The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 22, 1933, Page 4

Page Four Build A Broad Movement to Win ‘Social Insurance In Resolutions We Speak of Unity of Employ: ed and Unemployed But In Practice We Ignore Whole Question to | T The Oper Letter on Social Insurance THE necestary concentration of our work of the most important fac- ics does not of course in any way mean that we should allow our among the unemployed to slacken. | we should not for an instant lose sight of the fact that we represent In carrying out this main task je interests of the entire class, and that, especially under the present importance. conditions the unemployed constitute a factor of greatest revolutionary One of the chief tasks of the Party is the organizing and | ng of the millions of unemployed for immediate relief and un- ment insurance and the linking up of their struggle with the | gles of the workers in the big factories—full time, as well as part- workers—especially now, in view of the introduction of militarized | forced labor for the unemployed and the increased attempts to bring them under reformist and fascist influence.”—Open Letier to Party | members. By EARL BROWDER we all agree that e is the business of all organizations, ‘actice we assign all concrete in the fight for Unemploy- he Unemployed we speak of ed and unem- e our red un- y of the d, but in praci ‘ance. They do not un- concrete actions which t they understand it is a good movement for Social Insur- ance also. We} have the begin- nings of a goad movement for So-|§ cial Insurance i: the A. F. of L. local unions, but it is left i: i. working b: The distri nd sections ne g lect} their fundamental * t of building whole broad Earl Browd:r Above all we have a general under- estimation of the ‘historical aim of the fight for Sccial Insurance, even y, and yet worse, g cadres. We have upport, as it is quite uss-we have not nd clearly to ex- plain to the workers the need for struzg.e fo Insurance. We win the masses when every Party member and every Party leader can explain simplest terms that tt of millions of nt feature of ong as capital- been able sir 1 is cond'tion r in degrading to a starvation level not only the millions of unemployed, but the milli are in the shops. We cial Insurance as the Workers Unemploy- rill and the fake e reformists WE MUST BE CLEAR OURSELVES it is no exaggeration to r explanation of Social 0 weak, that through- uld not be able, if they were called upon sud- denly, to give a serious and simple ex- planation of the Workers’ Unemploy- ment Insu If you “What is the W ked the question: ‘kers’ Unemploy- 1 and how does fascists? Would you be able to win his support for the Work- ent Insurance Bill Tf do this how to to do this also. Bu train anyb else to know how to do it THAT are the essential features of the Workers’ Unemployment In- surance Bill, which makes it the only real insurance proposal, as distin- guished from those of the reformists? ..,, 1 Will list ten points that distinguish “the Workers’ Unemployment Insur- _ance Bill, points upon which we can win the masses to us, to work with us, fight with us to support our strug- gle, to join our organizations. These ‘ten points are: 1. Whereas the fake schemes of the ‘ my t the difference is} according to industry, group and lo- cality, thus maintaining the stan- dards of life at its previous level. 7. While the fake schemes estab- lish a starvation maximum above which benefits cannot. be given, the Workers’ Bill establishes a living minimum, below which benefits shall not be allowed to fall, no matter what the previous conditions of the unemployed worker. fuse benefits to all workers who still 8. While all the fake schemes re- have any personal pioperty, forcing them to sell and consume the pro- ceeds of home, furniture, automo- diles, etc., before iT? can come under the insurance, the Workers’ Insurance Bill establishes the bene- fits as a matter of right, without investigation of the workers’ other small resources. DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY t By JOHN R. McMAHON LENINGRAD.—“If we + just said a sailor from the Laconia, bound from New York to Liverpool “No worker is ever fired from this boat; he may only be transferred to another ship or job,” said a sailor from the Sibir, bound frem London to the Soviet Union. ~ “The captain is a tinged on a British ship,” said the Laconia sailor. “Or on any capitalist ship for that matter.” “Our captain was a cammon sailor |not long ago and he remains our | comrade,” declared the Sibir able sea- |man. “Off duty, he is simply one of |us and joins if our sports, games and political discussions. You haye seen | this. You saw him hustle deck chairs where a capitalist skipper would yell | for a steward.” “This Laconia captain is Very par- ticular about the passengers; puts his fingers on top the cabin doors to find dust’ and throws a torch light under |beds, like a housekeeper. None of |that stuff for the bug-1 of the crew.” ; “The Sibir captain looks after the passengers too, but he does not neg- lect the welfare of