained loot garnered by Ma- ehado and his Wall Street backers from the’ workers and peasants. _, The Mathado regime was, as has een said. ofthe czar’s, “tryanny tempered .by’ assassination.” .Machado did not merely help to| fob the masses and murder those .Who resisted, but he tried, with the nowledge and consent of American government, ‘and with the aid of gpcneres a eeeourinas of the Am- @fican “Uhderworld, to debauch a Whole people. Havana was turned ‘rito a huge whorehouse and gambl- thg“hell for the amusement of Am- _efican tourists. A great part of the huge reyenues of Machado and his “mitirder “clique came from organized “prostitution” and catering to the “YOWest appetites of jaded American _Mmillionaires adventurers. ee ESE facts have been known for _# Years in, government circles. But Crushing of Cuban Masses Part of War Preparation; Intervention Also Demon- stration for Imperialist Rivals vation labor the dividends and in- terests on the $1,505,000,000 of Amer- ican investments, he was undis- turbed, The high moral atmosphere of Washington was not affected by | the depravities of its Cuban puppet. But when Cuban workers and pea- sants led by the Communist Party, try to take control of the land and factories, Washington get ready for war against them. Machado lost his usefulness, was saved from righteous popular anger only by flight with American aid and under official American protection. But when the Cuban masses showed that they were determined to permit no dictation by Yankee imperialism of the choice of Machado’s successor, Washington unleashed its dogs of war, Cuba was surrounded by a ring of steel—literally. No less than thirty gunboats had their cannon trained on the main cities of the island. Ambassador Welles gave sanctuary the American owned National Hotel, to the murderous clique of army of- |ficers deposed by the enlisted men. | Ambassador Welles established his | headquarters in the National Hotel, which thereby became United States Government property. There Ambas- sador Welles, surrounded by machine guns and armed Machadist officers, devoted days to efforts to organize counter revolution, In this way he tried to utilize for imperialist attack jon the workers and peasants a tacti- cal mistake made by the revolution- | ary forces ie, allowing these officers their liberty and arms instead of disarming and imprisoning them and shooting those who resisted. Ambassador Welles has tried to do in Cuba what Ambassador Francis tried to do in Russia during and after the November revolution—use the American embassy as a base for counter revolution. The American press threw off all restraint. It indulged in the lowest forms of provocation. Here one saw the fine hand of the professional Ne- gro hater. There are about one mil- lion Negroes among the three and one-half million Cuban people. The Southern states furnish a big propor- tion of U. S. naval and army officers. American women were being routed from their homes by lustful Cubans, according to these sheets. American as. long as;Machado could guarantee and by a_reign of terror enforce star- Chisschenen Tell lives were in danger, they said, though the Cuban masses would be only too National -. Guardsmen to Shun ‘Reds’ : Offidets Keep beslee In the 124th Field Artillery, the iy 4 ‘By a National Guard Correspondent #88 “CHYCAGO, TL—A few words about the church services in the army. Ex-Servicemen on Forced Labor _Jobs Away from Uniformed Men priest told the boys at Camp McCoy not to mix with Communists because they are a bad element. They don’t believe in God, and they cause a lot of trouble to the good citizens. Why, sure enough, the Communists do not believe in exploitation and that settles the church affair. The priest at Camp Grant was preying for the recovery of the in- in “the bus accident and the @emMy recovery and for their return to their respective duties and that God shall the soul of our com- rade who died at the bus accident. Now, we would like to tell him that no God nor Jesus is responsible for such accidents, but Mr. Horner and his lackeys, including the priests, “wha are -masked with religion and Alayghter peonle. -When~7¥e ook back to the last world war, we will see that the its were blessing the nation’s gtms to come back victorious. This sort of preaching might have een go6d° to'’ome people who still belleve that “God created wars, but ‘we know: that the capitalist system creates war for profits, ept Away from ©.C.C. Men “Out in Cainp Grant they have a ‘grottp of rhore than 1,200 ex-service- meh working for $1 a day. As soon as We “landéd i Camp Grant they spread the tews along to the 131st ‘irfantry ‘to watch for them damned O,.C.'s “that’'they might come to ~né-camp and steal our clothing, and “ thet they are’ a bunch of thieves. ‘THis news went down the line and “evérybody was watchful. “Next Ri ie some of us went down an sited them and found out i nh they-Wers. all ex-servicemen and mn a fred _ bunch, They told us they