The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 10, 1933, Page 4

SUBSCRIPTION BATES: By Mail everywhere: Ove year, $6; six months, $3.50; 3 months, $2; Y month, Wa, excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and Cani Ono year, 6 months, $5; 7 months, “°™| HEROISM OF WORKERS INDICATES RISE | OF REVOLUTIONARY UPSURGE ( | Anti-War Activities Carried on by Chinese Toilers in Face of Death’ ub omprodaily PublisBing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 50 8. Page Four L8th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 4-796, Cable “DAIWORK.” Addre and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St.. New York, N. ¥. orker’ Paty USA Dail (Marx, Lenin and Stalin} The “Privileged” Position of American Labor Explain Capitalist Crises z agencies { The crash of the financial si jonger nd to] | = ture of the United St bh 1 cor sified the interest of the ma pi on tk workers in the auses ¢ i ecome ox crises and what is 1 onditions, b: out. The following y t writings of Marx, I are worth careful y lisord: i a clear light into places that capi ourgeoi; aC on Japanese Workers Demonstrate Against War, Peasants Seize Land, | Soldiers Mutiny Deeds of heroism in the organ- ived struggle of workers against the capitalist hunger and war are 2° symptom of the growing wave of revolutionary upsurge through- out the world. The following ex~ amples of the revolutionary work of the Chinese and Japanese work- upon Communists. In the Sild- zeku district 300 young men mar- ched with red banners and were arrested, but the workers snatched the banners from the arrested and | continued to demonstrate with | their banners in-frent of the police. | | REACH SOLDIERS WITH LEAFLETS bed wire entanglements around thé tunnel and sent an electric currené through it, and posted pickets at the entrance which were known as “death detachments.” The police, in order to demorae lize the strikers, drove their Yam= ilies to the place of the strike, but the relatives ‘ustead of asking x by paving the way ‘or more ers show how the masses are pre~ Z = 2 the strikers to go back to work, extensive and destructive aces =e for: the detisive battle for During the attack upon Shang- urged them to fight on stoically, ninishing the means whereby paring hai a soldiers’ revolutionary com- mittee in Shanghai issued anti- war appeals and leaflets were thrown from @ military airplane Bes on the front. The Communist STRIKE OF CHINESE propaganda found its reverbera- tion in the army. Thus 200 Ja~ TEXTILE WORKERS panese soldiers were shot in Man~ by di The strike ended in victory, Seniideabt aes PEASANTS’ STRUGGL.S a IN JAPAN our emphasis power in this period of the end of capitalist stabilization. ~ combin: aly a tale for the bourgeois out to developed considerable activity also in the village. In the prefec~ ture of Okayama severa hunderd The Communist Party of besa f KARL ilways tried talist economists have keep dark. “The last ¢ always rem stricted cor tion of the e their limit Marx, th he ot “For many 4 decade pst the | history of industry anc is but the history of t modern modern against th are the mercial crises t seal return put entire bourgeois each time 1 “In thes only of th also of the previou: ductive forces art stroyed. In thes out an epidemic t 2 epochs would have seeme surdity—the epidemic of duction. “Society sud back into a barbarism; it app @ universal war of d cut off the supply of subsistence; ind merce seem to be di why? Because there is Civilization, too much mear sistence, too muct: much commerce “The p: Vv repeated more esults of of ensify |— ——— In} . fall behind one another | | nite Front A sis are obliged, in one } ner, to enter this path | rious development of productive But the home and foreign chasing power and peasanis, | analysis are the a low} well-known results, of commodities remaining unsold, further inten- ¢ Report to the of production lie in the apitalist economy. st form of appropriation of duction. The ex- ° contradiction contradiction he colossal growth in the re the maximum and the relative ing the capitalists are trying to keep within in the report of of the C. P. S. U.) Editor of Daily Worke Dear Sir | I I wish to make a s to y which, if ador result in a tel ‘Worker’ in winr munisn nT ee I know iro i y Engel that. many people | 1 Worker’ in th Daily regret to say th fter readir single issue o Jape € ‘ usually not much the \ c . aphord iy they read of penir Spanien a th she Jabor front and the Commu interpretations of the n¢ k fo not learn wt ynd I suppos Mesconclusion that Commu diust | another party with a different % _of campa promises 4 doesn’t the what Communisn ‘a the Party so! Sasual readers 1 My ‘sugees Mie of the r avery ‘issue of al! © yure a clear st the principles an Yommunism, pa sence to America, w Sand what it is yreferable to the “Soi Amerigan Socialist F te etaement have a ‘per nifient place in the paper and I am} ‘ure dt will help to make a bigger} Jommunist Party and a bigger cir ¢ wlation for the “Worker © understand EDITOR'S re should be EDITOR'S NOLE—The sugges- | nu tion offered by J. L. is a very one. In this connection, we “printed some quotations from Marx ‘om the theory of the crisis, and we will (ty, to print, in the futpre | mynism { ' om Our Readers a r of Daily Worker, Comrade ink it would be a good idea would tell in Worker way that ets on the crisi ke Library obtainable ed to learn ature printed id out there g as an education, Comradely, NOTE:—We quite ree with the more frequent re- } much that can be don simple theoretical articles on the fondamental principles = Bwrihee | By CARL REEVE IN POTTSVILLE, Pa., there is an unemployed organization, the Unemployed Union, in which Ro- bert Cullum, a young graduate of Brookwood Labor College, is try- ing to put into effect the teachings of Muste. This organization meets while the inspiration of the es- the Unemployed Union has on its executive committee a number of ; members of the Socialist Party. demonstration to the county com- missioners at the Schuylkill Coun- ty court house in Pottsville, for Febrnary 15, the question of the united front between the Unem- ployed Council of Shenandoah and the Unemployed Union in Potts- ville came: up, At the first meeting this week between the executive committee of representatives of the Unemployed Council, Cullum displayed the fol- lowing differences with the Unem- ployed Council: 1. He was reluctant to indorse the state Hunger March to Harris- burg (which takes place on March 1), saying he wanted to think it over and to discuss it first private- ly with the Unemployed Union. OBJECTED TO MENTION OF SCOTTSBORO 2. He did not want the county demonstration to have banners for the release of Tom Mooney or the Telease of the Scottsboro Boys. 3. He did not take a clear stand on the workers unemployment in- surance bill but spoke of demand- ing “workers’ compensation.” But after we had discussed and explained the program of the State Hunger Margh to Harrisburg (I represented the national committee of the Unemployed Council in this meeting), every member of the ex- ecutive committee of the Unem- Ployed Union present stated their agreement with the State Hunger March and its demands. They stated they would take up the question in the Unemployed Union the following day, also the question of the banners. RANK AND FILE VOTE FOR UNITY The next day, Tuesday, February | | 14, the Unemployed Union was | | having a mass meeting in the | High School at which L. Heimbach, of the Allentown Unemployed League, also a Muste organization, was the advertised speaker. And here the splendid understanding of the rank and file members of the Unemployed Union and of the Socialist Party of the d for unity showed itself. The Unem- ployed Union held a meeting and endorsed the demands of the State Hunger March and decided to send ten delegates on the State Hunger March, They also invited Peter Paul of the Shenandoah Unem- ployed Counail.and myself to speak with Heimbach at the High School meeting that night. The meeting at the High School Tuesday night of about 700 work- ers showed the solidarity of the unemployed workers in the strug- gle r relief. At this meeting, I ned the role of the Unem- oyed Council. The resolution which I introduced indorsing the demands of the State Hunger March on March Ist, and calling for delegates was unanimously and enthusiastically passed. I explained that the demand for the release of Mooney and the Scottsboro Boys was not only a Communist demand, but a broad united front working class demand. I also went into the national strug- gle of the Uneniployed Councils for ’ unemployment insur- ance bill, and the unity of the Un- employed Councils with the strug- gle of the miners against the wage cut. in the Socialist Party hall, and | tablishment of the organization | | was the splendid work being done | by the Shenandoah Unemployed | Council (also in Schuylkill County), When the Shenandoah Unem- | ployed Council launched a county | the Unemployed Union and the | Hunger March that the Mooney banner and the Scottsboro banner should be car- ried at the Courthouse demon- stration on the