The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 9, 1933, Page 5

Socialist-Injunction Lawyer Runs for Mayor of New York Chas. Solomon Applied for Injunction a Day Before Police Killed Steve Katovis By DAN DAVIS “We demand again, and pledge our elected representatives to work for the complete abolition of the practice of issuing injunctions in labor disputes and pending the realization of this object, the modi- fication of the law. i: () To provide against issuance of injunctions in labor disputes be- fore full and complete trial of the issue; and (2) jury trials in pro- ceedings to punish for contempt for alleged violation of injunction orders, such trials to be presided over by a judge other than the one issuing the injunction.” +.—From the Socialist Party 1933 New York City election platform. (All the following data can be found on file in the Bronx County Supreme Court). * * * NEW YORK.—On December 30, 1929, Isidore Miller, owner of Miller's Market, an open shop food market at 866 Union Avenue in the Bronx, discharged two workers, Harry Bloom and Joe Weiner, because they he~- longed to the Food Clerks Industrial Union, Local 17, affiliated with the | Amalgamated Food Workers of Amer- | ica,\now the Food Workers Industrial Union, Efforts were made by officials of the union to haye the workers reinstated. The boss refused and the union declared it a lockout. Janu- ary 6, 1930, a picket line was estab- ished before the market and the shop declared on strike. Miller had been paying his work- ers $16 to $22 for a 90 to 119 hour, seven day week. The Food Clerks Industrial Union demanded $40 for a 57 hour, six day week. The sirike pickets, each one of whom the courts were forced to dismiss because of lack of evidence. Several days after the strike be- a Mi und a helping hand— and Grocery Clerks Union, Local 338, AFL, officials. The latter signed him up and Miller, who had always sworn he would always haye an open shop suddenly had his maint. "y ized.” The AFL unton and Miller signed a ecntraet in which the conditicns for the workers, listed in a printed form agreement, were stricken out and changed with pen | and ink to suit Miller. 77 ‘"e “srt paragraph of the con- UPREMS COURT s BRONX COUNTY See ee ee HAARY RIBWER, as Seoretery~ the Retsil Dairy ard Groce; of Greater Hew York, Leen Anocrporated association, tes “against injunctions” platform. Solomon, through his law firm, Goldberg and Solomon, 66 Court St., Brooklyn, sought the injunetion for the Retail Dairy Clerks Union. The attorney representing the boss in his demand for an injunction against the Food Clerks Union was one called Samuel S. Rosh of 66 Court Street, Brooklyn, (Solomon's business ad- dress) who"was a clerk in Solomon's office. Selomon, not wishing to have his name used as the attorney for a boss against strikers, handled the case through his clerk, Roch! Rosh is today a member of the firm of Goldberg and Solomon. Solomon also had the boss, Miller, swear out an affidavit for the Retail Dairy Grocery Clerks Union’s injune- tion against the strikers, The Socia~ list Party candidate for Mayor pre- sented this affidavit. in which Miller states: “I need hardly tell this court that as a result of the conditions (the strike-D. D.) that I have described in this affidavit, there has been a sub- stantial decrease in the volume of my business and of the ineome there- from,” against the strikers. Solomon used the boss's “decrease in business” as reason for issuing the injunction against the strikers. Four of Miller's workers, Louis Mit- tleman, Rubin Eckstein, Frank Smal- heiser and Isidore Porlitz were tricked into signing affidavits they were mot allowed to read, against the Food Clerks Industrial Union on the threat of losing their jobs. These affidavits, which stated that the workers had joined the Retail Dairy and Grocery Clerks Union and that they were re- ceiving union conditions, the workers later branded as lies. They signed additional affidavits in which they exposed the non-union conditions in. Millers’ place and stated that the Re- tail Clerk’s Union was merely signed up by the boss to break the strike. The four also joined the Food Clerks Industrial Union. The affidavits, which the boss had forced the workers to sign without reading were also used as testimony by Solomon in his request for the injunction against the Food Clerks Union. <! The day following the application for injunctions for the AFL union and the boss against the Food Clerks cor eex i jasurer of lerks Union ) an Une Plaintiff, sagainste ISRARL WASSERMAN, individually and es Segretaryefreasurer of YOOD CLERKS INDUSTRIAL UNION, LOCAL 17 with the Amalgamated Food Amrice, seryell Defendants, Se ed ccc eex Plaintiff, vy GOLIBERG & SOLOMON, ite attorneys, |{{ complaining of the defendants PIRSTs alleges: That the plaintiff, Ketail ~airy and Grocery AN nate rene ne ene wee weet waned wen ae wae we -98 Photostat of the affidavit for .. injunction filed y Solomon’ in January, 1930, through his firm, Goldberg and