were told not to talk to us, be- cause they might arouse trouble be- ween the guards and them. ave ff bunch of Negro ex- servicemen WHG are in separate tents, ‘We “told ffiefh” why should they be seperated, “bit” one Negro comrade said‘that they would feel better when “they are fi°@ bunch, but we pointed oesishen Noe Sg) they should mix, ‘and> get *together. The o1 way of pete inst sod «*Here Some boys in Cam; Geant will’ remark that the C.C.C.s were getting*@' better break; that they were getting $36 per month. We found out this was untrue, with the exception of some tools of the bosses | NRA who got promotions and went as high, some of*them, as be! ieten 14 ing second one against another, the bosses will never stop. Even in the army -i;some companies they took off the’ enlisted men’s pay for whether they liked it or'sfiet. | some companies they lets lecide, and so the men dead ve & company fund, Also. some - the men. 50 “cents charged for six months’ sub- . and in > the war, These mines were operated heavily during the war to supply material for battleships and other machines of war. The ore is being shipped to a chemical plant in Gary, Indiana. * . (By a Worker Correspondent) MIDLAND, Mich,, Avg, 31. — The Daw Chemical Company, which is producing various kin/ls of gases for war purposes, is the sole controller not only of the bread basket, but of politics, Therefore, the danger of victimization is greut. e DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1938 glad if all the American agents of Wall Street would pack up and get for without limit by the Platt Amend- ment, is the key to Yankee imperial- me out. Not @ single American has been | ist control of the Carribbean area, the injured. Their lives have been in| gulf of Mexico and that most precious under the American flag, flying over kh less danger than if they lived, let us say, in Chicago, or happened to be} textile or coal mine strikers in Penn- sylvania, Utah or New Mexico, Washington was not worried much about American lives. This made a good excuse for the naval display, but it acted like the arm of Wall Street that it is because of the sugar plan- tations, tobacco plantation, factories and sugar refineries, railways, mines, electric light plants, docks, etc., the profits from which, sweated out of workers receiving from 8 to 10 cents per day as on the sugar plantations, pour into the pockets of Wall Street institutions. The Platt Amendment, adopted by Congress in 1901, makes a mockery of Cuban independence except in so far, as they are doing now, the Cuban masses, by strikes and insurrection, aided by the American working class, force a revision, The Platt Amend- ment is the slave document by which Yankee imperialism under the Roose- velt administration claims the right to dictate the destinies of the Cuban messes by military force. * 8 8 E is far more, however, to the present tactics of the Roosevelt administration, than even the mani- fest intention to maintain by blood and iron the power of Wall Street to tob the Cuban masses. Cuba is America’s Ireland, Just as the British domination of Ireland and its use as a naval and air base assures her control of the trade of the western trade routes, so Cuba, with its Guantanamo naval and air base, and other bases provided of its Latin American seaways—the | Panama canal. The immense display of naval force against the Cuban masses is not | solely for the purpose of intimidating | them and holding them in check while Ambassador Welles, having} done his best for the army officer| clique, moves to other quarters and cests around for another base for counter revolution. With typical) Yankee thriftiness which saves money by killing two birds with one stone, Washington has seized the opportu- nity to stage a demonstration to awe other Latin and South American peoples and to parade before the eyes of the watchful of her main imperialist rivals—Britain and Japan —its ability to mobilize to hold what for Wall Street is justly. called the “Pearl of the Antilles.” . N ie demonstration against the Cuban masses is a sure sign of the great tensity in world imperialist re- lationships. As such it must be brought into the very center of the discussions that will take place at the Congress Against Imperialist War to convene in New York City om Sept. 29 for a three day session. Take a look at the map of the Caribbean area and the lower Atlan- tic coast. You will see that, just as we speak of Yankee “domination” of tween British and American imperial- ism still proceeds and creates moun- tains of misery for the workers and peasants, the struggle for complete domination of the Carribbean area South America while the struggle be-| €uiba, the Caribbean, and the U.S. Anti-War Congress Backed by Warships, Organizes Counter Ri Page Nine U. S. Envoy Openly| evolution As Francis ‘ Auto Code Puts Blue Eagle: OK on Open Shop, Low Pay says the confidential letter “Please do not publish the fact | By A. B, MAGIL E auto