following day. Peter Paul effectively told how the Unemployed Council of She- nandoah won relief for the workers and prevented evictions because of its militant policy and because it works on the basis of mass de- monstrations and large commit- tees. MISLEADERS HIDE VITAL ISSUES. This meeting again showed the hesitancy and fear of the two Muste organizers, Cullum and Heim- bach.. Heimbach, in his speech, | did not mention the State Hun- ger March. He confined his re- marks almost entirely to the commissary plan, as did chair- man Cullum. Both organizers worked on the basis of fear to give a complete program to the workers, of hiding vital issues trom the workers because “they would not understand.” Neither speaker mentioned the coming wage cut in the coal fields. Neither mentioned the Mooney or Scottsboro cases (until Cullum put the vote on the car- tying of the banners). Neither mentioned the necessity of uni- fied national struggle of the un- employed. | Heimbach spoke vaguely about unemployment insurance, but did not mention the workers unem- ployment insurance bill or the two national hunger marches for this bill, Cullum did not even announce to the audience the decision of his organization, the Unemployed Union, to send 10 delegates to the State Hunger March to Harris- ction of Unemployed Exposes Misleaders Musteite Heads Stopped by Rank and File from Sabotaging burg, and I was forced to an- nounce the decision of his organ- ization. At the Schuylkill County de- March Fourth J obless | Flashes HEAR STEEL UNION SPEAKERS YOUNGSTOWN, O.—One thousand workers heard speakers of the Steel and Metal Workers’ Industrial Union set forth the demands of the unem~- ployed, and expose the misuse of the R. F. C. funds, of which only 35 per- cent is planned to go as wages to the unemployed. 10 ARRESTED IN HOUSTON HOUSTON, Tex.—Negro and white workers met at the I. L, A. hall here to demonstrate for unemployment re- lief. Seven white workers and three Negro workers were arrested by the Police in the effort to keep Negro and white from organizing together. The Ministerial Alliance (colored) and the American Legion, both have issued statements against solidarity of Negro and white, Sie) et WIN PARTIAL VICTORY FARRELL, Pa—Two hours of forced labor for a sack of flour was abolished, following the demonstra- tion of 300 workers March 4th. eee EVADE SHERIFY’S TRAP WARREN, O.—Over 200 workers from Masury and Brookfield ‘Town- ship broke through the terror of the sheriff and stool pigeons to join the County Hunger March on March 4th. ‘The sheriff came to a meeting of the Unemployed Councfl and begged the workers to wait 10 more days, but the workers unanimously decided to go at once to join the march, . 8 MANY JOIN ON WAY LACKAWANNA, N. Y¥.—About 200 workers begun the march in the un- employed demonstration here, but many joined on the way, and over 800 were assembled on the steps of the Memorial Hall where the demands were presented to Mr. Cole, whose | methods of passing the buck. were 4 The omdlpnss maamimemsty meted. | oxposct, 4 x continue the fine example lidarity and unity they have el~ wmonstration the following day at the courthouse in Pottsville, this attempt to hold the workers back was again shown by Heimbach in his speech. Peter Onicik, chair- man of the Shenandoah Unem~- ployed Council, was chairman of the meeting, and when Onjcik spoke of the splendid demonstra- tion of solidarity of the Unem- ployed Union in this united front demonstration, there was loud applause. But again Heimbach did not mention the State Hunger March and again I was forced to an- nounce the decision of the Uném- ployed Union to send 10 delegates to Harrisburg. At this united front demonstration, where in spite of snow and cold, about 500 to 600 main streets of Potisville to the courthouse 10 delegates were elec- ted to the State Hunger March including some delegates proposed by the Unemployed Union, and the Unemployed Union is going to add more delegates at fis next meeting. The county commissioners who hod promised to receive our com- mittee, ran away, leaving a clerk to meet the committee. The Unemployed Council of Schuylkill County is going to or- ganize 2 mass march on the county courthous in Pottsville as soon as the State Hunger March. is ended, and undoubtedly the Unemployed Union of Potts~ ville will participate. Cullum showed his fundamen- tal opposition to the united front and his narrow outlook when he wrote some days ago to Heimbach that he “needed help” in fighting the Unemployed Council who “are muscling in and threatening to take the