Solomon, asking an in- junction for the A, F, L. union which “signed wu: the bos$ several days after the strike began, The injunction was against the Food Clerks’ Industrial Union. trect which stated that only union members sent in by the union were to be hired by Miller, an addition was written in stating that: “Said firm has the right to hire clerks who must become union men in 48 hours.” In the same contract between the AFL union and the boss, the printed figures calling for a 57-hour week e stricken out and changed to hours. Similarly an entire para- ph forbidding overtime was strick- cut. The minimum wage of $41 a ; “required” by the union was changed to $35. In a paragraph stating the legal holidays for which workers must be paid, May Ist was listed. BUT an addition was written in whieh read -hat “all clerks working on May Ist are to receive an extra day off.” These were the conditions the AFL officials fixed to collaborate with the boss to break the strike, The workers remained firm and méintained their picket line. They defied the thugs brought in by the AFL leaders and the boss. All the ‘neighborhood, was in sympathy with the strikers. Miller and the officials of the Re- tail Dairy and Grocery Clerks union then joined in applying for separate injunctions against the strikers and the Food Clerks Industrial Union. On January 15, when the affidayits for the injunction were filed at the Bronx County Supreme Court it was found that the attorney requesting one of the. injunctions was Charles H. Solomon, present candidate for Mayor for the Socialist Party on an Union, Whalen’s (who was then po- lice commissioner) cop, Harry Kiritz, and a detective attacked, pickets and workers before the store at an open air meeting supporting the strikers. Several workers were wounded and Steve Katovis was fatally shot. Eight days later, January 24, Katovis died after days of agony. The following day, Saturday, January 25, while Robert Minor, present idate on the Commu- nist Party ticket was being beaten unconscious by police who attacked a demonstration at the City Hall protesting the murder of Steve Ka- tovis, Solomon was in court, before Judge Callahan, arguing that the injunction be granted, Union exposed the strike-breaking tactics of the AFL union officials, the boss and Solomon, s0 effectively and the solidarity of the workers was so great, that the court was forced to refuse the motion for the injunction. The Socialist Party today cooper- ates with shooting latest job of New York NRA head, Thomas “protests” against the sweep- ing injunction against the strikers under NRA, but the Party “regrets” it cannot join wi Whalen in the NRA Consumers’ dri Whalen is allowed the use of Debs radio station, WEVD. Charles Solomon, as far back as 1921 introduced a bill in the state legislature at Albany, not against in- junctions, but for “prohibiting the Rint Commmran Coren Ken Sea ee 1 eh Pam Hw Yok. Tea Set i is ~ ‘ Suanmans with Nesoe — To the above named Defendant ; ‘You arr hereby Summened to answer the complaint in this action, and to serve a copy of your snewer, or, if the complaint i not this summons to serve a notice ot = appearance on the Plaintiffs Attorney within .-adaye after the service cot this summons, exclusive of the day of service and in case of your failure't0 appesr, or anewer, pork si pa ico i ieee Se maa \ idgment will This is the summons issued by the Bronx Supreme Court in behalf of the boss, Isidore Miller, owner of Miller's Matket against the Food Clerks Industrial Union. The name of Miller’s lawyer appearing on the summons is Samuel 8. Rosh, then a clerk in Solomon's office at 66 Court Street, Brooklyn, DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1933 Plaintive appeals are heard) nowadays in certain quarters, call- | ing upon the “backward” American | workers to come forward and organ- ize a Labor Party or a Farmer-La- bor Party, All these voices fail la- mentably in finding full harmony in their chorus, But one note is com- mon to all. They are agreed that the Communist Party “cannot win the American workers,” from which they conclude that their big job is pre- cisely to prevent that impossible thing from happening. What about this “labor party” bus- iness, anyway? Everything must be judged today in the light of the questions raised by the crisis. The workers and farm- ers are looking for a way out. There are two—anti only two—possible paths to take. One way is that be- ing worked out by the capitalist class and its helpers; this way is for low- ering the standards of living of the workers, taking away their civil rights, proceeding to Fascism and war—the way of trying to patch-up | the broken down capitalist system. | The other way is that of working | class struggle for higher living stand- ards, to protect and extend workers’ | rights, to fight against Fascism and war—the way toward the revolution- ary overthrow of capitalism and the reorganization of society on the basis of socialism, ‘No Middle Course: Between these two paths