the crew. Of coursé |our crew does not need paternal look- |ing after; we are entitled to the best ‘and get it as a matter of course.” “An English crew today is.paid just a little better than if it stayed ashore {and lived on the government dole. | This works out on the basis that we| |ame laid off after every other voyage \or so while another bunch of half- |starved seamen take our places—the | share-work system.” Paid Vacations for Soviet Sailors "We Russian sailors are only laid off with full pay during our vacations. A lot of the regular Sibir boys are jnow off for that reason, : enjoying themselves in home travel and so on.” | “You bet we English sailors have to | do our own washing. You saw the |sloppy washroom in the -fo’c'sle; no |tubs for convenience; just a bucket | for each man to wash his dirty shirts |and underwear in, then hang them to |dry all over the place. At the same | Jook| | cross-eyed at an officer, we're fired,”| | stewards have no regular dining robm ‘at all; they eat dn the run, any-| SAILORS ON A SOVIET SHIP Dock Scene In Leningrad ridden ‘quarters |Sengers have, with clean sheets and pillow cases. Our bed linen is changed once a week. Daylight reaches our quarters and it does not show up any- thing to be ashamed of.” “Where are the sleeping quarters for the crew on the Laconia? For the stewards, way down even below part of the steerage passengers’ roost, where it is dark and miserable, The sailors are iucked into the narrow spaces in the bow of the ship. They have all the leftover, katycornered space not required for anchor chains and suchlike. Any cubbyhole will do for a sailor on a capitalist ship. The where. The sailors have a measly chow room with a bare wooden table and a couple of bare benches without backs. You saw that.” “Quartered Like Human Being” “The Sibir is a socialist ship and so its workers are quartered like human beings. They have regular cabins on or just below the afterdeck; all light, clean, roomy with closets and stands. They have wash rooms and bath rooms. You saw the big dining room |time the Laconia has a first class|for the crew on the afterdeck, day- 9. While the fake schemes limit modern laundry to do all the pas-/ lighted on two sides. Here are two their benefits to only able-bodied |Senger quarters washing. The stew-/long tables neatly covered with oil- unemployed, the Workers’ Bill pro-|ards have to pay for having their cloth and benches: made comfortable vides benefits for every form of in-| uniforms washed. You noticed the| with backs. This is a pleasant room voluntary unemployment, from closing of industries, sickness, accidents, old age, mater- nity, etc. In other words, the Work- ers’ Bill is an example of true so- cial insuranée. 10. Whereas the fake schemes all try to turn attention of the workers to the 48 different state governments in an effort to split up and discour- age the movement, the Workers’ Bill provides for Federal insurance, one uniform national system, fi- nanced through national taxation. All proposals to the state legisla- tures contain. the provision that the state bills are only temporary, pend- ing the adoption of the Federal Bill, which is demanded in the-state proposals. FIGHT TO WIN REAL INSURANCE These ten points protect the most vital interests of the entire working class. Each and every one of them is absolutely essential to protect the working class from the degrading effects of mass unemployment. All that is ‘hecessary to win millions of workers to active struggle for this social insurance is to make these proposals clear, show how the fake schemes violate these funda- mental interests of the workers, and show how mass struggle can win real insurance. With this Workers’ Bill we can then proceed to smash the infiuence of the social fascists and employers who claim that it is impossible to finance such a system of insurance. The Hoover and Foosevelt adminis- trations have already shown that tens of billions of dollars are avail- able to the government whenever it really decides to get the funds. But Hoover and Rooseveit got these bil- lions only to give to the banks and trusts. We demand these billions, to- gether with the hundreds of millions used in war preparations, to be used for Social Insurance. We really must begin a mass cam- paign along these lines, conducted in the most simple form with a real concentration of attention by all of our organizations and all leading committees. Such a campaign will rouse a mighty mass movement for the Workers Bill. And this move- ment will be under the leadership | of the Communist Party. The fact that our mass strugglefor Social In- surance has been so weak, political- ly ahd organizationally, is largely to be attributed to neglect arising from serious underestimation this issue; and also to lack of d: d {understanding % our own Workers’ Bill,\ and the vital differences be- employers, reformists and social fas- | cists direct themselves only to future ‘unemployment, the Workers’ Bill pro- | vides for immediate * “those now unemployed. .. ..2. While the fake schemes all ex- *Glude some categories of workers, the Workers’ Bill covers all those who de- Pend for a living upon wages. gc 3. While most of the fake schemes Place burdens upon the employed + Workers, the Workers’ Bill places the ,, full burden of the insurance upon the _ employers and their government. 