The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 8, 1933, Page 5

i DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JULY §, The Roosevelt “New Deal” and Fascism Cpe By EARL BROWDER ‘HE system of poiicies developed by the Roosevelt administration, which are collectively known under the name of the “New Deal,” repre- sent a rapid de- velopment of bour- geois po! under the blows of the crisis,, the sharp- ening class strug- gle ei home and the imminence of a now imperial- ist war. The “New Deal” is a policy of slashing the living standards} at home ands fighting Cor mar- kets abroad for EARL BROWDER the single purpose of maintaining the profits of finance capital. It‘is a policy of brutal op- uression and preparation for im- perialist war: It represents a further sharpe ,and de®pening of the world crisis. It has become very fashionable nowadays to describe the “New Deal” as American fascism. One of Mus- Solini’s newspapers had declared that Rooseveit is following the path first marked out by ‘tali@. fascism. Norman Thomas has contributed a profound thought that the “New Deal” is “economic fascism,” that. it is composed of good and bad ele- ments, many of them aven “pro- gressive” in their nature, if not accompanied by “political reaction.” A group of honest revolutionary workers in Brooklyn recently issued a leaflet in which they declared that fees and Hitler are the same ing. Such answers to ¢he question of the essential character of the New Deal” will not help us much, It is true that elements of fascism long existing in America are being great- ly stimulated and are coming to ma- turity more rapidly. But it would be well for us to recall the analysis of fascism made at the llth and 12th Plenums of the E. ©. C. I, both for understanding the situation in Germany and for accurately judg- ing the developments in America. t, it muct be understood that am _fsrows naturally out of bour- geois democracy under the condi- tions ef capitalist decline. It is only another ferm of the same class rule, the dictetorshop of finance capital. Only in this sense, can one say that Roosevelt is the same as Hitler, in that both are executives for finance capital. Ths same, however, could be said of every other executive of the capitalist state. To label everything capitalist as “fascist” results in a destroying of all distinctions between the various forms of capitalist rule. If we should raise these distinctions 4 to a level of differences in principle between fascism and bourgeois dem- ceracy, this would be falling into the | swamus of soc: ial fascism. But to | entirely ignore these distinctions ) would. be. tactical stupidity, would \ be an example of “left” doctrinair- ism. Second, the growth of fascist ten- | dencies is a signal of weakening in| the rule of finance capital. It is a sign of deepening of the crisis, a sign that finance capital can no longer rule in the old forms, it must turn to more open, more brutal, ruthless and terrorist methods, not as the exception, but as the rule for suppression of the population at home and preparation for war abroad. Fascism is preventative counter-revolution, an attempt to head off the rising revolutionary upsurge of the masses. Third, fascism is not a_ special economic system. Its economic meas. ures go no further in the modifica- tion of capitalist economie forms than all capitalist classes have always gone under the exceptional stress of war and preparations for war. The reason for the existence of fascism is to protect the eco- nomic system of capitalism, private property, the means of production es basis of the rule of finance cap- ital. Fourth, fascism comes to maturity with the active help of the Socialist Parties (the parties of the Second International), who are those ele- ments within the working class that we describe as social fascist because of this historic role. Under the mask of an ostensible opposition to fas- cism, ‘they in reality pave the way for fascism to come to power, dis- arm the workers, bind the workers to the wheéls of the fascist chariot by means of the theory of the “lesser evil,” tell the workers that they would be unable to seize and hold power, create distrust in the revolutionary road by means of slanders against the Soviet Union, throw illusions of democracy around the rising forces of fascism, break up the international solidarity of the workers, support the nationalist policies of their own bourgeoisie— and carry out all this treachery under.the banners of “socialism” and “Marxism.” In America, this role is played by the Socialist Party, the “left” reformists and the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. * THE evelopment of Roosevelt's pro- gram is a striking illustration of ‘the fact that there is no Chinese wall between democracy and fascism. Roosevelt