there is no middle course. It is one or the other. The Communist Party is fight- ing for the second one, the revolu- tionary way. | The capitalists and their servants | want to blur this issue, to keep the | minds of the workers away from this question entirely. But from the mass- es there arises more and more the demand for a radical reorganization of society. This has grown so loud that even Roosevelt, the capitalist president, must make verbal conces- sions to jt. Like the Fascist Hitler, | he must use radical phrases to cover ' | make use freely of even such words It Is One or Other’ up the capitalist policy which he puts | over even more ruthlessly than did | Hoover. Roosevelt and his helpers as “revolution” to desgribe the “new deal.” This is done to soothe the ‘anti-capitalist moods and ideas of the masses and keep them away from the path of real revolution. The Socialist Party is, in its own way and in general agreement with the leaders of the American Federa- tion of Labor, developing the same line as Roosevelt. It supports un- conditionally Roosevelt's policies, but covers this up with talk about ‘‘so- cialism.” But it grows harder every Auto By A. B, MAGIL, Editor, Michigan Worker HAT will Ford do? The government is worried, | General Motors is worried, Morgan | 4s. worried. Ford has not signed the NRA code for the auto industry. It is clear that he won't. This code was dic- tated by the two Wall Street con- cerns, Genera] Motors and Chrysler, and put over with the aid of Wall Street's pack-in-the-box, Mr. William Green, president of the American Federation of Labor. It is a code that is designed to do what the Na- tional Industrial Recovery Act as a whole aims to do: the smashing down of the workers’ standards of living dustry under the domination of the leading Wall Street interests. The trouble in the auto industry is that there are two big trusts, General Motors (Morgan) and Ford, with Chrysler, the third largest manufac- turer, allied with General Motors through Wall Street connections. | Ford, who represents 25 per cent of the industry, refuses to swallow the General Motors code, General Johnson, who is closely eonneeted with Bernard Baruch and | other Wall Street cronies of Roose- velt, is doing his damnest to put over the General Motors code, Two days after he issued a warning against using the boycott, intimida- tion or coercion in connection with the codes, he declared that the Am- erlean people would “crag¢k dawn” on anybody in the auto industry that remained outside the NRA pale. This tip was immediately followed by the action of the governors of a number of states in declaring a boycott against Ford cars. Ford pays $4 a day minimum, act- ually higher than provided in the auto code, Of course, Ford never gives something for nothing; in re- turn for slightly higher pay he has developed the most fiendish speedup system on the face of the earth, op- erates a $1 a day forced labor racket, maintains a service department (spy organization) that outdoes anything the steel industry can offer, and rules the city of Dearborn, with its population of 50,000, a ruthlessly as ever did feudal lord his wretched serfs, Dae btw Koi [OW Ford is preparing to slip over @ fast one on the NRA. An In- ternational News Service (Hearst) dispatch from Washington Sept. 1 reports that he will shortly make public a code of his own, providing @ “profit-sharing” scheme and a 15 to 20 per cent increase. Ford work- ers have had-~sufficient experience with his insurance and banking rack- ets to smell @ large-sized rat in the “profit-sharing” scheme. But what- ever Ford decides to do, it will ha one hand, and groups within the capitalist class on the other. code has also revealed than any previous code role of the leaders of American Federation of Labor in appointment of any person as a dep- uty sheriff to assist in the suppression of industrial (New York Times, February 22, 1921.) The sharpest claw, which the blue eagle, under the adept guidance of Grover Whalen, is beginning to use against the workers of New York is the injunction. The Socialist Par- ty announces in its platform for the coming New York City elections that it is against injunctions and to prove its sincerity places “injunction king A Sham Battle on the ‘and the firmer trustification of in- | lal Code What happened in Washington on that 18th of August, when the public hearing on the auto code was held? It was a grand show, General Johnson did his he-:man spiel, the National Automobile Chamber of Commerce presented their open-shop code, and Billy Green, puffing up his shiny, boiled face, played “oppo- sition.” Mr, Green was very “mili- tant.” He aptually demanded a 60- cents an hour minimum, a 30-hour week. and manv other things. He didn’t miss a cue. Only two days before, Aug. 16, the International News Service sent out a dispatch quoting Green as follows: “The representatives of the major companies present demonstrated their willingness to cooperate with the r advisers and the Recovery Ad- ministration to the fullest possible extent. There seems to be no con- troversy in the industry over mini- mum wages.” . 