4. While all of the fake schemes » contain provisions that could and insurance for »» would be used for strike breaking, | wage cutting and victimization, the Workers’ Bill protects the unemployed from being forced to work below un- fon rates, at reduced wages, or far from home. . 5, While all fake schémes place the administration of the insurance in the hands of the employers and the bureaucratic apparatus controlled from the workers themselves. _ 6. All the fake schemes provide for j benefits limited to a starvation level, a fixed minimum which is also the maximum; and this only for a few “weeks in a year (thereby being in “amount even below charity relief). But the Workers’ Bill provides for the entire period of unemployment for full average wages, determined | | muck, the exploitation, tween it and the other bills. light in the fo’c’sle was bétter.” whether dirty sheets and pillow cases on our) for from | bunks, eh? They'd look wotse if the| spinning, games of cards and domi- after-dinner meetings, yarn- |noes. Besides, there is the adjoining | “The Sibir crew do not’ have to|/Red Corner, which is a combination| wrestle with laundry work. This is|of reading and recreation room. It | done ashore and we are provided with| has literature in several languagues, \changes of clean clothes during the|a phonograph, chess table, all kinds voyage. Sometimes a fellow does| of pictures on the walls. rinse out a few work garments: that’s| there a small statue of Lenin with lal. I guess you saw our bunks—/prints of Marx and Engels together spring beds the same kind the pas-' with photos of Stalin and #he other You saw against. imperialist war differs essentially from the ‘fight against war’, waged by pacifists of .various shades. The Communists do not re- gard the struggle against such .a war as being separat from the. class | struggle. On the contrary,they re- gard it as part of the general pro- \letarian struggle for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. They know that | imperialist wars are |long as the bourgeoisie remain | power. interpreted to mean that tt'is use- less to carry on a specific struggle against imperialist war. Indeed, the social democrats deliberatety charge in ate the advent of revolutidn*°"While the first-mentioned attitude is a mistaken one, the second is~a silly calumny. : inevitable under the rule of ‘the bour- | geaisie, the Communists, Ih the in- | terests of the masses of the workers and of all the toilers who bear the |brunt of the sacrifice eiifailed by | war, wage a persistent fight” against | imperialist war and strive to prevent imperialist war by proletarian; revo- | ution. They strive to rally the mas- ses around their standard in this struggle, and if unable to prevent the outbreak of war, they strive to”trans- form it into civil war for the ‘over- throw of the bourgeoisie.”'*'"""' —From Resolution of VI. World Congress of Communist Interna- tional. ep ee “SHE Communist Parties must bend all their work to the; central task of preparing, winning-over and organizing the masses for the strug- gle against imperialist war. The struggles of the proletariat-and of toilers generally against the-intensi- fication of exploitation and oppres- sion—in matters of wages, the. work- ing day, taxes, rent, ‘social ‘services, inevitable as | This postulate is sometimes | \the Communists with encotiraging | imperialist wars in order to atceler- | “although convinced that ‘war 1s | Lenin’s Teachings on War A kee fight the Communists’ wage} V. I. LENIN. political disfranchisement, victimiza- tion and the intensification of the fascist menace—must not be confined | plutes or as salesgirls in the curio} to the demands arising out of these struggles but must be linked up with the determined struggle againat im- perialist war policy. “All the important questions of foreign policy, of armaments, of the introduction of new weapons of war, etc., must be brought before the mas- ses of the workers and utilized for the organization of revolutionary mass action. In this struggle, the Communist Party, giving due and sober consideration to its strength, must march boldly and determinedly at the head of the masses. It must organize demonstrations and strikes against the war policy of the imper- ialist bourgeoisie, and at the proper moment, put to the masses the ques- tion of the general strike and of still sharper methods of struggle.” —From Resolution of the VI. World Congress of the Communist International. present day builders of the workers’ | fatherland.” “What are the rations on a capital- ist boat, you ask? Good enough for the first and second class passengers. Third class not so good, including |tea brewed from the leavings of the | second. The stewards’ chow is leav- |ings or fourth class. The sailors