operates with all of the arts of “democratic” rule, with an emphasized liseral and social dema- gogic cover, quite in contrast with “Hoover, who dispensed largely with these arts and was openly reaction- ary. Yet behind this smokescreen, Roosevelt is carrying out more thor- |, oughly and brutally even than \ Hoover, the capitalist attack against ine living standards of the masses at ome and the sharpest national ghauvinism in foreign relations. Under the “New Deal,” we have entered» a period of the greatest contradiction between the words and deeds of the heads of government. Hoover refused the bonus to the’ veterans and called out the troops against them, causing Hushka and Carlson to be killed. Roosevelt gave the veterans a camp and food and pent hiss wife to meet them instead |them the bonus, he also took away half of their disability allowances, about $500,000,000 per year. Roosevelt’s internationalist phrases have only served to cover the launching of the sharpest trade war the world has seen, with the United |States operating on the world mar- ket with a cheapened dollar, i. e., carrying: out large scale dumping. Roosevelt’s election campaign slo- |gans of unemployment insurance and relief by the federal government have been followed in office by the refusal of insurance and drastic | cutting down of relief, the institu- tion of forced labor camps, and so forth. |_ Under the slogan of “higher wages” |for the workers, he is carrying out the biggest slashing of the living | standards that the country has ever jseen. Under the slogan of freedom |to join any trade union they may | choose, the workers are being driven jinto company unions or into the | discredited A. F. of L., being denied the right to strike, while the mili- tant unions are being attacked with the aim to destroy them. ITH the cry of “Take the govern- ment out of the hands of Wall Street,” Roosevelt has initiated and is carrying through a great drive for extending trustification and mo- nopoly, is exterminating independent producers and small capitalists, and has established the power of finance capital more thoroughly in Wash- ington than ever in history. He jhas turned the public treasury into the pockets of the big capitalists. Where Hoover gave them three bil- |lions in one year, Roosevelt gives | them five billions in three months. | As for the extra-legal development |of fascism, the Ku Klux Klan is being revived in the South in pre- cisely the territory which is the basis of the power of Roosevelt and the Democratic Party. It is the |Scuth which for generations has |given the lie to all Democratic pre- tenses of liberation by its brutal jlynching, oppression, disfranchise- ment and Jim-Crowing the Negro masses, and upon this basis reduced the level of white workers below that | of the rest of the country. | Large sections of workers_in the Marine Corps Reserve in Training for War and Riot Duty — basic industries of America living in cgmpany towns which are owned body and soul by the great trusts, |have for long been under conditions |just as brutal and oppressive as |those under Hitler in Germany. | It is clear that fascism already finds much of its work done in | America, and more of this is being done by Roosevelt. But it would be incorrect to speak (of the New Deal as developed fas- cism. With the further rise of the revolutionary struggle of the masses, the beurgeoisie will turn more and more to fascist methods. Whether a fascist regime will finally be estab- lished in America will depend entire- ly upon the effectiveness of the rev- oiutionary mass struggle, whether the masses will be able to defeat the attacks upon their rights and ‘their standards of living. pa ee The Main Features of the “New Deal” 'HAT are the main outlines of the “New Deal,” when we consider it as a whole, all of its various feat- ures embodied in the new legislation and actions of Washington? They may be summed up under the fol- jlowing heads: (a) _ trustification, (b) inflation, (c) direct subsidies to finance capital, (d) taxation of the masses, (e) fhe economy program, ;and naval preparations, tarization, direct and indirect, of labor. Let us briefly analyze each of these features of the New Deal. | Trustifieation: Under the mask of the “radical” slogan of “controlled production,” the Industrial Recovery Act has greatly speeded up and cen- tralized the process of trustification which has long been the dominant feature of American economy. There jis now being carried out a cleanup jot all the little fellows. They are |forced to come under the codes for- (Mulated by the trusts which will |have the force of the law. Their doom is sealed, and they are busy making the best terms possible for “voluntary” assimilation before they are destroyed. Capitalist price fix- ing is given