The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 17, 1933, Page 3

f i are «place in spite of the fact that, during DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, S. SATURDAY, JUNE 17, 193% Irage Lhree DEVELOP A UNITED MASS STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL INSURANCE! INTERVIEWS WITH Demand a Special Session of Congress to Adopt Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill! ‘cH Ag HEARING JUNEMPLOYED BY DAILY REPORTER Show Wide Support) for Unemployment | Insurance | By PASCUAL The reporter of the Daily oe selected at random 15 families on} the lower east and west side of New| York to inquire as to main prob- Jems facing them. The questions asked were: How were you effected | by the Mayor's decision to stop pay- | ing rents of the unemployed? What | do you think of the mayor’s scheme | for a 2-cent tax,on subways? Should | we demand the adoption of unem-| ployment insurance, to be paid by| the bosses and the government? | «= The reaction to the 7-cent fare was clear cut and. immediate. Mayor O’Brien was called everything from Uidiot to crook, But the second ques- | tion, on’ rent payments, enabled most | of the workers to indignantly link | graft to Mayar O’Brien. In discus- sing Unemployment Insurance, one worker concluded that she favored it because “half the poor people don’t get relief anyhow, on account of the graft.” Not Clear On Unemployment Insurance, | Unemployment, insurance, how- | ever, was not..clear to the workers. Some thought.it.a kind of insurance policy, others thought the employed should have to support the unem- ployed. But. when it was explained that it was tobe raised by a tax on incomes above ; $5,000, the workers were quick to understand it. } As, Lederman, for example, of j 38 Suffolk Sty said:: “Something has| got to be done; and this Unemploy- ment Insurance is the most impor- tant thing.” A woman living at 317 W. 17th St. pointed out sharply: “The rich have everything to live for, let them ay the poor people a chance Family of 9. | With a family of nine to look after, | Sev of whom are unemployed | longshoremen,, the moth, ye at 245 W. 16th St. commented: 'y poor boys will have to waik they legs off if they raise the fare.” Lederman, who is ufierhployed for 10 months and who lives near the Manhattan Bridge, sai@"hat he has to walk the bridge mangitimes when looking for painting jobs in Brook- lyn, so how could he pay a T-cent fere. “In fact,” he added, “I spend 40 cents a day sometimes looking for work. And lots of times I have to stay home and feed the kid with the 40 cents.” Don’t Want Charity. J. Spector of 396 Grand &., who as @ carpenter has been trying to ge* > job through the Relief Bureau fir (> Icst year, “All they do, is ack, me questions and more ques- tions,” he remarked heatedly. He made ati application five weeks ago and when the, investigator came three weeks later and began asking the same old Questions he cut him short with: “I don’t want charity; I only want a couple of days’ work.” He thought Unemployment Insur- ance is the «best. thing for a poor man. To prévé-he understood how it could be won, he said, “And the more that workers stick together, the better is the’ chance to get it.” He made assurances that he would cer- tainly read the: Daily Worker left with him, (Statement of the Central Committee, CPUSA) ALL WORKERS, EMPLOYED AND UNEMPLOYED: Congress, after a session lasting three and one-half months, has ad- journed. It has fulfilled substantially every democratic campaign promise made to the big bankers and manufacturers, It has brazenly ignored the many promises made io Roosevelt’s so-called “forgotten man”—to the workers and small farmers, TO | Roosevelt, at the head of the Democratic Party, specifically promised aid to the unemployed. He specifically promised unemployment insurance. Millions voted for him because they believed in these promises. But now, as was the case under Hoover, the unemployed are left to exist as best they can, on even more miserable charity rations. The Democratic Party, like the Republican Party before it, has proven during the past four months the contention of the Communist Party that both of these parties are the parties of the big capitalists and serve only their in- terests. In the meantime, the conditions of the unemployed have become much | worse, The reserves of the unemployed families are completely ex- hausted. Local relief and private charity is being drastically reduced everywhere. Evictions are taking place by the thousands, Mass starva- tion and misery are more widespread at this moment than at any previous time since the crisis began four years ago. General Hugh Johnson, Roosevelt's “industrial director” under the new industrial “recovery” act, claims that four million men will be given work before winter. This is an absolutely false claim, comparable only to Hoover's periodical promises of “prosperity in sixty days”. But what if it were correct? What then would happen to the remaining thirteen million unemployed? Are they to forever be “forgotten men”? Are they and their families to continue the miserable existence of the past four years? HIS ONLY CONCERN FOR RICH. So far as Roosevelt is concerned, they will! Roosevelt will do