code, which puts the offi- cial N. R, A. eagle on one of the | that this might result in a greater Did in Russia in 1917 imperialisms and that this decision will in all probability be reached by war, In this respect the importance of Cuba and other islands of the Greater and Lesser Antilles as sources of raw materials and imperialist super- profits, while it has great weight in determining imperialist policy, is ac- tually secondary. It is from the standpoint of war needs—war against revolting Latin American peoples, and war against each other—that the main decisions are made, Off Chesapeake bay and Norfokk— mane Workers in Havana around the statue of Marti, Cuban National Hero, listening to Communist speak- ers on platforms that have been built around the base of the statne. demonstrations of the Cuban workers to send marines to protect American investments. The State Department used these a naval base—lie the Bermuda Islands British. Just southeast of the Flor- ida coast, lying in a semicircle with its concave side facing the Carribbean and the Gulf of Mexico, are the ten or twelve main units of the Bahama Islands—British. the southeast and on the South Am- erican continent is British Guiana, British imperialism has been deprived | canal, will, as one noble lord put it, exter- weakened, Slightly southeast again are Cuba, Haiti and Porto Rico—American pos- sessions. Inside of these islands and to the south are Jamaica, Grand Cay- man and Little Cayman—British. To Certainly it cannot be said that of the possibility of establishing air and naval bases in the Carribbean| area that could threaten the Panama Just as British imperialism minate every Irishman before it will allow its control of trade routes to be | just as Britain’s ruling is not yet over between the two world' class will sacrifice its last seaman before it will give up the barren rock that is Gibraltar and weaken its con- | trol of the western entrance to Medi- terranean, just as it murdered, exiled and jailed revolting Cyprus workers, | crushing their struggle under the | wheels of artillery, rather than i weaken its control of the entrance to the Suez canal and of the sea route to India, so will American imperialism go to,any length including war de- clared or undeclared—to crush the revolt of the Cuban, Haitian and Porto Rican masses threatening its power to rob and rule in the Carrib- bean area and all of Latin and South America, Only the most resolute action by the American working class can prevent this. It is a war mobilization in Cuban waters. With the bulk of its Atlan- tic fleet in the Pacific, with ever greater tenseness in imperialist rela- tionship in the Pacific area as the Chinese revolution frees ever larger masses and narrows the exploitable |and French imperialism, Washington | is more than ever determined “to put on a good show” in the Carribbean. Be the perceptions of the colonial | masses and the America workers hardships of the crisis and the break- down of the “American prosperity forever” theory, are foreing Yankee imperialism to.pay a big price for its display. The pacifist pretenses of Roosevelt wilt away in the face of the brutally open array of war machinery sent against the Cuban masses; his non-intervention swindle is exposed by the shameless Sumner Welles pro- of the Porristas, turning an Amer- ican hotel into the American em- bassy run by Machadists, armed to the teeth and fortified against workers, intellectuals fighting for liberation. Something was needed to stir the | American working class to a realiza- tion to the fact that today under NIRA the flag of imperialist war is rove to the halyards and ready to be hoisted at any moment. The need to be ever on guard in defense of the liberation struggle of the oppressed masses in the “sphere of American sharply by the declaration of war written with battleships im place of words, ‘These same ships and guns will be turned against the American masses just as they were made ready to deal death .and devastation in Cuba on behalf of Wall Street’s imperialist in- terests, They are the hard faots behind the demagogy of Roosevelt and NIRA. Taking advantage of the Cuban sit- uation, which is supposed to convince all Americans that the Cuban people and the Latin American masses are their enemies, a proposal is now be- fore Roosevelt for a new grab of funds for the army. As usual an ap- peal is made directly to workers for support of this new subsidy for mass murder of all those who revolt against Wall St—at home and abroad—by saying that 80 cents out of every dol- Jar will “go into the pockets of wage earners.” The bullets, bombs and shrapnel will go in their direction too, These are some of the facts on which the Congress * inst Imperial- ist War must base its preparations, its agitation and propaganda and organized actions against war in the next two weeks, and upon which the program of the Congress itself must be based. No better preparation for the Con- gress can be made