the force of law, and the profits of the great trusts are guaranteed by the government. As for “controlled production,” we have jthe word of an administration spokesman that “competition is not eliminated; it is only raised to a higher plane.” The further strength- ening of the monopoly is intensifying all of the chaos, the antagonisms, the disproportions in American econ- omy. “Controlled production” is im- possible on the basis of capitalist private property. There is only the growth of the power of the big cap- italists and the intensification of all social and economic contradictions. Inflation: The continuous cheapen- ing of the doflar serves the purpose of (a) general cutting down of the living standards of the masses through higher prices, and espe- cially a reduction of workers’ real wages (already over 20 per cent); (b) restoring solvency to the banks and financial institutions by increas- ing the market vlaue of their depre- ciated securities; (c) partial expro- priation of the savings and invest- ae aa le ee Classes; (d) en a temporary expanding market to stimulate industrial pro- duction for the time through the rush of speculators and profiteers to lay up stocks for higher prices, and (e) launching of a tremendous com- mercial war, price cutting and dump- ing on the world markets. All these results of inflation serve to strength- en finance capital, build up its profits at the cost of sharpened ex- ploitation of the masses at home and lead directly to an imperialist war, Direct subsidies: This is only an enlargement of Hoover's beginnings in the Reconstruction Finance Cor- poration, Many billions of dollars as gifts, disguised as “loans,” are being poured into the coffers of the big capitalists. It all comes out of the Jowered living standards of the masses, out of mass taxation and out of the confiscated savings of the middle classes. (dh) mili- nf the treops—but he not only denied Taxation: There is being carred |@ the farm program, (g) military’ out an enormous shifting of even | the present limited burdens of taxa- tion on property and big ti¢omes, | away from them and on to the| shoulders of the masses, the workers and farmers. Almost all the in- creased taxation is in the form of taxation that falls upon the small consumers. All the apparent meas- ures of increasing income taxes have | merely fallen upon the middle class, while the big capitalists relieve themselves of all income taxes, as exemplified in the biggest capital- ists of all, Morgan, Otto Kahn, and others, who have gone for years without paying any income taxes. Economy program: While new taxes are piled up and new billions of dollars given to the banks and trusts, “economy” is the rule for all government expenditure that reaches the masses or the little fellows. The government set the example for the capitalist class as a whole with wholesale wage cuts of its employees, with rationalization, mass dis- charges, etc. The war veterans have their disability allowances cut $500,- 000,000; unemployment relief is sub- stituted by the forced labor camps; social services are heavily slashed or discontinued altogether. Farm .program: While millions starve for lack of food, the govern- ment turns its energies to cutting down farm production. Growing cotton is being plowed under by the direction of the government. A 30 per cent tax is placed on bread in order that the farmers shall get at best the same proceeds for the small amount of wheat. Those farmers, in the most favorable case, will still only maintain their former bankrupt situation, while the masses will have jless bread at higher prices. The mortgage holders will absorb the great bulk of the government sub- sidy. This year’s wheat crop already in the hands of the speculators and bought from the farmers at 25 cents, will sharply rise in prices with enormous profits for the speculators, but by the time the farmer will get 80c. to $1 for his new crop, inflation, cheapening of the dollar, will wipe out his gains and whatever he has left will go to the mortgage holder sales taxes of all kinds, indirect|farmers and anyway; ie. to finance capital, gases and explosives, new tanks banks, etc, Farmers will be at even/and other machinery of destruction a greater disadvantage in buying | for the army, new militi roads, industrial products, monopolist prices |increase of the armed forces, and jof which are sharply rising. The jincreased salaries f the officers. allotment plan is used to attempt | “Industrial recovery” is hastened by to divide the workers from the| working the war industries overtime. set them in sharp|Such war preparations have never rivalry. The masses, including the|been seen since 1917. farmers, pay all the bills. Militarization of labor: The most | Military and naval preparations: direct and open part