noth- This is shown by the session of Congress just closed. His concern has beer. only for the rich. Beginning with the emerg- ency banking legislation, Roosevelt's administration has proceeded step by step to enact the legislative program of the Wall Street bankers; billions of dollars were directly appropriated to aid the bankers, the rail- road and insurance companies, the big manufacturers, the big real estate and mortgage companies, and the rich farmers; every obstacle to the further consolidation of big-banker-control of the nation’s economic life has been removed; hundreds of millions were appropriated for the strengthening of the military and naval forces ofthe country in readiness for a new robber war in the interests of Wall Street. of Roosevelt rule, the Morgans and Rockefellers are more firmly in the saddle than ever before. A BILL TO ENSLAVE THE WORKERS. Other measures adopted are still more directly aimed against the interests of the masses of the people.. Two hundred and fifty-seven thou- sand young workers have been driven into Roosevelt's militarized “re- forestration” camps where, under the most miserable conditions, they are being trained to serve as cannon fodder in the new rapidly maturing war. Under the so-called “economy” legislation, government employees have been laid off; wages have been cut; the disability allowances of the vet- erans have been slashed; the government has set the pace for the private employers in new attacks on the living standards of the masses. Roosevelt’s inflation program, also in the interests of the rich, has already resulted in rapidly soaring prices for the people's food. The high point of this congressional session was the adoption of the so-called Industrial Recovery Law, a law embodying Roosevelt's whole program—placing control of industry firmly in the hands of the Wall Street bankers, new attacks on the masses concealed behind empty phrases of concern for the masses, new efforts to destroy the militant working class organizations through the compulsory establishment of the “open shop” and the outlawing of strikes for improved conditions, and ing! ense creation of an insurance fund entirely at the ex employers, for insurance paymen c ployment at the average wage earne administration of the insurance fund complete workers. It urges the carrying through of h indreds of } ings and demonstrations throughout the country to of immediate and adequate relief and with the dem insurance and a special session of Congress as the cen’ where. It urges the adoption of resolutions in and the launching of a petition campaign with millions of signatures for these demands. A special session fot Congress to adopt the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bll should become the universal, unifying issue before the masses. FOR A UNITED COUNTER ATTACK The beginning of unity in the workers’ ranks are al The actions at the recent national convention of the a Chicago, of the Pennsylvania unemployed organizations at Har the steps toward unification of the Ohio unemployed now bein the deep feeling for united action clearly expressed by the wor | the Socialist Party and the A. F. of L.—these are the masses are preparing for a united counter-attack agai and war program, This development toward wo toward united struggle is the most hopeful sign of t velopment must be speeded up if masses are to be rall : their demands. a united front of struggle 's to win! to unite the millions of unemployed unemployed movement bringing together the variou tions into one national movement and thru. militar united movement capable of organizing the millions united struggle now at the Relief Bureaus a 2 diate and adequate relief, and particularly for social insurance is the fi step. The Columbus Conventions called for July 1, 2, 3, 4, can give fw ther stimulus toward the realization of this aim by acc ing the cation proposals by the Unemployed Councils and iy adopted by the recent national convention of unemployed organizations in Chicago A further immediate step toward unification should be taken in the trade union field. The independent unions, the unions of the Trade Union Unity League and local unions of the A. F. of L. should join to- gether in united struggle against wage cuts, for shorter hours, for the maintenance and improvement of working conditions, and for social of the Stat pe t Only After four months | to find a violent solution of the crisis through new and fiercer attacks on the workers and farmers and through a new robber war against Amer- | ica’s imperialist rivals and against the Soviet Union. The ballyhoo which | claims that the country has already “turned the corner toward recovery”, is based upon two factors which really prove the opposite—that the crisis is deepening. The factors are (1) inflation, which has created a temporary speculative buying market at the cost of reducing still further the living standards of the masses, and (2) the sudden universal move of | all the imperialist governments to accummulate war stocks, which proves | that the crisis has brought us face to face with a new world slaughter. It woud be suicidal for the masses to see anything else in Roose- velt's program. A scattered and disarmed working class would result from