than a tenfold in- crease in the mass defense of the Cuban masses. Phrases to Bolster By HARRY GANNES. speed with which the NRA standards and workers’ rights has made agile political contortionists of the Socialist Party leaders. Norman Thomas, the “New Leader,” official organ of the Socialist Party, and other ballyhooers of the NRA, are falling all over themselves trying to adjust their words of praise for the NRA, With the open strikebreaking, starvation policies of the NRA be- coming clearer to great sections of the workers, the Socialists now seek new means to keep the workers’ faith in the NRA. In the Sept. 9 issue of the “New Leader,” the Socialist Party, in a leading editorial, tries to disassociate itself from its shameless, lurid praise of the NRA. It resorts to new delib- erate lying about the Roosevelt “New Deal.” “Workers can be sure of unless they fight for it, and under the they must fight harder than »” state the Socialists, These are strange words from those who from the very day the Blue Eagle hatched its egg piled it with filthy praise. If as the Socialist leaders said the NRA is such a blessing, then why must the workers “fight harder than ever?” The fact is, in the face of the heavy blows of the NRA, smash- ing down living standards, new thousands on the bread lines, hammering away at the workers’ rights of picketing and striking, the toiling masses are fighting harder than ever against the NRA. “What They Said Before We will show that the Socialist Party leaders told the workers that the NRA was a distinct gain for the workers, that it would offer them untold advantages, including wages, improved working conditions, the right to organize, that it would even lay the basis for an easy deve!- opment to socialism, \ Five days before the NRA was passed, Norman Thomas wrote an T moved to an open attack on living | Latest Attacks on Workers Under NRAs Makes Socialists Scurry Around for New Faith in Roosevelt ,on the NRA, saying: “It would be absurd to expect a Democratic administration to ad- vance toward outright socialism. Nevertheless, the labor clauses of the bill as introduced into Con- gress rightly used will give the workers an enormously powerful * pers expect Roosevelt to give you complete socialism, says Thomas. But he is doing all he can in that direction. We can tell the workers, Says the Socialists, that they can use this instrument (which is now grind- ing them to a coolie level, and smashing their rights) to build so- cialism from the point where Mr, Roosevelt leaves off, perhaps due. to his inexperience. But to make emphasis stronger, Thomas in another article says: “Collective -bargaining and other Tights guaranteed (1!) to labor have genuine value.” (June 22). That was the cue to the whole Socialist line. It was explained to the workers who read the Socialist press in this fashion by the Jewish “No More Wage Cuts” “The time of wage cutting has gone. “Only when the wages of the workers will be raised will their buying power be increased and a new current of life will penetrate the frozen American industry and trade, “To this thought came also the prominent capitalists who declared themselves for higher wages. Presi- dent Roosevelt also came out in the “The workers have the possibility of establishing a minimum wage that can be twice and three times their present earnings; they can also achieve a working week of 36 hours and less,” ‘ Does this bear out what the So- cialist “New Leader” now says on A Brief History of Socialist P always contended that the workers would have to “fight harder than ever?” Helping Roosevelt Bvery worker will see that it shows quite the contrary. The Socialists, in common with Roosevelt, used every trick to keep the workers from struggling. They told the workers to collective. bargaining’ ‘and’ workers collective and workers’ rights. ‘They told the workers that the capitalists had made up their minds to increase minimum wages as high as two and three hundred per cent, Then why fight? + 8 8 New Leader, in its article, went that if they fought against the NRA, they would endanger the carrying through of the act and hinder the return of prosperity, Even at the expense of losing their rights, having their wages lowered, the Socialist leaders told the workers | not to fight against the NRA. { On July 20, the “New Leader” printed an article by Joseph E. Cohen, in which we read: “Whatever risk is ran in banking capitalism, or to socialism. To a too much upon this effort (NRA) to place industry upon an even | foundation, much more danzer lies | in trying to hamper its tryout.” | Is this telling the workers to “fight | harder,” or 4s it urging the workers, | at the greatest sacrifices, to Ist elt and the bosses carry | through the NRA slavery program to Save capitalism? I The NRA had not then shown its fangs. It consisted of beautiful radio | Speeches by General Johnson, Presi- | dent Roosevelt and Norman Thomas, Piling It On Thick The “New Leader” began to