of the program The wild commercial war on the|for militarization of worsl markets, sharpened to anjforced labor camps with the dollar- enormous degree by the falling value|a-day wage. Already some 250,000 of the dollar, has already disrupted | work in these camps, This the London Economic Conference|forced labor has several distinct and brought all the imperialist an-|aims: (a) it sets the standard of tagonisms to a critical point. The|wages towards which the capitalists |government which carries out this |will try to drive “free” labor every- |bandit policy abroad, while driving; where; it smashes the tradition of down the living standards of the | the old wage scales; (b) it begins to masses at home, should logically go|break up the system of unemploy- heavily armed. An inevitable part |ment relief and establishes the duty of the “New Deal” is, therefore,|to work in order to receive relief tremendous building of new battle- | allowances; c) it furnishes cheap la- ships, cruisers, new kinds of poison|bor for government projects and for Relations Between U. S. S. R. and the Capitalist State By J. STALIN. I spoke earlier of the contradic-| that contradiction of capitalism, or tions of world capitalism. But apart|all the contradictions taken together, re hs _|_at the expense of the U.S.S.R., the eer vee tis paelgy eee the con. land of the Soviets, the citadel of tradiction between the capitalist) the revolution, revolutionizing by its world and the USSR. True, it is| Very existence the working class and not a contradiction of the internal | the colonies, preventing us arranging capitalist type. It is a contradiction | fF ® New war, preventing us dividing between capitalism as a whole and a| the world anew, preventing us being country building Socialism. But this| Masters of our own extensive internal does not prevent it decomposing and| ™4rket, so necessary for capitalists, shaking to pieces the very founda-|P&rticularly today, in connection with tions of capitalism. Still more, it lays | the economic crisis? labor is the} dictions of capitalism and gathers them up into one knot, making of them a question of life and death for the capitalist order itself. Therefore every time that capitalist contradic- tions begin to grow acute the bour- geoisie turns its gaze towards the U.S.S.R.: “Cannot we settle this or bare to the very roots all the contra | Hence the tendency to adventurist assaults on the U.S.S.R. and to in- | tervention, a tendency which is bound [fo be strengthened in connection with the developing economic crisis. ines ee From Comrade Stalin's report | to the 1930 Party Congress of the Communist Party of the USSR.) aes 1938 ) some favorite capitalists; d) it takes | |the most virile and active unem- | ployed workers out of the cities where | they “constitute a danger to law and | | order” and places them under mili- | tary control; e) it sets up a military reserve of human cannon fodder, al- | |ready being trained for the coming | war. | trial Recovery Act regarding labor | | provide a much more large-scale ef- |fort at indirect militarization of la- | |bor, though in a different form from | | the forced labor camps. In the indus- jtries the effort is to establish a semi- | military regime under government | fixed wages, compulsory arbitration | of=gl- disputes with the government as“arbitrator, abolition of the right | to strike and of independent organ- |izattion of the workers. These things | are’ to be achieved through the “in- | dustrial codes” worked out by the! |employers and given the force of | |law by. the signature of Roosevelt, | |and stpported when and where-nec- essary “by the A.F.L. and the So-/| cialist Party who have already en- | tered wholeheartedly into this pretty | | scheme, | Inthe labor section of the New | Deal program is to be seen the clear- est."examples of the tendencies to fascism. This is an American version of Mussolini's “‘corporative state,” special state-controlled labor unions | closély tied up with and under the | direction of the employers, Here we | have also the sharpest American ex- jample of the role of the Socialist | | Party and trade union bureaucracy as | “social fascists,” as bearers among | | the masses of the program of fascism, jas those who pave the way for the establishment of fascist control over | the workers. For the working class, | | the Industrial Recovery Act is truely | |an industrial slavery act. It is one of the steps towards the militariza- tion of labor. It is a forerunner of | American fascism. | In another article, we will take up | the question of how the workers can | fight against the New Deal. Officers Tell How to Shoot at Unemployed ROM the 11th to the 24th of June, |Z the 19th Regiment, United States | Marine Corps Reserve, underwent its | annual two weeks’ training period at |Sea Girt, New Jersey. A battalion | each from New York, New Jersey and | Pennsylvania comprise the regiment. From the very first day we ar- rived in camp, the men in my com- pany were extremely dissatisfied with the food rationed out to us. The | food, in addition to being little in quantity, was poor in quality. Po- tatoes and bread, about the cheap- est commodities on the market at present, were sparingly issued. During chow time a spoonful of potatoes and two slices of bread, along with the other food which was served in none too generous por- tions, was the general rule. The coffee we drank tasted more like dishwater than anything else. Every \time we went for chow, complaints |were heard from all sides, even the non-commissioned officers protested in no uncertain terms until, after about three or four days of rising dissatisfaction, the chow improved |noticeably—still nothing to write |home about. The Roosevelt “new deal” has given hundreds of millions of dollars |to bankers and big corporations in the form of income tax refunds, but, where workers are concerned, it has to economize. Pay Cut Without Warning. ‘When we were paid off, we found we had gotten a 15 per cent cut in pay without a single word of this |pay cut being said beforehand. All this happened after Roosevelt an- nounced his “new deal’—for the bosses and capitalists. One afternoon we listened to a lec- ture that undoubtedly brought many @ worker to a realization of his class position. A captain from the marine bar- racks in Quantico, Va., during the short time he spoke, exposed, with a callousness and brutality that was almost sickening to me, all the viciousness and hatred the American bourgeoisie bears for his wage slaves and to what lengths it will go to preserve the sacredness of private Property. Especially against that section of the unemployed workers who have the courage to come out and demonstrate in the streets in their fight for bread and the right to live like human beings. “Small Wars” He began his talk by referring to the campaigns and occupation by the marines of Nicaragua, Haiti, China and other colonial countries as “small wars.” Hardly worthy, ac- cording to him, of being called wars. He went on to explain that the duty of marines as sea soldiers is pri- marily that of a landing force. This means that marines are car- ried on battleships to places where war is on to be placed ashore and to fight the same as infantrymen or regular soldiers. ‘The most important part of his lecture was that we must be ready, he said, as men wearing the uniform of the U. S. Marine Corps and the high ideals for which it stands, to be ready at all times to carry out any orders that our superior offi- cers might give us. Some of the orders he mentioned that we might be likely to receive are: 1. To be ready to fight against the foreign enemy; 2. To be ready for riot duty, that is, to fight against workers like ourselves, against our own fathers and brothers, if need be. Machine Guns Against Workers 7) explaining what he meant by BY A CORRESPONDENT IN THE U. S. MARINE CORPS RESERVE ° | But the provisions of the Indus- | § World War” Main Aim ai ve Page Five Class Struggle ‘OCIALISM in tabloid form easy and t: pleasant for worker and exploiter to swallow is the o! Leader p ticle entit and Aim,” which June 24 issue After statin alist Party is to “abo! italist system,” the appee appeared in that Ss iately directed to “other classes” than the exploited But the giveaway is contained in| the exposition of the class struggle “The class struggle takes forms,” says the Soc it tabloid: “and it is not always intellige waged by each group What does this new wrinkle in so- cialist theory mean in practice? What is the meaning of an “intelligently waged,” “by each group?” sis to judge what | is intelligent? An intelligent clas the viewpoint of workers one in which the day to day d | of the workers (unemployment insur-)| ance, higher wages) are clearly form- ulated and effective action organ- ized and carried through to protect the interests of the workers against the capitalist class, endeavoring to prevent the capitalists from overcom- ing their difficulties at the expense of the workers and leading the work-| ers to the proletarian revolution and} Dictatorship of the Proletariat. The} | exploiters would not consider such a] class struggle “intelligent.” They al-| ways consider a strike of the workers| for higher wages as madness, as greed, as a failure of the workers to understand the need for capitalist profit and the necessity of paying | “Pre pare for New | huge dividends to stockholders. | ee revolutionary struggles of the | rking class actually leading to} Socialists Ask ‘Intelligent’ By HARRY GANNE: Bt riot duty, he said any large demon-) gry himself and also in