an acceptance of his false promises. Don't be fooled by Roosevelt now, as you were fooled for three years by Hoover! Organize and fight with closed ranks against Roosevelt's program, and, firstly for unem- ployment, for social insurance—the most urgent need of all workers. The Communist Party urges upon the masses united action in | the struggle for social insurance. It urges the workers in the shops end factories, in the offices and at the relief bureaus to enter into united } Struggles regardless of differences on other questions, to force the calling of a special session of Congress and the adoption of the Workers’ Unem- ployment Insurance Bill—the only insurance bill which provides for the REVOLT IN CAMP AGAINST B AD CONDITIONS | | ‘DRILL EVERY DAY’ ‘NO MATTER WHAT THE WEATHER IS the rapid militarization of the country in preparation for a new war. It is significant that Congress concluded its session with the ap- propriation of $230,000,000 as its last act, for the building of 36 new battle- ships at a moment when millions of people are starving for lack of bread. This program means greater misery and suffering for the workers. It can only be answered by determined and united mass struggles by the workers for their most urgent needs, and in the first place, for social in- smrance. SOCIAL INSURANCE—NEED OF ALL WORKERS. Roosevelt's program does not offer a way out of tHe crisis. is not “just around the corner”. Prosperity ‘The coming months will bring a fur- ther sherpening of all capitalist antagonisms and a further deepening of the crisis, Roosevelt's program is a war program, a program designed STRUGGLE FOR UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE MAIN TASK IN U. S. By 8. GUSEV. The lagging. behind the mass struggle must be noted in the cam- paign for all kinds of social insurance at the expense of the capitalists and the government, which was begun by the Party in 1930. Compared with 1931, this campaign carried on by the Party in 1932 was weaker, and on a narrower mass basis. And this took the last few years, the campaign for ‘the seven-hour day, for social insur- ance, has been systematically put be- fore the Party as a central task re- quiring insistent, constant and plan- ned work by the Party. Tt was stressed with the greatest urgency in the Communist press as early as May, 1929, that the main de- mands, capable of uniting the colos- sal masses of American workers, were the seven-hour day and all kinds of social insurance. at the expense of the capitalists..and the government, and that the widest and most tireless agitation for these demands must be- come the chief task of the Party for | Cami ® whole period, which must simul- taneously start to organize the un- employed. Unemployment Insurance "Since then it-has been repeated on | “fe! that dint ID (1931), that the directly central task of the Party is the mobilization of ‘the masses for.the struggle for im- mediate aid for the unemployed, the ecutive Committee of the Communist International, which said that the immediate task of the Communist Party of the U.S .A. was the “strug- gle against the capitalist offensive and the organization of a wide coun- ter offensive . . . for social insurance at the expense of the capitalists and the State.” What has the Party done in the course of the four years since May, 1929, when the struggle for the seven-hour day and for social in- surance was first put forward as the central task? Main Slogan. “| out. the mass struggle and the organ- izational preparations for mass ac- tivity, were raised in the Party and its leadership. Serious differences arose among the Party leaders on the question of which is more im- Pportant—the political leadership of mass struggles or the organizational | preparations for them. Such a con- trasting of politics and organization, from the point of view of Marxism- Leninism, is absolutely incorrect. Without a correct policy, and our whole policy is directed to winning the masses to our side, the mob- iizing of the masses for struggle against the bourgeoisie, there can be no question of victory. But no pol- icy, even the most correct one, can give victory of itself, and requires organizational measures to carry it Policy cannot replace organiza- tion; organization cannot replace pol- icy. One is impossible without the other, Policy predetermines; organ- ization decides. Policy is the basis; organization the derivative. Not poli- ties for organization, but organiza- tion for politics, For victory, both policy and organization are equally necessary. Therefore, to raise the que juestion—which is more important victory—policy or organization— thing to polley lone. without orge- icy alone out organ- izational measures, means to con- vert the Party into a propaganda society, a narrow sect, proud of the purity of its ca ee but abso- lutely separated from the masses. To reduce everything to organ- ization and the preparation of strug- gles, also means to convert the Party into a sectarian, petty, “business” or- ;|8anization, urging the masses to be patient and wait, until the Party Prepares everything. Party Must Lead Mass Movements. But the masses cannot be satis- fied with political directives alone, and demand organizational guidance. The masses cannot wait and will not Postpone their activity until the Party has made organizational prep- arations, but demand leadership im- mediately at every manifestation’ they make. Therefore, while carry- ing on persistent political and or- ganizational preparation of mass ac- tivity,.the Party must, together with this, take the leadership of all mass movements, even in cases when it is by no means ready for this move- ment tionally. Party | (By a Worker Correspondent.) FORT SHERIDAN, Ill.