pile it on, telling how much the NRA was | going to do for the workers, what a| wonderful change Roosevelt’ had wrought in the capitalist. structure— all for the benefit of the workers. On July 29, under the glowing title of “A New Deal—or a New Day,” the “New Loader” harranged the workers as follows: “The world ts st the cvessroads. From now on we have it within or backward: to a rejuvenated article in the New Leader (June 10) Sept. 9 that the Socialist leaders ) our power to travel either forward | | the | modified and somewhat controlled | exploitation or to a planned col- | leetivist society in which there will | | be regard for nothing but human | welfare.” action of the Socialiss Party to make Socialist Party? Boiled down, the Socialist argument was: Nothing but good could come out jor at worst a “rejuvenated” italism; that is, a reformed capital- ism, with its stinger taken out, one in which exploitation would not be T further. It warned the workers | harsh. We'll let the Socialist panegyrists | speak about this new capitalism which they said would be the least to expect from the NRA: “The old days are dead beyond recall, The sysiem of unbridled competition, of Every Man for Himself and the Devil Take the Hindmost, can never return, What classical economists called Laissez-faire, what the forgotten Hoover called Rugged Individualism, and what Donald &. Richberg called Gold-plated Anarchy, is a system as extinct as the Roman Empire.” ewer (O did all this? Mr. Roosevelt, say the Socialists. Are the old days of hunger and starvation dead beyond recall? Is the system of shooting down strikers, of smashing workers’ rights of arresting pickets, rot beyond recall? Is the ferocious attack | egainst the workers living standard (the 33 por cent’ NRA wage cut in steel) beyond recall? What is “new” in Roosevelt's r The in- creased feroci! cks against the w attack against the unemployed, the feverish drive to war and attack o:t the Cuban maeses, the more energetic preparations for fascism. This is what the “New Leader” praises when it tells of the wonders accomplished by Roosevelt under the NRA, * fe) h) become identified with the NRA (not only in propaganda but through the alliance between Dubinsky and Could Roosevelt expect any better adjustment of the propaganda and the NRA acceptable to those workers | who had faith in or followed the of the NRA—either socialism itself, cap- closely did the Socialist Party | Should Sacrifi other Socialist leaders with strike- breaker Whalen) that Mr. Whalen invited them to become an official section of the NRA machinery. By that time the NRA had begun to expose itself for what it is in the eyes of the workers, exactly in the way the Communist Party said it would. It was then that the Socialist Party found it necessary to make a change in its tactics in order to continue its support of the NRA under other guises, ‘That accounts for the latest lying editorial in the “New Leader” of Sep- tember 9. The dead days beyond recall had to their eredi'! 1, The open shop of the auto code, approved by William Green, John L, clalist. 2 Wage cuts in steel, coal and thousands of other industries. 3. The no-strike edict and the na- tional arbitration board strikebreak~- ing machinery. 4. Arrest cf pickets, and a flood of injunctions. §. Martial law against Utan and New Mexico coal strikers, 6. Increasing unemployment; intensification of the crisis. ‘. Increased war preparations, Everyone of these results were fore- | teld by the Communist Party in its analyses of the NRA printed in nears ly every issue of the Daily Worker from the day the law was passed. Finally, in its lying editorial, the | New Leader, beginning its new and imping explanation of the New Deal, carstully protects Mr. Roosevelt and the capitalist state, the government of Wall Street, from any blame for what is resulting from the NRA, The steel trust, the coal trust, the auto trust are blamed. But the govern- ment of these mighty corporations, sya Roosevelt regime, is held blame- | less. The NRA is good. The NRA is a blessing still to the workers. What is wrong is the “corporate interpreta- tion” of the NRA, says the New an |base of American, British, Japanese | and farmers sharpened by the terrible | leveling out of all wages so that a larger number of people may have employment at least at a minimum wage rate rather than permit o smaller number dividing the work as @ consequence of gett | money for their service: | During the month of August th has been a sharp drop in automo ‘ | production and employment. Even i t merely provides for an average | DyOauction rises in the fall; it-will of 35 hours a week during the period| POI” Mean that the inhuman | that it is in force (Sept. 5 to Dec. 32,| «264 up system, which has increased | 1933), while the maximum work week | the speed of conveyor belts by about j48 actually 48 hours. | 60 per cent during the past year, will | 2%. It does not increase wages. | be further intensified. | It