sympathy stration of workers whom the police | with them, but he very carefully could not handle, constituted a riot, stressed the fact that it is the duty and as marines it is our job to break|of every man wearing the uniform up such riots. In order to effectively|of the Marine Corps to enforce law help the police, he continued, each|and order no matier how much he one of us should know how to handle | dislikes the job. Every time that revolutionary} the overthrow of capitalism is con-| propaganda leaflets are distributed | sidered by the capitalists not only as among the men, the officers, imme-| unintelligent, but as lacking one} diately upon learning this fact, send} grain of sense or consideration for} senior . non-commissioned officers | the parasites. It is a fact that the| around to collect every bit of litera-| capitalist class to a man considered | ture, that they can possibly find. I| the Russian Revolution as the great- automatic rifles and machine guns. He said that by this time next year e hoped that each man would be fully proficient in the use of these ‘weapons, We could very easily see that he tried to instill a feeling of hatred in us toward these workers. While on riot duty here are the things he told us to be on the lookout for; women and little children sent out by the demonstrating workers who try to pick out the leader of the mob to try to capture him in order to demoralize the rest of the workers and in this manner break up “mobs.” He then went on to bring out more fine points of riot duty. How to Gas Workers. In throwing tear gas bombs he ex- plained, we should always be “up the wind would blow away from us toward the workers. This would have the effect of temporarily blind- ing the workers without harming us. Also in breaking up mobs and chas- ing workers, we should always be careful that they would have some way of escape open to them. In his experiences with hungry mobs, he said, he found that workers when cornered fought desperately, He then went on to say he knew we were in sympathy with workers on demon- stration and that he had been hun- would spit in our faces and tear our} uniforms, and also that we should/ wind,” that is, in such a position that | Two or three times, in explaining our duties to us, he mentioned the next war, and from the manner in which he spoke, all of us got the impression that the next war is not so far off. Later on, after the captain had finished speaking and we were dis- missed, in talking with the men I was agreeably surprised to find that, with a few exceptions, of course, the great majority of the men were de- cidedly against riot duty. Would Help Workers, Say Some Even the most backward workers | stated in emphatic terms that they did not want to go out on this kind of duty. Some said they would help the workers, let alone fight against them. Three days before we left camp, two workers who had managed to slip thr-~h the guards posted all around mp and were distrib- uting Daily \crkers among the men, | were, unfortunately, ceught. Later |they were turned over to the civil | authorities of Sea Giri. Exac’y veder what circumstance: these |--roie comrades distributed the Deily Workers, and what action was taken against them, I did not have |the opportunity of learning. The | American bourgeoisie and its repre- sentatives in the armed forces, the officers, try with every means within their power to keep the enlisted men from becoming politically minded and class conscious. haye seen men, not in this particu- lar instance, when literature was given to them, take it and conceal it about their persons, and later, when’ the usual collections are over, go off by themselves and read it. In_ spite of persecution, in spite of arrests, this distribution of revolu- tionary literature and propaganda to servicemen must go on. Five and six years ago, during the boom days of se-celled prosperity, many service- men were to all practical purposes almost immune to revolutionary propaganda. Today, in the worst crisis. capitalism has ever known, a changed attitude exists. I know from personal rience that many a man~ who would laugh and refuse literature in those days, today eagerly accepts it. Soldiers and Sailors Are Workers The overwhelming majority of the men constituting the enlisted per- sonnel. of the Army, Navy and Ma- rine .Corps are workingmen or of working. class origin. Although these branches. of service are comprised mainly of workers, they dg not rep- resent the working class as‘such, but represent the interests and armed by the bourgeoisie or ruling class firstly, to fight abroad or for the protection against a danger coming from abroad, in short, against the foreign enemy, Secondly, in times of internal un- |reat, such as great strikes or demon- | strations, the bourgeoisie uses the armed