—When the recruited young workers arrive at | diseases as typhoid, etc. They are | given four injections. The first two injections are the hardest to pass, and if you pull through with the first two shots, then you are physi- cally fit. ‘The young workers in my brother's company are getting three square meals, including fruit, every day. The diet varies from day-to-day. ever so often there are complaints from the other companies in camp | saying that they don’t get enough to eat. “Burrr -rr-r was it cold,” was my brother’s reply to my question of how did he like to sleep in the tents? Everybody was kicking about not having enough blankets, too cold, ete. About half of the - young workers have colds. They drill every day. It makes no difference whether it rains or not. The drilling must go on. If a mud- puddle happens to be in the way they have to march right through it. One day, a company was drilling, and a mud-puddle was in their way. ‘The young workers hesitated, but the officer shouted: “who told you to stop,” hac so they splashed through the mi Military Discipline. At first there wasn’t much signs of Strictness, but gradually more disci- pline was. introduced, and now it is getting stricter each day. In fact regular military discipline was being introduced. Many of the young workers are grumbling against the strict military rules, and 45 of them have run away. Now guards are stationed at all the entrances, and no one is allowed to leave without a pass. One and three-fourths days leave are alloted in a month for each person, but at their own expense. ‘They receive $30 a month, $25 of it goes to the family, and. $5 left for them. The toilet articles, cigar- ettes, and other little things are ex- pensive. In fact they are charged one and a half times the price which we pay in the city, and so nothing Sly saved out of their paltry sum of $5. ‘ must take the leadership of mass ac- tions in the condition in which these mass actions find it, introducing further! organizational measures in the course of the struggle itself, on the basis of a wide application of the tactic of the united front from below, was stressed by the de- cision the XIIth Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Com- munist International. (Te Be Continued) | samp they are inoculated for such! But) By a Worker Correspondent | OMAHA, Neb.—Discontent nour- jished by intolerable army discipline, army drill and poor food caused a riot in President Roosevelt's forced For weeks the capitalist press has been publishing articles and printing false photographs in an effort to con- vince the masses that the. reforest- ration troops are a contented lot of |young men. The fact is that dis- j content is general in this forced la- {poe camp. | While Colonel Thomas Anderson claims that the forced labor troops have much more freedom than sol- diers of the regular army the truth is that they have less. | stating the cause of the and Colonel Anderson evaded an expla- nation by saying that it was merely a brawl “by a small lawless element within the reforestration army.” troop were dismissed after being de- nied a hearing in regard to the cause of the riot. The capitalistic Omaha Bee-News and the. Omaha World- Herald are trying to make it look like a grudge fight between enlisted men of the regula’ army and the men of the reforestration group. —. B. labor camp at Fort Crook on June 3. } The capitalist press refrained from | Six members of the reforestration | insurance. Here also there is evidence that progress toward united ac- tion is being made. Social Insurance has become the most urgent need of all workers— of those still in the factory, as well as the unemployed. The em- poyed workers are today threatened with the c. rear ment; they lose time through sickness, accidents, pari finally they are fired due to old age. This makes necessary by the employed and unemployed for their joint demands and larly for Social Insurance. Under these circumstances, the Communist Party renews its call for a united front of struggle sent on March 29th to the executive council of the American Federation of Labor, to the Socialist Party and to the Conference for Progressive Labor Action. Despite certain waverings and hesitation inherent in the position of the C. P. L. A., that organization has so far participated in developing | @ united front of the masses, The A. F, of L. executive council and the Socialist Party executive, on the contrary, have openly sabotaged united action and are today | responsible before the workers for the divisions still existing in the | workers’ ranks. Not only did they categorically reject the proposals made by us for united action, but in every situation they have openly appeared | as the splitters. | In Chicago the