have |their grub thrown at them, hunks of meat and potatoes, whole, loaves of | bread to be chopped up on the bare jtable. Salt horse? their traditional diet from the days of sail, is yet on |the menu—while the ship has.a mod- ern refrigerating plant and carries dozens of tons of fresh meat, fish, vegetables, fruit—for the benefit of passengers and officers.” Same Food As for Passengers “See for yourself the rations for the crew on the Sibir. You as a pas- senger have chicken for dinner today. |So do we sailors have chicken, just as jfresh and well cooked. There it is jon the big platters with boiled pota- toes. We had soup before. You see there is plenty of butter and good |bread, black or light as we- prefer. |Jam for desert unless there is pud- ding. Lots of tea, All nicely served jon chinaware. A man steward waits jon you; @ girl comrade on us; per- haps we are better off.” “What are the hours.on the La- conia? Longer hours go with shorter pay since the depression. The stewards slave fourteen hours a day, do all kinds of double duty between bed- rooms and dining rooms, scrub floors, hustle baggage. They are always tired to death and carit even get an hour's rest during the so-called divine serv- ice on Sunday; no, they are forced to attend this service, at least forty of them bunched together in, spick- and-span uniform, under penalty of \a fine. The sailors are luckier and have an eight hour day.” 2 “On the Sibir there is an eight hour day at sea and seven hours in port. A few stewardesses may put in overtime, not more than an hour and a half allowed, and they are paid extra for it. The crew is large enough to provide three eight hour shifts and \there is no capitalist trick of going |to sea shorthanded and putting an extra burden on the workers.” . No Tips Needed “What about the tipping system on a capitalist boat? A self-respect- ing worker does not like to put out his hand for alms, but the boss own- ers force us to it. With small pay, unsteady work, a wife and children at home to provide for, we must get tips or just about starve to death. ‘Trouble is, the passengers are cutting down the tips too. It’s a fine business, | what?” | “Happily the workers on a socialist |ship like the Sibir do not have to panhandle for a living; they are paid adequately and politely refuse hand- outs from uninformed passengers.” “Do women have an opening to work on a capitalist ship? Yes, they can wear themselves out as steward- esses or laundresses or obtain some |lighter jobs as manicurists to the shop.” “On Soviet ships no position is barred to women. The Sibir has a young woman radio operator who takes turns with a man_ operator. There are women mates and other of- ficers on several vessels... . Did you know, incidentally, that the Sibir, which is a first class diesel-engined ocean-going craft, was built entirely in the Sovict Union with all Soviet materials with the sole exception of one small auxiliary engine and the foreign patented boat davits? I guess you heard too ‘the astonishment of that German with marine experience over the excellence of the whole job after he inspected it from stem to. stern. As Lenin said, we Communists must equal and surpass the construction of the most advanced countries. We are doing it. We have already better ships than this. And all the workers together will \soon make a new and different. world.” , » JULY 22, 19383 Comrades:—-We confirm the re- ceipt of your letter of May 18 re- garding the resolution adopted at the | Derby Conference of the Independent Labor Party, a resolution which un- doubtedly expresses the strongly in- creasing will to unity and struggle against capitalism among the British working class. I conformity with your wishes, we will set out our opinion of how the Independent Labor Party would assist the work of the Communist International. An important step in this direction is the start which is being made in the practical carrying out of the united front between the Independent Labor Party and the Communist Party. of Great Britain im the strug- gle against the capitalist’ offensive, the Fascist terror in Germany and the danger of new imperialist wars. This in itself is the beginning of practical collaboration with the Communist International. \ In our opinion the further steps in this direction should be as follows: Firstly. the extension and strength- ening of the actions of solidarity, which have already taken place be- tween the Independent Labor Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain, to all the important and the British and the international proletariat against their bourgeoisie and world imperialism and winning of the broad strata of workers, mem- bers of the Labor Party .and the trade unions, for the united front in this struggle. Secondly, the giving of real support to the struggle of the Communist Party of Great Britain against. the bourgeois nationalist and the reac- tionar#t policy of “National Labor,” against the reformist policy of the trade unions and the Second Inter- national. ONLY EFFECTIVE STEP IS REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE Convinced by the experiences of many years, the members of the In- dependent Labor Party decided at the Derby Conference to follow up dis- affiliation from the Labor Party, by leaving the, Second International. These two decisions were necessary and important steps in the struggle against reformism. But the Inde- pendent Labor Party cannot -stop merely at the point of an organiza- tional break with the Second Inter- national. If the Independent Labor Party has seriously decided to participate in the revolutionary class struggle of the proletariat, it cannot carry this out except by a constant active strug- gle against “National Labor,” against reformism and the reformist leaders who propagate reformist ideas, hold back and disrupt the working-class movement. In practice, the slogan of struggle against the capitalist offensive re- mains an empty phrase if the Party which advances it does not take any steps to mobilize the workers for mass resistance to wage-cuts, dismissals, the reduction ef unem- ployment insurance, etc, But the Social-Democratic parties and the reactionary leaders of the trade unions, who state in words that they are opposed to the capitalist of- fensive are in reality directing their efforts towards permitting the capi- talists to carry through their merci- less pressure on the workers without meeting with any resistance. The members of the Independent Labor Party know this from the ex- perience of Mondism, and also from ug F, W. JOWETT v. MAXTON Socialists Strive to Paint Decaying Capitalism i f Oneal Tells Workers Capitalism is Result of Inventions, Discoveries and Growth of Population, But Omits Exploitation, 2 Wars and Colonial Plunder By HARRY GANNES. | bora’ is capitalism? Here is the answer James Oneal, socialist tabloider of “socialist principles” gives the workers in his “New Lead- er” (July 15) article entitled “A Basic Principle of Socialism.” Capitalism, says Oneal, “is the sum total and result of the inventions and discoveries of the past few hun- dred years in improving the produc- tive powers of society, Through these inventions and discoveries and the growth of population this system has developed from one stage to an- other.” (Emphasis his.) What a beautiful picture of peace- ful endeavor to raise the productive | level of capitalist society. What a thick, curtain of lies to cover the the blood- sucking of capitalism’s history. It was not through “inventions and discoveries and the growth of popu- lation” that capitalism passed from one stage to another. Capitalism came into the world reeking from the blood of primitive accumulation —the robbery of the Orient, the New World, the forcible driving out of the peasants from their land, from usury. Throughout its whole history it lives true to the mark of its birth. . . . 'VENTIONS and discoveries’ were incidental to the process of squeezing surplus value (profit) from the exploitation of the workers, in order to mass capital for those who owned the means of production. The development of the productive forces was the byproduct; its object and aif is the coining of profit from the labor of the workers. The further existence of capitalism leads to the destruction of the forces of produc- tion—crises and wars, The ,develop- ment from one stage to another (most outstanding, the development from free competition to mongpoly capitalism, imperialism) took place through a series of wars, culminating in the World War which slaughtered 10,000,000 workers. ‘ The absolute law of capitalist de- velopment, to which 40,000,000 un- employed throughout the capitalist world can so well testify, is the growth and accumulation of capital at one end of the social scale (in the hands of the capitalist class), with the growing misery at the other end— among the ranks of the proletariat, the poor peasants, the colonial masses. , Quite @ontrary to this agreeable portrait that the socialist likes to daub as capitalism, in the stage of imperialism capitalism actually de- stroys inventions and discoveries if ‘they interfere with the profitableness of invested capital. Lenin gives many examples of this in his work on “Im~- perialism.” Why does Oneal strive to give such a sweet picture of this system that was reared on the bones of millions of exploited workers? He wants to stress the “progressive” angle of cap- italism, to keep back the revolution- ary wrath of the workers, to show how these good features can lead to the peacful transformation of this pleasant system into , socialism, through the line of its usual progres- sive evolution. Using this false picture of capital- ism, Oneal proceeds to tell the work- ers how they can establish socialism. “To obtain control of these agencies (of the government) it is necessary for the workers to wage a political struggle of their own, independent of the parties of the capitalist class.” How is this political struggle to be waged? Through the gentle art of voting for the party of Norman Thomas and Morris Hillquit. By this process, according to Oneal, the masses will “more and more