forces of the state against the “interior enemy.” This “interiop enemy” is none other than the op- pressed working class of every capi- talist country which goes out into the streets on strikes or demonstra- tions when conditions for it become unbearable. In either case, the men in the armed forces fight against workers like themselves, against their class brothers. Importance of Propaganda It is for this reasan that the offi- cers. strive with every means within their power to keep the men under their command from becoming polit- ically, minded and class conscious. It is very easy to see that once these workers become class conscious they will no longer be “loyal tools” or cannon fodder of capitalism, and will follow the road our Russian class brothers have taken and establish a social system in which the bloody monster of militarism will be abol- ished. Tt is also for this reason that men in service make such fruitful soil for the teachings of Marx and Engels. Therefore, it is of the utmost im- portance that the Daily Worker and other literature, in spite of all ob- stacles, be brought to these workers. Every worker at present in ser- vice, 6 whoever expects to be there, should read the Sixth World Con- gress Communist Resolution on War. This wonderful little book contains much valuable information with which every worker should be- come, familiar. The words of that great leader of the working class of the world, Lenin—‘The struggle against militarism must be carried on now, daily, hourly,” should become the watchword of every honest and sincere class conscious worker who wants to do his bit in preventing an- other imperialist world slaughter. To bord task, we must bend our every ef- fort force of: the bourgeoisie and are used | | jest piece of historical madness ever | recorded. | ips practice (and the history of the socialist misleaders prove it) the |idea of an intelligently waged class struggle “by each group” means the | abandonment of the class struggle; it means class collaboration—the be-| trayal of the interests of the workers | jand the rendering of service to the| | capitalists, | | After entirely abandoning the |Phrase “class struggle,” during the| | Period of “prosperity” the socialists j bring it back again to justify their class collaboration with the capit s in this perod of fascist develop- i | ment. Does the socialist tablc | for example, the soc’ the workers to yote for F Von Hindenburg of Ge “intelligently” waged each group?” Do the so sider the vote for Brue paved the way for Hi telligent way of cc struggle “by each gr methods of the socialis' I | Donald in England an intelligent way of conducting the class der consider, In the United States t socialists point out the “intelligence” of Roose- velt in the class struggle. They point out the “good features” of the in- | dustrial slavery bill and its domin- jant point class collaboration in the |interest of the preservation of capi- talism, | PY calling on the workers and capi- |® talists to wage an “inte | Class struggle “by each group” |do the socialists want? They want |the workers to surrender their cl interests to the bosses. In ever; ~ stance, the socialists show in prac- | lice how this class collabo: | be carried out “intelligently.” trade unions they help the bosses put over wage cuts. They try to defeat |the united front of the work against the growing attacks of cap! |talism. In stressing I to be gained under the indv “recovery” act, they went to |} the struggles of the workers and aid the fascist development of the Roose- velt regime. The capitalists recognize the ex- istence of the class struggle, but it is their object to keep the workers from becoming class conscious and waging his day to day struggles against capi- talism. The socialists talk about an intelligently waged class struggle “by class oppression of the exploiters. N intelligently waged class struggle on behalf of the working class is @ struggle of the workers against the other “group’—against the capitalists and lead the workers to abolish capi talism. Where do we see the class struggle on behalf of the toiling mass- | es most intelligently conducted? } We see it in the Soviet Union, where, under the leadership of the! Communist Party, the toilers have) actually overthrown the rule of cap- italism. We see the intelligently con- ducted class struggle in the carrying | through of the Five-Year Plan and| in the building of socialism. THEN they speak of “intelligent” action they have in mind an “in- telligence” which is to the class in-| terests of the bosses. When we speak of intelligent action, we mean revolu- each group” is direct. support to the} to Aid Bosses strategy ion: nd tactics to serve I f the workers. : s collabe with the strikes, Ow one of irrecon rs. Our con- ception of the class