Socialist leaders refused to go along with the over- | whelming decision of the unemployed convention, which they themselves called, for ‘a unification of the unemployed movement, In Harrisburgh, they split the Pennsylvania unemployed convention when it decided for united action, only to have their splitting policy | rejected by many local organizations after the convention. In the fur market, in\New York, the Socialist Party and the A. F. of L. leaders have openly allied themselves with the bosses and the police in an effort to smash the organization chosen by the fur workers—the | Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union. | Plainly, these leaders are the barriers to a united front of the masses; they are the sabotagers and strike-breakers in the workers’ ranks, | In view of Roosevelt's attacks on the masses, the nearness of a | new war and the urgent needs of the masses for relief from the present unbearable conditions, the Communist Party calls upon the masses to unite oyer the heads of the sabotaging leaders; it calls for a united front of struggle to be set up by the masses themselves to fight for the workers’ immediate needs. It specifically proposes a united struggle to win social insurance, to force the adoption of the Workers’ Unemploy-. ment Insurance Bill, The A. F. of L. and Socialist leaders have refused united action; without further delay, we urge the masses to unife. We call upon the workers te set up unemployed councils in their neighbor- hood » unemployed committees in their blocks; committees of action in | the factories to fight for social insurance. | There is no time, however, to’ be lost. All workers—Communist, Socialist, A. F. of L., unorganized workers, unite now in every locality, in | every factory, mill or mine, at the relief bureaus. Fight for full social | insurance, the most urgent need of the masses. Carry through joint meetings and demonstrations. Jointly prepare strikes for improved condi- tions. Organize strikes against forced labor and particularly for union wages on the new government construction jobs. Adopt resolutions, circulate petitions, hold joint mectings demanding | .a special session of Congress to adopt social insurance! We urge all | organizations—unemployed, trade unions, fraternal, veterans, | their own petitions, and to activize their own members in the circulation of these petitions for Social Insurance. Demand the adoption of the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill! Party Members! We urge you to take the initiative in the factories, in the mass organizations, in your neighborhood, to rally the masses, to set up the united front directly with the masses. We urge you to build the Party, to recruit new members, so tha he Communis Pary may | better organize and lead the struggle for Social Insurance. i CENTRAL COMMITTEE, COMMUNIST PARTY, U. 8S. A. particu- to print | § BOSSES’ KON ee stifyt fethodagt Bi IN ie gis n hearing d 2 Unen:.- ler, told how, r a box order, he ef agent re- st aint quali- d a job one son he didn’t Ww had done to better his cond the boss att replied syed Council and he struggles of the fied When she r tried ed to work: The bosses to the forest camp, but he that his mothers’ health d that he wanted to take The relief agent calle and because her son was cut off her relief. Negro worker, named Mor- wasn’t working because the eel mill had fired him a many other workets. He was single man and when he plied for relief the bosses tried to |sentence him to a flop house. He | didn’t think he had committed a crime and wouldn't go. Then they {tried to sentence him to an institu- tion, the county farm, again he re- fused and couldn't understand why, if they could feed him at these places, thty couldn't feed him at home. Harris, a blind Negro worker, fired from his job 5 years ago because, as @ result of the work he was becoming blind. Hed no money in the bank but a few dollars in his pocket. Did not make enough to live and save too. Was living on charity. Recently was cut $1.20 and box cut 48 cents, {Recruits Arriving at Camp Called Suckers by Earlier Arrivals | (By a Labor Camp Correspondent) | CAMP DIX, N. J.—I arrived here | with 39 other boys, Some of them were from Newark, and others from |New York. During my three days there, about 140 of the boys, who | were already there, left the camp. | They complained that the food was | lousy, and the coffee is served with- | out sugar or milk, and that they put | salt-petre in it. As soon as we came into camp, the boys there called us suckers. We sleep in tents without any bed-sheets or pillows, and we froze at night. On Wednesday night, when we got here, one got off the bus and got right on again after a look around, The water tastes lousy. As soon as we got to 30 Whitehall Street, New York we had beans, a pickle and one slice of bread and ey gave us coffee with saltpetre in it. At camp for breakfast we had black mud supposed to be coffee, cold potatoes without any flavor, and scrambled eggs without salt or pep- per. And there was some kind of | chemicals in the eggs because I had | to use the toilet three times that day. Friday for lunch we had some fish | and it sure tasted lousy. We had | mashed potatoes that were de- cent. The only good