whole thing over.” But the members of the Unemployed Union understand better than Cullum the need for unity. They understand as do many members of the Socialist Party, that no matter what organization the workers belong to, no matter what religion or race they are, they need solidarity and unity to win more relief. ‘We must beware of organizers who attempt to hold the workers back. We must judge these or- ganizers not only by words but by deeds. Cullum, in a statement to the local press, emphasized that the Unemployed Union is a “purely local” organization. For Cullum to attempt to keep the Unemployed Union a “purely local” organiza- tion is to break the unity of the unemployed, to split off the Pot- tsville unemployed ‘struggle from the rest of the state and country. ‘The Pottsville unemployed need to be connected with the unem- ployed movement in Schuylkill county, in the entire state and in the country, if they are to win unemployment relief, and the members of the Unemployed Union and of the Socialist Party in Pottsville understand this if Cullum does not, and they are working on the basis of unity and solidarity of «1! workers. The Shenandoah Unemployed Council has requested that several of their number will be added to the executive committee of tne Unemployed Union, so that the members of the Unemployed Council in Shenandoah can con- tinue to give their support and help to the Pottsville unemployed, and link up the Pottsville moves ment with the state wide movee ment, and insure a correct prog- ram. . Also Peter Paul, of the Shenan- doah Unemployed Council, will spend several weeks in Pottsville, organizing the State Hunger March and giving u.d to the Pot- tsville Unemployed Usion. Une doubtedly the members of the Pottaville Unemployed bjt will BO- In China during the Japanese attack upon Shanghai a textile workers’ strike was organized at the begining of February, 1932, in all the Japanese mills, under the lead- ership of the Communist Party, with the demand for higher wages and the evacuation of the Japanese forces. The. strike affested 40,000 workers and lasted four months, including two-and-a-half months after the cessation of hostilities, The strike was conducted under the threat of Japanese and Kuo- mintang bayonets and under con- ditions of the cruellest starvation. Despite all this, there was no case of strike-breaking on the part of the unemployed. }CHINESE CHAUFFEURS FIGHT JAPANESE Several Chinese chauffeurs who were forced by the Japanese during the fighting, to transport Japanese soldiers and ammunition, drove their machines into the Yangtse River, causing the soldiers to be drowned together with the ammu- nition, and losing their own lives. TELEPHONE OPERATORS DEFY DEATH Chinese telephone operators in British concessions, and in the in- ternational settlement in Shanghai during the Japanese offensive re- tused to work, under penalty of death, for the Japanese military forces. Some of ‘them were shot yet others remain away from work. HEROISM OF CHINESE C. P. During the same advance upon Bhanghai, when the Communist cells broke up a8 a result of the hostilities, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party sent instructors to Shanghai who restored the cells in the factories. ‘These cells carried on work among the soldiers of the 19th Army as @ result of which soldiers commit- tees were formed in the army. If the 19th Army put’ up a stiff re- sistance to the Japanese onslaught it was due, in no small measure, to the work of the Communists. COAL MINERS DEFY TERROR In August-September, 1932, a Strike (the fifth in the course of one year) was organized, under the leadership of the Communist Party and Red trade unions, in the ‘Tian-Shan ‘coal mines near Peiping, 20,000 workers taking part in it. ‘This strike was directed against the compulsory collection of mem- bership dues to the yellow (Kuo~ mintang) union and demanded a rise in wages. The strike was ac- companied by bloody clashes with the police and Kuomintang troops. ‘The strikers beat to death the lead- er of the Yellow trade union, se- cured the release of the arrested labour delegates, and gained an increase in wages. ISSUE PAPER IN FACE OF TERROR In Japan the Communist Party publishes an illegal central organ entitled “Sekki” (Red Banner”). This organ is. being regularly con- fisoated by the police. In March the office of “Sekki” was smashed up and two issues were confiscated. In April three printers were ar- Tested and the police found a trace of. the illegal printing shop. In Oc- tober the distributing machinery of the journal