sets a minimum of from 40 to 43! With the code adopted, what are \cents an hour. At 43 cents an hour/the auto workers to do? this means $15.05 a week, or about} The militant Auto Workers Union, $65 a month. On this question a con- | which led the Detroit strikes earlier fidential letter of the General Motors | this year, was for a long time prac- | Corp., issued July 21 to department | tically the only organization in, the | managers and signed by F. A. Ober-' field. But now many workers are |heu, general manager, declares: turning also to new groups that have | “In our entire organization, m- | sprung up, to the A. F. of L, union; eluding service department em- |to the Auto Mechanics Educational ployees, we only have a few hun- | Association, an organization of skilled | dred people not now receiving at | workers along craft lines; to ‘the least $65 as a fixed rate.” an Industrial Association, ag Moreover, the reduction in hours | gant by stool-pigeons early this means # reduction in the weekly|year in order to break the Briggs | wage. At the Briggs Waterloo plant | strike; to the Federation of Automo- in Detroit, for example, the introduc- | tive Workers that has been launched tion of the 40-hour week has resulted | by Socialist Party leaders in Lansing in a cut in the weekly wage of from | and Pontiac; to the I. W. W.4 which 25 to 40 per cent, has become very active around ter- In addition, the code provides that | t#i2 Plants. | The appearance and growth of “apprentices and learners and females vi not doing the same work as adult | these heterogeneous groups is ax in: | worst open shop industries in the |country, does not substantially change | conditions in the auto plants pt to make possible new reduc-/ ex tions in the living standards of tens| of thouusands of workers. Let us ex- | amine its outstanding features. ..L..1t does not establish the 35-hour week. Y tecting the army officer protectors peasants and honest students and influence” has been brought home 303,000,000 from the Public Works Lewis, and Sidney Hillman, the So-; males shall be paid not less that 87% 'per cent of said minimums.” The |fact is that all such workers do prac- j tically the same work as adult males, jand though the code provides that | this group shall not exceed 5 per cent of the total number, trust the auto manufacturers to get around that. What about the wage increases of | 15 to 20 per cent that were put into jeffect by nearly au the companies except Ford’s at the time when the auto manfuacturers first adopted their code? Let the confidential letter of General Motors speak on that: “, . . let us say that all service department clerks, helpers, porters or mechanics could be placed on a $65 per month basis and then take that into consideration at the time of fig- uring out adjusted coripensation or bonus at the end ef each month.” (My emphasis.—A. B, M.) ‘The auto workers, too, can speak on this question: At Hudson's, at the Dodge plant, at practically all the factories where wage increases were given, the bonus was cut and the workers’ wages remained substantially the same. 3. The auto code will not result In the re-employment of many thon- sands of unemployed auto workers. Even the Detroit capitalist press admitted shortly after the code was signed that only 35,000 would be hired immediately. But even this figure may be taken with a barrel of salt. Says the General Motors letter: “Of sourse, there may be some folks on your payroll whom you would not minimum even though you never fig- ured on giving them a bonus. In such cases there would be only one thing open or left for you to do. This would mean an elimination of this cheap help or placing them on part time. (My emphasis.—A. B, M.) 4. The auto code will not result in proportionate increases in pay for those getting above the minimum. In fact, quite the contrary. The code states: “Equitable adjustment in all pay schedules of factory employees above thé minimums shall be made on or before Sept. 15, 1933, by any employ- ers who have not heretofore made such adjustments.” Under this vague “equitable” lan- guage is concealed an attack on the wage standards of the better-paid workers. For if it does become neces- sary to employ a larger number of men to keep up production schedules, arty Contortions on N. R. A. “Forward” Had Promised 300% Pay Rise; One Socialist Leader Said Workers ce for N. R. A. Leader. Roosevelt is not attacking the workers’ rights, they say. “The one resource that the work- ing people have between elections in dealing with these great powers of capital and finance (but not with the more powerful instrument of the gov- ernment of capital and finance — D.W.) is organization into unions of their own. If this resource is im- paired by corporate interpretation of the labor section of the NRA, or by judicial blows aimed at the right to strike or picket, it will mean a reac- tionary revolution that will enthrone capital ender the protecting wings