obtain government power.” They will eat into capitalism’ piecemeal, like they eat handouts on a breadling And pretty soon they will have the whole cake, é hae? waging of the political strug- gle of the working class through. their own political party cannot be taken in the abstract, This struggle now has a definite history written generally in two large pages—ol the victorious revolution of the Rus- n Bright Colors ® sian workers that is actually estab- Ushing socialism, and two, the be- trayal of the proletariat by the social- democracy of Germany, which first supported the Kaiser in the last im- perialist war, then crushed the post- war proletarian uprising, only to pave the way for the victory of fascism. This is the political struggle that Oneal speaks of. It is the political ‘struggle that Thomas and Hillquit carry out. It is the policy of atapt- ing the struggle of the workers to the needs of imperialism in the era of wars and revolutions. Perhaps, Oneal would use as an example of socialist political struggles the loathsome betrayals of the so- cialist and former leader of the So- cialist International, Ramsay Mac- Donald? ‘The Communist Pdrty, the only revolutionary political party of the workingclass, believes in conducting a political struggle against capital- ism. But this struggle is not gauged to the needs of the preservation of capi- talism and its state, but by every of the urgent questions of the struggle of} Labor Party leaders, the leaders of; Labor United Front Without Struggle Against Capitalist Offerisive Remains Empty Phrase, Says Third International: ' “HENDERSON'S NIGHTMARE” the actions of the “Labor” govern- ment, which reduced unemployment relief, carried through wage-cuts, in- troduced “economies,” etc. In exactly the same way, the strug- gle against Fascism remains a hypo- critical phrase if it is not accom- panied by the organization of the united front of the working class with the aim of barring the path of the Fascist attack from the very be- ginning. BETRAYAL OF S. D. DISRUPTS UNITY OF WORKERS But in every country, the parties of the Second International, including the British Labor Party, are doing everything in their power to hold back the majority of the workers from participating in the united front with the Communists for the struggle against the bourgeoisie and Fascism. By their policy of collaborating with the bourgeoisie and by their pol- icy of splitting the united front of the working class the parties of the Second International are building a road for Fascism. Before the eyes of the workers of all countries stands the example of) German Social-Democracy. Under the slogan “Against Fascism and Against Communism,” it consistently supported every réactionary govern- ment in Germany on the plea that it was the “lesser evil” as compared with an open Fascist dictatorship, and in this way it restrained the masses from the struggle against the Fascist danger. At the same time it attempted to show the exploiters by means of all Kind of concessions to the bour- geoisie, at the expense of the work- ers, that they had no need to replace the “democratic” constitution by a Fascist dictatorship in order to carry out their policy of attacking the standard of living of the toilers. All the repeated and insistent at- tempts of the Communist Party of Germany to call on the workers for solid anti-Fascist activity, to form a united proletarian front of struggle, were disrupted and betrayed by Social Democracy and the leaders of the reformist trade unions. In this way they succeeded in paralyzing the efforts of the Communists to mob- ilize the majority of the working- class for mass resistance to Fascism (demonstrations, political strikes). The other parties of the Second International, and the trade union leaders of the Amsterdam Interna- tional who are connected with them; follow the same path as German Social-Democracy. , Similarly the struggle against im- perialism and the wars which it is preparing remains an empty phrase in the mouths of those who do not honestly and insistently strive to mobilize the working class for an ire reconcilable struggle against the im-/) perialism of its “own” country, But the parties of the Second In- ternational are themselves infected through and through with the ideology of bourgeoisie chauvinism and are interested in the success of the robber policy of their own im- . Just as the Social-Demo- cratic Parties in every country sup- ported their governments during the war, so are they now supporting the bloody suppression of the colonial Communist Intl Replies - - To Appeal of Independent arty for Unity Independent Labor Party supposes that the deep divergence of principle between thei Second «International and the Communist «International could be covered. up by an unprin- cipled rapprochement.and concilia. tion, we openly. announce that this would be @.most harmful delusion and an impermissible. mistake from the point of view of the interests of the class struggle and the proletarian revolution. ‘ i The Second International is no* acting for