8 « E fly in the NRA ointment, a fly which proved too big for the blue eagle to swallow, was the delegation from the Auto Workers Union that appeared at the hearing. They had come to present the code written and approved by the auto workers them- selves, The NRA flunkeys did their part in trying to keep the delegation out. Most of the capitalist news- paper correspondents did their part in suppressing all news of the work- ers’ delegation. But General John- son and his all-star cast were never- theless compelled to listen and to hear demands for 75 cents an hour mini- mum wage, a 6-hour day and 5-day week, a guarantee of 40 weeks’ work | @ year, workers’ control of the speed- up, abolition of the spy system and other provisions, as well as for a separate Ford code because of the Special system of exploitation de- veloped by Ford. The auto code was signed by Presi- | dent Roosevelt on Aug. 27, It is the) code of the manufacturers, cf tnat section of the industry dominated by General Motors. Though it cauti- ously avoids using the words “open shop,” it contains as part of the sec- tion on Labor a provision guanantee- ing the open shop: “. .. employers in this industry may exercise their right to select, retain or advance employes on the basis of individual merit, without regard to their membership or non-membership in any organization,” This open shop code was adopted with the approval of the Labor Ad- visory Board, The acting chairman | of this board is William Green. Among its other members are John L. Lewis, President of the United Mine Work- ers, and Sidney Hillman, president of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers and darling of liberals and “social- ists.” There is no doubt about the mean- ing of the open shop provision. All the Detroit newspapers, as well as the capitalist press throughout the coun- try, hailed it as « victory for the auto manufacturers. Chester M. Culver, genera? manager of the Em- Ployers Association of Detroit, de- clared in an interview published Aug. 28: “The automobile industry in Detroit has always been open shop, The code offers an opportunity for nae industry to maintain the present st ” The Detroit Free Press stated edi- torially on Aug. 29: “The labor provisions of the Auto- mobile Code, signed by President Roosevelt, mean that the motor vehicle manufacturers have been suc- cessful in what many of them felt was substantially a fight for life.” And Green? While the bosses were celebrating, he wired a lying statement to William Collins, who has been trying to or- ganize the auto workers in Detroit into the A. F. of L., that these pro- visions do not affect the right to or- ganize and bargain collectively and to belong to a union of the workers’ own choosing. __ But on Aug. 29 the New York Times carried a dispatch from Washington that stated: “Asked why the board had approved the modification for the alutomobile code, even with reserva- tions, Wiliam Green's reply was that it was a ‘deep secret.’ (My emphasis —A.BM.). The auto workers want to know: | ers’ By EARL road to Socialism lies in following Roosevelt. No matter how often the workers are fooled, yet they are not fools. Millions of them are misled into support of Roosevelt, by the demagogy that he will really im- What About This Labor Party BROWDER hours, and so on—that he will really | Patch-up the system. But it takes | really a fool (or a Norman Thomas) to, speak of Roosevelt's path being | the path to socialism. The workers will not, cannot, believe this. The Painful Lessons Learned from NRA Now this problem becomes sharper. The workers are being enlightened by the lessons of their stomach; with each “victory” of the N.LR.A, they find they must draw in their belts another notch. Gradually is being revealed to them the hypocrisy of N.LR.A., its breakdown, the collapse of the “new deal.” Those who sup- ported N.LR.A. with such vulgar os- tentation, including the a. F, of L. and the Socialist Party, are further revealed .in their true role, discred- ited before the masses. The “danger” is arising that the workers will begin to turn in mil- lions to the Communist Party, which all the time, unflinching, called for and organized struggles for the work- interests, told them the truth about N.LR.A. and the “new deal” from the beginning, even when the truth was unpopular. This is a danger to the capitalist class. To fight this danger, a new weapon must be created, to replace the discredited parties and leaders. It is necessary for the capitalist class to find new ways to rouse illusions among the workers. They must give new forms to the old capitalist poli- cies, they must cover them with new phrases about a “new way,” even a “revolutionary way,” ‘The “Farmer-Labor Party,” or “La- bor Party,” or “New Party” or “Rad- ical Party,” or “People’s Party,” will be brought forward for this purpose, It has been noted that however much these