of the Blue Eagle.” Such lawyefs’ language will not | cover the crass distortion of what the | NRA really is and the yeoman ser- vice given to it by the Socialist leaders. \ | Do you mean, Socialist supporters of the NRA, that the NRA was a revolution made by Mr. Roosevelt that wiped out capitalism, and now the capitalists aré making a counter- revolution against the Jabor sections of the NRA and will in the future “enthrone capital” under the NRA? You still insist that the NRA is a powerful instrument to improve labor conéitions, w’ every deed under |the NRA shows the opposite. You | try to save the capitalist state from {the bleme, try to keep the workers’ | faith in the NRA, when you havet {a leg to stand on, and all of your propaganda has beeh proved a tissue of lies, | The NRA was. intended to trengthen capitalism. It is doing it. | It was written to smash down the | workers’ standard of living. It is do- jing that. It mever was intended to | give the workers the right to orga- | nize or to preserve any of the work~ ers’ rights, ‘You supported it in the past with a species of lies that have been ex- posed by undeniable action of the bosses. You are trying to keep the workers faith in it still, by a new species of lies figure worthy of a $65 per month dication of the imcreased fighting spirit of the autornobile workers, their surging eagerness for organization and struggle. The fact that thi workers are organizing under actionary leadership is proof not of the backwardness of the workers, but of the backwardness of the Auto Workers Union and the Communist Party, which should be the driving | forces in the present situation, and | thus far have not been. The workers in the Hayes Body Plant in Grand Rapids have shown | how it can be done. They adopted the | auto workers code and they struck to jenforce its demands. Result: After | being out a week, despite efforts of the company to break the strike, they won 2 20 per cent wage increase, Tecognition of shop and department committees and other concessions, Whether Ford gets the blue eagie or not, auto workers will fight against the robber bird that has dug its beak into their fiesh, Scottsboro Tour in Far West Rallies Thousands for Boys Carter, Moore and Mrs. Patterson Speak By BELLE TAUB (Belle Taub, author of this story, | is the International Labor Defense | organizer accompanying Mrs. Janie | Patterson, Lester Carter and Rich- | ard B. Moore on their tour of West- | ern cities —Ed.) ! eer ee ' SEATTLE.—The tour of Mrs. Janis Patterson, mother of Heywood, Scotts~ boro victim, together with Lester Oar- ter, defense witness, and Richard B, Moore, National Committee member of the International Labor Defense, into seventy-two cities of the West shows that a marked intensification of the struggles of the Western worke ers and farmers for the release of the nine innocent Scottsboro boys. begun, In Sioux Falis, South Dekota, an unemployed worker, his wife and children slowly starving on miserable charity-food for which he worked 8 days a month, sat pondering; “How can we issue a leaflet for the Scotts- boro meeting, when there's nof a cent in the house and the comrades are all unemployed?” He went to the local | printer, appealed to him, persuaded him to advance credit. The next evening, for the first time in the history of Sioux Falls, both Negro and white speakers appeared om the ‘same platform. Rey. Bothwick, local minister, said: “I take the floor to corroborate what the sister said about the conditions in the South. They are all true. The children are under-fed, l-clad, they go to miserable jim-crow schools between cotton-picking and few have shoes. Their parents, the share-croppers are worse off than in slavery times.” In the next city, Aberdeen, South Dakota, a group of Young Pioneers had rehearsed a recitation to the Scottsboro mothet for weeks. “What j will you do to save the Scottsboro | Boys?” asked one group. “We will fight to get them free,” answered the other. Forced by~ pressure:fgom jthe masses the City Auditorium was | granted for the meeting by the Mayor. Pulling along through the wheat country, we then reached Grand Forks, North Dakota. Here thousands of leaflets had been scattered thru- out the city. Three broadcasts were made over the local radio station. In Bloody Butte—the city in which Frank Little, militant I. W. W. leader was lynched by the blood-thirsty citizens committee on August Ist, 1917—a grim terror gripped the, elty, the stranglehold of the Anaconda Landlord, minister, newspapermen, lawyer—t] all looked fearfully pale, all sat like dead men with’ giaz eyes pe od by long years of fear— fear of the Anaconda Copper Mining Company officials—they said, “Please don't have this meeting at Butte, there's so much terrorization here.” “We must have this meeting because it gives us a chance to expose the local conditions,” the workers said. Two Negro churches opened their doors to us, to rotate speakers from one to the other, i i a) ne