was broken up. Never- the-less the central organ of the Japanese Communist Party regu- larly appears two or three times each month in an edition of tens of thousands. HEBOISM OF JAPANESE C. P. . The Communist Party of ative has been carrying on with greatest courage an open anti-war campaign with defeatist slogans ever since the beginning of the war. On the anti-war: day of August 1, 1932, the Communists and the rev- olutionary workers brought out on the streets of Tokio several thous- and workers despite the fact that thousands of policemen had been mobilized: and patrolled the city with machirie-guns. In Tokio, in the Koto labour quarters, on Mikawadima street, a demonstration of 2,000 people took place while another demon-~ stration involving a thousand per- sons marched through Tendibayen. For the first time in the history of Japan a demonstration of 350 persons broke the centre of the city and marched along Ginza street, Communist and revo- lutionary workers in groups of thirty to forty, held street meetings near the factory gates demanding the cessation of the war. The work~ ing-cldss population supported the demonstrators by shouting revolu- ‘On July 26, 1982, 2,000 peopte demonstrated in the district of churia for refusing to fight against | their Chinese brethren (in Fu- shung). STRIKE OF SUBWAY WORKERS Strikes under war conditions and police terrorism assume a revolutionary form in Japan. In March, 1932, the subway workers held a strike demanding that wages should be paid to the mobilised workers throughout the period of | mobilisation, as well as higher pay for the women, etc. The strike had been prepared in secret. The _ strikers month’s supply of food and on the eve of a holiday, when traffic is | especially heavy, they descended into the tunnel, barricaded the en- trance wiith four cars, built bar- accumulated a | peasants attacked the police station twelve times and released the revolutionary leaders imprisoned there. In the prefecture Totory, | 350 persons, including women and children, attacked the police | station demanding the release of ine tmprisoned revolutionary lead ers. In this perfecture then Come munist leaders last month cap- tured the leadership of the peasant association and started s Peasant revolt. They encouraged the peasants to seize the property of the Jand~ Jords and deal with the officials serving the landlords. On October 16 about 500 peasants held a demonstration in front of the police station of Yonage and on | October 27 they attacked the police posts in the prefecture. Scottsboro Mothers Wait for By GRACE LUMPKIN When the International Labor Defense sent representatives to Alabama, and hired lawyers to de- fend the nine Scottsboro boys, the mother of one of the boys wrote— “We thought we were alone in the world without friends, and suddenly we found people wantin’ to defend our boys.” When the United States Sup- reme Court ordered a new trial for the Scottsboro boys another mother said,—“We are glad and happy over the new trial. You tell us the workers are glad, too. It is fine to know that others are rejoiced.” I would like t# make a map of the South, the sort of animated map that is sometimes used in the movies, On the map, throughout the South, in Memphis, Tennessee, in Chattanooga, in Atlanta, I would like to draw, single and isolated, the sort of shacks in which the mothers of the Scoitsboro boys— working women—are forced by the rich owners of this country to live in misery and poverty. From these Shacks and cabins, I would draw straight lines running toward and centering in Kilby prison in Ala~ bama where the sons of those mothers lie in death cells waiting for another trial which will decide whether they are to be free, or are to be murdered in the electric chair. For it would be murder, since it has been proved that these boys are innocent. If you have children, you prob- ably know the anxiety of waiting for @ small son or daughter who has not come home from school or from an errand on which you sent him. Has he been run over by a car or a truck, you ask your- self. It is getting dark. Why doesn’t he come? You are tense with anxiety. If you have felt this distress, you will know, partly, what the mothers of these boys have gone through since their childrcn left home nearly two years ago to find jobs. You will know how they waited for word, and the misery which came to them when they heard that the boys, instead of finding jobs, found the death cells of a prison. These mothers are still waiting. And while they wait, isolated in their cabins, they are helped only