Farmer-Labor Party ad- vocates disagree on everything else, they are united on one thing—op- position to and fear of the u~ nist Party, Why are they against the Communist Party? Is it because they do not like the color of our’ eyes? | | | | Not at all! It is because they are | against the revolutionary way out of the crisis, the way of socialism, the | way of Marx and Lenin, of inter- | nationalism, against the only alter- | | native to the capitalist way. That is, | they are for the capitalist way. | The Open Letter described these gentlemen and their policy in the fol- lowing words: “As opposed to our policy, name- | ly: alliance of the proletariat with | the poor and ruined middle farm- | ers under the hegemony of the proletariat, and struggle for the | revolutionary way out of the crisis —they are putting forward their | policy, namely: a policy which goes in the direction of establishing a Farmer-Labor Party, in which the workers become an appendage to the petty-bourgeoisie and the pet- ty-bourgeoisie become an append- age to the bourgeoisie, and for ‘democratic’ methods of struggle.” One of the centers of this Labor Party agitation is the magazine “Common Sense” (What's in a name!), around which gather some middle-class intellectuals and rene- gades from Communism. In its cur- rent issue is displayed an article by the liberal professor, John Dewey, on “the imperative need for a new Rad- ical Party.” This shows to the care- ful reader the true purpose of the proposed “new party.” Behind a sereen of “radical” phrases there is clearly to be seen the real policy to “preserve as well as extend” the Roosevelt policies when in their pres- ent form they have been declared bankrupt. Another variation of the same tune is sung by Mr. Ben Gitlow. This ren- egade returns to the stale puke of the La Follette “third party,” in com- | of Marx and Engels in his support, | Phrases of Marxism is nothing dif- | would be a catastrophe for the mass- “Modern Monthly,” meeting ground for renegades, he repeats Dewey’s ideas with special frills of ‘“Marx- ism” tacked on. Where Dewey calls for “Radieal Party,” Gitlow says “La- bor Party.” He invokes the memory quoting their words written in the 1880's when they declared that any kind of break with the old parties would have revolutionary results for the workers. Gitlow applies this ad- vice, given in the period of the birth of the modern proletariat, of young, rising capitalism, before the days of modern imperialism, to the present day of capitalist decay and crisis, of wars and revolutions. He hopes to confuse revolutionary workers with re idea that a “labor party” is a Marxist principle.” Behind Gitlow’s ferent, however, than the policy of John Dewey. They are agreed on essentials, and especially that it es to turn to the Communist Party, This bootlicking renegade has found his true home under the patronage | Page Five Talk? day to convince workers that the prove things, raise wages, shorten mon with Dewey & Co. Writing in of “radical” sons of the ruling class The Muste group (Conference for Progressive Labor Action) is alse committed to the Labor Party idea With them also this is a part oj their rejection of the Communist Party. Now that they are more active in united front struggles they are not so energetic in pushing the Be bor Party idea forward, but they jj hold it in reserve. It is one of the characteristic trade-marks of their Political position, that of “left” so- cial reformists, who talk very radica) but turn away from the revolution- ary path to socialism. They criticize the Communist Party as “sectarian,” although themselves are a much smaller “sect,” in order to cover their fearfulness and indecisiveness before the most fundamental issues. All “Labor Party” advocates today are sectarian groups (with few ex- ceptions) who appeal to a non-exist- ing “mags party” against the living, growing, virile, fighting Communist Party. They exist on the hope that the day will come when the eapi- talists will say: “Your time has come. Now we need you.” The “Labor Parties” Now in Existence Where the “Labor Party” is not a sectarian agitation but a mass reali- ty, there it shows its true colors in action. It is not necessary to cite the British Labor Party, which even the Socialist Party today blushes to de- fend. We can look at “our own” Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota, which “captured” the State govern- ment a few years ago. This miser- able “Labor Party” is only a branch of the national Democratic Party, carries out the same policies, bally- hoos for Roosevelt, evicts the farm- ers, starves the workers, crushes strikes, and carries out every dictate of the Steel Trust, Flour Trust, and Railroad companies which rule Min- nesota, Let this be clear: All advocacy of a Farmer-Labor Party today is a shall not take the revolutionary path to socialism, but that it shall be- come the tail of the middle-class re- formist agents of Wall Street, that it shall not fight resolutely for its immediate needs, that