but.against the class strug gle of the-proletariat, not for buv against the proletarian revolution. ‘The members of the Independent Labor Party must clearly understand that the chief: of the Second International sists precisely in the fact that, while representing the in- terests of the bourgeoisie, it does not do this openly, but under the cloak of defending the interests of the If a partyoJdike the» Independent Labor Party, instead of exposing the real nature.of the Second Interna- tional, were to.depict.it as a genuine representative ofthe workers to which the revolutionary workers’ organiza- tions could. and should reconcile themselves, it would-by. this merely make “the deteptive maneuvers of the Second —Iriternational easier to carry out. If the Independent Labor Party were to renew the harmful attempts which it’ made: after the war, to- gether with several other parties, to act as an; “unbiased” intermediary between the, Second and Third In- palprermysniid Re lead- ers of the, Independent Party were to write articles hostile to the revolutionary ,, working-class move- ment (such as the last article written by Fenner Brockway),‘this would not be support for the Communist Inter- national, but forthe Second Interna- tional, 16. 87"¥' In pradfice, such attempts would be an obstacle on the path towards of the radicalized workers, return them onéé mote ‘to the fold of the Segond “International. ILP CAN HELP-BY FORGING UNITY OF WORKERS ‘What relatitns can be established now betweéi "your patty and the Communist International?’ re Our opinion is as follows. Al- though the,Independent, Party does not at,present accept stand- of the Com- nevertheless, it point of the program munist International, can establish. really . collaboration.,.both with the Oom- munist Party, of, Grea} Britain and with the Communist International. We on aur side declare our com-| plete readiness for such collabora-< tion, but, .of course, .retaining the right of comradely criticism when necessary. §iDiu — In Great’ Britain there is a very great necessity fér the ‘Ufliting of the revolutionary forces. We see at pres- ent that mafiy thembers of your party are studying’ the program of the Communist::International and advo- cating a united. revolutionary party. This is of serious importance. If the ménibérs of the Labor Party are really developing in the direction Of ° adopting our ‘pro- gram, then ibilities open up in Great Britaih’ fo the formation of a single, strofig, mass Communist Party correspthding to the condi- tions of the” éoutitry. °” ‘We are facing. in the of. the. toric transftfon:is taking place to a new cycle of revolutions and wars. The class struggle is rapidly growing tagonisms in fle perialists thenisélyes ate’ tr The ploture of the capitaltst world working the construction, in the U. §..8..R., technical capitalist exploiters from ~ pedples and other independent na-| parasites m - its tions, and the poliey of preparing new shoulders, then before it opens up the ‘wars. path for aj ‘creative work in’ all In those cases when a Social-| branches Democratic Party forms part of the governnient, it directly carries out “| this violent impérialist policy of the bourgeoisie (bloody repression in In- dia and the bombing of unarmed pppulations unter the Labor govern- ment). Also, in the struggle between the capitalist countries and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Parties of the Second International have really joined in the ariti-Soviet front of the capitalist world, ~ FUNDAMENTGL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN REFORMISM AND | COMMUNISM ‘ ‘Therefore, there cannot be any -| question of really serious support for the struggle of the Communist In- ternational against the capitalist of- fensive, against Fascism, imperial- ism and the menacing war danger, if at the same time the harmful role of the reformists and their hostile pol- icy towards the working class are not exposed and if a struggle is not car- ried on against, them at every step. If the Independent Labor Party wishes to help the struggle of the Communists against the bourgeoisie and their chief social support in the ranks of the working-class—the Sec- ond International, it will give real means leads to its overthrow and to| assistance to the development of the ne, | the establishment of the dictatorshin | working-class movement. But if any representative of the pers) HHO In many.-eapitalist .countries. the revolutionary outlook. opens up this possibility of proletarian victories. The forces,of the proletarian wo revolution. are, growing.. In all capi. In Germany, in spitesof the raging Communist Faseist terrors .the Party with great is success- fully carrying on the | and without doubt will show to the whole Bieri Ly} Fs rallied around the arta “a t last Petter vol or al * the majority.of the working class ef * O8 tmi If the. dent Labor. Party coon Sree ‘4 . will be of greal retin {onal signifi- to the Communist Int Yours fraternally, i (Signed) *OxW. KUUSINEN, ~ (For the Sécretatint of tte Executive ternational y " Bucy ¥ enue >