by the fact that other mothers, other workers, are stand~ ing by them. Cian ae. N the map of the South with the cabins and the lines run- ning toward Kilby prison, I would like to add other lines. These would come from places all over the world, and ail over the United States, showing that workers In these places are rejoicing because of the new trial that has been set for the boys, rejoicing with those mothers, waiting in their cabins. Mrs. Netrefa, a working woman, heard about the Scottsboro boys and their mothers. She came to the office of the International Labor Defense. “T read and read the appeal,” she said, “until I was crying and praying till I come here. I had @ little boy once and he died. If know how I would feel if he was in that jail. I make four dollars washing clothes, but I gladly give three dollars to help the fight, so the poor boys get free and go home to their mothers.” ee! se only our sympath@ es to these mothers, but, like Mrs. Netrefa, our money, our hard earn- ed, scarce. pennies and nickels should go to them throug: the International Labor Defense. ‘We have rejoiced over the new trial. Now {t is necessary to work, #0 that in March, when that trial te carried on in Alabama there Boys to Come Home through. So there can be @ full and complete celebration of a full and complete victory. a ae} I were making that animated map of the South, I would draw another line, straight from Kilby prison in Alabama, to Atlanta, Georgia, where Angelo Herndon, another young Negro worker is in jail, sentenced to a living death on the chain gang. Angelo Herndon wished to help unemployed white and Negro work- ers get the relief that the city of Atlanta had promised them. These workers were without food, and the city of Atlanta was keeping back; $6,000 which would give them food. Angelo Herndon led a crowd of white and Negro workers to the City Hall to demand that the city use that money to keen them alive,’ The “City Fathers” of Atlarta were forced to give the food, but' they revenged themselves by have ing Angelo Herndon arrested. They dug up an old law under which they could convict him. ! Since these “Fathers” are tno} terested in digging into the past, they might also remember that the Declaration of Independence says that every citizen has the right to “life, liberty, and the pure suit of happiness.” It is evident that they do not think workers are “citizens,” and that they feef that anyone who leads workers toward life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, should be punished with a life that is really death, a life of hard work, of blows from a chain gang guard, of heavy chains and sweat box punishment, In thinking of the Scottsboro boys, we must not forget this other boy who was brave enough to risk his life in order to lead these worke ers toward life. It is a curious fact that the prosecutor who had Angelo Hern- don arrested, who is trying with all his power to send him to the chain gang, is a preacher. ‘This preacher sings at church that hymn which says, “Rejoice ye pure in heart, rejoice, give thanks and sing.” He believes that the “pure in heart” will go to heaven. He believes that workers who will ac- cept starvation, who do not fight fer the right to live, are “pure in heart.” And if they do not fight, he promises them heaven when they die. He, really, leads them to death. Angelo Herndon wished te jead the workers to happiness on this earth, to life. For this the death preaching prosecutor is try» ing to give @ death sentence to this young Negro. ‘We want, with our words, our fist upraised together, with all the money we can give, to saye Angelo Herndon from the living death this preacher and the rich people he represents -have prepared. for him. We want -to give. Angele Herndon Ife. Then we can ree jo‘ce. It will be workers rejoicing in Life when we have freed the Scottsboro boys. Wie We may never see them. We may. never see their mothers. But we will feel that line drawing us to them, and not only to them, but to all workers who. are thinking of life for the working class ine stead of death. We will look about us and say, when we have free@ them—“This is not only my foy, It is the joy of the whole works | . ing class, Others are rejoiced.” But in order that ‘we may say this, there is, between now and the trials Of all these young Negro workers, much to be done—pennies and nickels to get together. A steady stream of them must go down from the office of the In« ternational Labor Defense in New. York to the offices in Atlanta, Alabama. Let us help with all mer fe ome thas @ermam, =