struggle is based the teachings of Marx and Engels it the class struggle leads inevit- atorship of the pro- as realiz in the Soviet Union, laying the t of the build- ing of a classless Their con- ception of an intelligently waged class struggle is one of paving the way to YST the socialist appeal for an nt class struggle by “each e have Marx’s explanation of the proletariat in the class struggle. In a letter to his friend Weydem Marx wrote as follows on Ma 1852: “Bourgeois hist before me exp orians @ long time ded the historical development of this class struggle i bour economists, the econ- anatomy of clas: was new on my part was following: the existence of classes i only with certain his- struggles which arise out of lopment of production; (2) That class struggle necessarily to the dictatorship of the pro- letariat; “(3) That this dictatorship 1s itself nly a transition to the abolition. of all classes and to a classless society.” ‘HE socialists’ approach both in theory and practice to the class struggle is in the interest of the pres- ent policy of harrassed capitalism when the workers are more and more | entering the day to day struggles un~- dermining capitalism. At every stage of capitalism the socialists act as a bulwark for the defense of capital+ ism. In the last world war, the lead- ers of the socialist Second Interna- tional, on the basis of an “intelli- gently waged” class struggle by “each group,” mobilized the workers in each country to fight for theit imperialist slaveholders. After the world war, in each country the socialists, in the in- terest of preserving capitalism, split the fighting front of the workers, pav- ing the way for fascism. Lenin pointed out that @ revolu tionist, a Marxist struggling for the overthrow of capitalism “is one who extends the acceptance of the class struggle to the acceptance of the di tatorship of the proletariat. Her lies the deepest difference between a Marxist and an ordinary petty or big bourgeois. On this touchstone itis necessary to test a real understanding and acceptance of Marxism.” The class struggle “intelligently waged” for “each group” in the day to day and ultimate policy of the so- cialists is the program of imperialism and fascism. A Novel of German Life Before Hitler By EDWIN ROLFE “Little Man, What Now?” by Hans Fallada, Translated from the German by Eric Sutton. Simon and Schuster. $2.50. HIS novel, published in Germany a short time before the Nazis came to power, is the story of a y married couple, Johannes eberg and his wife Emma, a ‘king class girl and member of a Communist family. Pinneberg is a small-town bookkeeper. He is uncertain, vacillating, cowardly, cringing; whatever courage there is in him is supplied by his more realistic and sensible wife. The novel tells in simple, lively prose the story of Pinneberg’s mar- iage to Emma Morschel, the birth of their baby, the firing of Pinne- berg from veral miserable jobs ich he earns barely enough to When the novel ends, Pin- g has been out of work for over a year; he and Emma have been living in a sh@ck owned by. a friend, and Emma has been earn- ing a few marks here and there y sewing. Pinneberg sinks lower and lower. as the realization that his joblesszzg ness is a permanent state grips hissy mind. When, raggedly dressed, Ono” one of his excursions to Berlin, thes, a police tell him to keep moving anéle: © kick him off the sidewalk into the>= gutter, he is crushed. eee b 'T is such scenes as this which; make “Little Man, What Now?’ ying falsely. There is no pattern of development followed by Falleda in his book. While we expected the browbeaten, weak-willed Pinneberg to feel crushed after the police “in- sult,” Emma’s answer is a surprise. Whenever they had discussed un= employment and the lot of the work: Emma had always been the one to state emphatically that _. she would join and fight side by side with the Communists. The ending of the book is more than an evasion by the author. It is a de- feat for him, a betrayal by him, an indictment of his own integrity as a writer. But this is to be expected of a man who, by his own admission, is tired of all “the long, drawn ti .” The worker has his mo- ments of joy as well as of sorrow, says Fallada. And so, while he re- cords some of the sorrow, his main purpose evidently is to prove that there are “higher things” in life, A publisher’s blurb recently stat- ed that “Little Man, What Now?” had not been destroyed by the Na-~ zis in their book-bonfire, “at least not yet!” This is understandable. A regime which murders women...’ and children, tortures workers and »- destroys the accumulated wisdom of centuries, will welcome the ar- tistic dishonesty of a writer who, after building up a powerful case” for Communism, suddenly switches his tale into an insipid, vacuous channel oF