part of the meal | was the chocolate pudding they gave | us. | ‘The camp is run by army officers and there is an army man at the | head of every company, I am home | now for the weekend, but I am going | to quit as soon as I get back if they | keep giving us that garbage they call , | food —J. By JOSEPH FREEMAN The Soviet worker's real wage con- sists not only of direct money wages, but also of “socialized wages” which includes such factors as social insur- ance for illness, accident, maternity, industrial and occupational diseases, old age pensions; sums spent for the prevention of accidents and prophy- lactic measures; socialized medicine; socialized housing and tenancy; mu- nicipal services; and the construction of socialist cities. As a separate fac- tor, quite pecwiar in its character and of major importance, is the fact that the workers have at their service the socialized distribution of commo- dities and services, and the increased consumption of food, clothing and other articles at low prices. The Labor Code Among the most important factors in the Soviet worker's “socialized wage” is social insurance. The Labor Code provides for social insurance to cover free medical aid; payment dur- ing temporary incapacity to work due to illness, accident, quarantine, preg- nancy, childbirth, or the necessity of caring for a sick member of the fam- ily; supplementary benefits for re- tirement, the care of infants, and death; unemployment relief; the pay- ment of invalid insurance; and pay- ment to persons whose breadwinner has died or disappeared. In addition to these insurance services, an old age pension system was established on May 15, 1929. None of the persons cesiving the benefits of social insur- ance contribute to the insurance funds. Each of the insurance organizations {is headed by a committee elected by | the district or regional trade union the various neighborhoods. A Coordinated System conventions. The trade unions also choose the auditing commissions which supervise the committees at the head of the insurance organizations. To facilitate contact with the rank and file of workers, there are branch insurance offices in the individual en- terprises. Branch offices also exist in the various sections of the city and The entire social insurance system is thus coordinated. There are no special or independent societies for various forms of insurance to cover illness or unemployment or perman- ent disability as there are in other countries. The Soviet insurance sys- tem cares for all employees in all cases where they have lost their earn- Social Insurance Fund in Soviet Union Rises | GROWTH OF THE SOCIAL INSURANCE BUDGET OF THE U. S. S. R. (A ruble is equivalent approximately to 50 cents in U. 8, currency.) From October 1, 1925 to October 1, 1926 ...... 474.2 million rubles From October 1, 1928 to October 1, 1929 , 1263,0 million rubles In 1930 (for whole year) . 1667,0 million rubles In 1931 (for whole year) 2614,0 million rubles In 1932 (for whole year) .. . .3534,0 million rubles The budget for Social Insurance in the Soviet Union has increased from 474,2 millions of rubles (approximately $237,100,000) in 1925 to 3,534,000,000 rubles (approximately $1,767,000,000) in 1932. While the budget in the Soviet Union for the care of the working cii in these years have risen rapidly, unempioyment has been totally elimi- nated. In the United States there has been a sharp rise in unemployment until the demand for unemployment insurance. All over the country there is constant slashes even in the little retief which is given to the unemployed. to date over 17 million are jobless. The capitalist government has refused | SOCIAL INSURANCE IN SOVIET UNION AFFORDS ' COMPLETE PROTECTION TO WORKERS jings. The centralization and integra- | tion are convenient for the insured and save a great deal of overhead cost, lea’ more of the insurance funds for actual benefits to the work- ers. Thus, while insurance organiza~ tions in other countries commonly de= vote six or seven per cent of their expenditures to overhead, the Soviet insurance bodies pay out for this pur~ pose only about two per cent of their outlays. Maternity Insurance Insurance for pregnancy and child- birth covers eight weeks before and eight weeks after confinement. For | women engaged in mental work the insurance period is six weeks before and six weeks after confinement, al- though in types of mental work in= volving special strain the period is “ the same as for industrial workers. The payment is equivalent to the woman worker's full wages with the first day of the twelve or’ sixteen-week period. In addition, maternity benefits include a lump? sum for the layette, free medical at= tention, and supplementary sums for , feeding the child for nine months after its birth. If the mother is i. well enough to return to work weeks after confinement, she receives: jan additional eight weeks’ vacation with full pay, during which time ber job must be held for her. Maternity ef covers not only women who are employed or lance benefits for other reasons, | /s0 covers the wives of workers, employed and unemployed, as well ie wives of workers on insurance te, lief, Re een Le rking but also those who are uns)” who are receiving insur= 4° Ie orate