it shall dis- arm before the rising forces of Fas- cism and War, that it shall carry upon its own shoulders the cross upon which the capitalist class pre- pares further to crucify it. Not the “Farmer-Labor Party” and the “restoration” of capitalism with Fascism and war, but the Communist Party and the revolutionary over- throw of capitalism, the building of a@ new society, of socialism—that is the answer that every class-conscious worker must give to this question. Another article will deal with the question of the farmers and their proposal that the working class shall not find its own independent policy, problems in relation te the “Farm- er-Labor Party.”) Dipping Into One of By B. D. The dragnet of the National Civie Federation scrapes the bottom of the cesspools of capitalism and brings up creatures so repulsive all except its officers and their kind recoil] from them, You can be a thief who has stolen money donated by workers for the defense of workers jailed as hostages in the class war, and for the support of their families. You might have GLICKMAN, THE SPY made a living by a system of com- bined theft and forgery, robbing mail boxes of contributions sent to help free or to make life easier for union organizers and leaders of the strug- gle of the Negro masses against or- ganized murder terror, But offer. yourself as,a stoolpigeon for the National Civic Federation and your sins will be washed white as snow. One M. Glickman has com- plied with all requirements. The holy character of the crusade against Communism and Commu- nists and “in the United States could not be shown better than by the pictures published on this page, tak- en in connection with the admis- sions of the spy of whom Hamilton Fish, writing on the stationery of the House of Representatives, Washing- ‘on, D. C., say have been in {> Wa =o i would recommend strongest for a Position.” The aristocratic Fish likes them low and depraved. So does Ralph M. Easley, chairman of the Federation's executive council, “some means by which his can be utilized by the Government.’ A statement issued by the Central Control Commission of the Commu- nist Party, says: “Glickman has stolen checks from the incoming mail of the Interna- tional Labor Defense, and has cashed them through forgery and by repre- senting himself as a functionary of the LL.D, He has also falsely posed as a member of the Communist Party.” Glickman (alias Friedman, alias Gordon) has Stated over his own signature: “For a very long time I have been living on the revolutionary move- ment by taking funds and contribu- tions made out to them by workers. I took mail from the box and cashed checks and money orders to my ad- vantage. I forged checks to the amount of $22.” In the rogue’s gallery of the class struggle one finds that always the defenders of capitalism, its super- structure of religion and morality, its government and the power to rob the working class, pick up and use the off-scourings of the under- world, the most corrupt and degen- erate individuals and groups, de- classed elements willing to tell them- selves for any purpose from espion- age to torture and murder. As a recent article by Mya Ehren- berg in the New Masses shows, this is the main basis of the murderous storm troops of Hitlerism. American capitalism is not far behind. Who are some of the colleagues of Fish and Easley and co-employers of a confessed thief, forger and shame- What is Green’s deep secret? It isn’t Solomon" at the head of its ticket as Socialist candidate for Mayor, hard to guess, less parasite on an important section of the working class movement? Ham Fish Had Given Capitalism’s Blessings to Spy and Crook Uncovered in Labor Defense Office On the letter head of the Executive Council of the National Civic Fed- eration are to be found the names of Matthew Woll, acting president; Ellis Searles, secretary; Joseph P. Ryan, chairman, Committee on Rus- sian Affairs. ‘We select these names from the list because they belong to men who are known as “labor leaders.” Matthew Woll is a vice-president of the American Federation of La- bor, Reeently he has been made the New York head of ae ee police force” for “ N.R.A.” Grover Whalen, close friend and associate of Woll in putting over the N.R.A. on ths working class, leader of the drive to destrey the right to strike and picket, procurer of forged documents for war provocation against the Soviet Union, “red bait- er” and organizer of dozens of armed | Police and gangster attacks on un-| employed and strikers, has given the cue. Woll is that most dangerous en- 2my of the working class and its or- cing the ganizations—one who poses as a friend, Ellis Searles is editor of the United Mine Workers Journal and a pro- tege and pupil of John L. Lewis—the veteran betrayer of the coal miners who is now trying to stage a come- back by re-selling miners at lower wages and worse working conditions. To cover up the betrayal of the coal miners which resulted in the destruction of the only mass indus- trial union in the American labor | -20vement, and which Lewis was al- ready r-asning in 1922, / * the b-A-2! of the operators, Searles, Lewis and William Green started a “red bait- ing” campaign. It resulted in the ex- pulsion of William F. Dunne from the Portland convention of the A, F. of L. in 1923, and this was followed by the wholesale expulsion of local unions and union members who fought against the nation-wide sell- out of the unions through the “labor- management-co-operation” policy. It was this policy and the wholesale expulsions which so weakened the paMucTON FeK. In eee ve Baspagtes, @.C Dear Mr. Trevor, si T hes o talk vith the wz.'X, Glickman, asd T tnigt tt © ‘te well informed te on J wa Whe SE asta 2n Yen, san TEieh hae © fo fu, YM seee icing nt At top is photostatic copy of tional Civic Federation of which Tye, vend ove ahag Tou Q0urd co to place inaide, and of al] those Congress of the Bnited Sratee Foouse of Represaitatived s Yeoruary 4, 1933 dearer of thie letter, 411. be advantagecss if hia in any bint in Communiet cotivi- no have: yo eee me, be is the one 2 would recommend HS} strongest for ® position. Please pave a {elk with him, and do everything rou com : | Snoerely youre, a4] when. you ere in Washington meeting in Aprile letter from Congressmen Hamilton Fish, Jr. to John B. Trevor, chairman of the American Coalition of Patriotic, Civic and Fraternal Societies, recommending \Glicksman as stoolpigeon. Below is letter from Ralph Easley, chairman of the Na- Matthew Woll is acting president, with a recommendation similar to that given him by Fish, Garson was in charge of labor spying under Doak, former -*-retary of Labor. Cesspools unions that they were unable to make effective resistance against the capitalist effensive starting in 1929. Searles is important for the Civic Federation. He is the chief of the stoolpigeon service in the ranks of the mine workers—the most militant section of the American working class. Joseph P. Ryan of the Internation- al Longshoremen’s Association is what gamblers call a “natural” for the Civic Federation. Thoroughly re- actionary, an important cog in the Tammany Hall machine, as chair- man of the Committee on Russian Affairs, he has been in a position to hamper the unloading and loading of ‘Soviet ships. These are his sole qual~ ifications for his chairmanship. Ryan’s most recent important achievements have been the expul- sion and breaking of the strike of a number of Boston local unions of the LLA, which struck against a wage cut, and the putting over of a wage cut for longshoremen in the Atlantic ports. Let us now take a look at what might be called the middle stratum of Civic Federation connections. Note that Hamilton Fish addresses one John B. Trevor, Note also that Ralph M. Easley addresses one Mur- ray W. Garrson. Trevor is chairman of the racket- eering American Coalition of Patri- otic, Civic and Fraternal Societies. He is an enemy of foreign born work- ers and favors the most stringent legislation including registration and finger-prnting and the establishment of a national police foree to spy on them. He was one of the prominent advocates of military in the Jamaica High School in 1931, He is against recognition of the Soviet Union and one of its most vicious, if somewhat ineffectual, enemies. Murray W. Garrson is, or was, head of a concern—Murray W. Garrson, Inc.—which some years ago sold | property to the Park River Holding Corporation—a connection of former, Garrson paid $23,000 for this property, The price to the Park Hold- ing Corporation was set at $250,000. The same property was later sold to the city for $761,536, Former Judge Olvany, well known Tammany leader, was one of the lawyers the transaction, It will be seen that Garrson nothing for money but is all for the cause, cost what it may. Up to a little more than a ago, Garrson was in charge secret service (labor spying) activi- ties of the Department of Labor Immigration, with the official title % e In July, 1932, he had 106 foreign | born workers arrested and deported from Detroit. Easley could have sent the spy, thief and forger Glickman, to no one who would give him more sympa- thetic understanding and brotherly co-operation. There remains William Nuckles Doak, Hoover's Secretary of Labor, honorary vice president of the Federation, whose name and also appear on its letterhead. by side with the copper-galled poration lawyer, Elihu Root. He is now again national legisla- tive representative in Washington of the Brotherhood of Railway Train- and the big banks and railways whose interests it represents, _ by: Loita! Papers oat ered and exposed, is an specimen in this remarkable collec- tion of | strikebreakers, provocation, labor traitors Paymasters, Take a look, hold your nose—but continue the hunt to expose and rid *| our Tanks of all agents of capitalism x e lowest, the Glickmans, / ar high the to the jest in al and the Railway Brotherhoods, « My \ cor- men but as always he gets his orders _ from the National Civic Federation — of and thelr