The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 1, 1933, Page 4

Page Four Published by isth St the Comprodslly Publishing New York City, N. ¥ Co., Ine., daily exeept Sunday, at 50 B. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Dally Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N, ‘z. Who Is to Blame i pliable Crimes? f Charlies etions ‘rightened capitalist pre ans will with the peak ame tim onal Ci 0! Ww estors $90,000,000 perialist flunky adventure: Ba chell and Mugh B. 1 City Bank of the decline and | fall mic positors, as unsecured ot by multimillionaires « United States, for - sold out the » common. practice thrown upon the talist oligarchy These “Uncle sold to American institu of practicably worthless bonds of the im- Leguia, vidently was a chapter in the plots and count America between British and American in which thousands of Latin Americans have g And this same Mitchell is the man who represented the bankers of Wajl Street in appearing before the Board of Estimate of the City of New York to lay down “a great moral principle” that the unemployed workers and their familie streets, rather the sidered legitimate HE extreme the “bankin; Maryland, in Cleve! which ar vy States. Henry mobile ruptcies, specific harpening of the noliday nd Akron Fc N_connect series of forgeries brought to paganda whith previous forged documents terical public opinion inst the recall the documents given to @he missioner Grover Whalen, of supplied by the Russian white-gu ments produced by Djamgaroff, reaetiona lton Fish in C to be unq ied As we under: the public ori; upon the Con then by « the respons: indeed be Ters!). We J automobile strik: in Detroit. W: ment spy and provoce drive. He is now chief ind and is at the same time a di ‘Workers and all readers o advance the nature of the fi discredit the Communist Party he new in Michig: nd ew Union of ies in Detroit, blie by tk nsored by nd freeze upon the i what Mitchell con- an d by a Ohio cities, and by propos: idays in other tems in Detroit by bottom of the auto~ nt and bank- and the will soon be -Soviet pro- ose to those from to work up a hys- Soviet Republics. We niamous ex-police com- Those forged documents were dventurer Djamgaroff. The docu- Whalen and used by the later exposed and admitted Sociali: 2 the nature of an effort munist International (and tion of Socialist Soviet Republics) banks of Detroit. (This would s, the Fords and the Chrys- connected with the he Communist Party former U. S. Govern- d in the forthcoming propaganda of the Metal Trades Association yne County, Mich. understand in class enemies to efforts of thei which is the only Party that leads the workers struggles for economic demands such as Unemployment Insur- ance and against wage cuts, which ne Mit are to italist system, as well as the Wall Street and Detroit bankers. The workingclass will not bel and professional forgers. HE Communist Part ndit struggle against this upon this country and is plunging t ation and misery every day in ling. cently exp eve y to the very life of our shady practices of the big the lies of the bosses’ kept press y will proceed and must proceed with more deter- to organize and lead the working masses in the cabal of big criminals wh he order to pres¢ a strangle hold nto deeper starv- r privileges of swind- Ame! All the more powerful musi be the pressure of the masses in present- ing their demands, tmemployment and poor in the demonstrations in all cities on March 4, for farmers relief, persecution of Negroes, for the bonus and t age cuts, against the hts of the masses. Jordon to White Lynchers (By DAWN LOVELACI RTLAND, 0: An € inhuman police terro degree brutalities against gro workers, which equals Bloody methods practiced “heart of the South, is being earthed, as the facts are brought to light in the case of Theodore Jordon, Negro worker convicted and sentenced to death in Oregon on a charge of murdering a white man. A white r found beaten to Jobless Negro worker, was among seven arrested and held for the crime. Four were released at once; two others were released on bail, and Jordon was held “for investi- gation.” The investigative consisted of days of continuous third degree brutalities—physical violence coup- ample of a in steward was Jordon, a led with mental torture. One of the milder methods of “question tng” consisted of rowing cold water in the fa He Was beaten me struck unti) his bod marks; jured by pistol wa and he told be killed at once sign the confesston: FORCED TO SIGN “CONFESSIONS” Jordon, helpless sighed seven differer ngt knowing wha In the death cel gon Penitentiary, Jordon said: “I won- der that I am alive—or why I want to live—after what I’ve gone through.” One of the principal leaders of the torture gang which forced the “confession” of guilt from. Jordon was one Mr. Van Vackder, a deputy prosecuting at- was omey. After he had been convicted, and circun vas h untial taken his confession evidence, Jordon’s case uip-by the N.A.A.CP. ization deliberated « for weeks because of Jordo: ord,” of which Mr. Clarence Ivey, local president of the National As sociation said in a slanderous at- tack on the victimized Negro work- erz:“The least publicity we give this case the better. Jordon’s rec- ord is such that I am ashamed of its E would like to read you (re pregentatives of the LL.D. and J don Defense Committee) that rec- ord,-but I am ashamed to do so. JAN'S Tecord, a3 a persecuted and oppr tae. alibi used. to explain the y being made in his defense wafined to tbe noe ogesaary, Je esa. for: any i the excess of lawyer could ‘aising of funds what are needed to fight the Jordon had no | hope for his life, completely des- pairing, until the Jordon Defe Committee, composed of promi- srneys, doctors, writers and nd the International La- bor Defense stepped into his case. “For the first time, now, I can morning and ap- ight,” Jordon said. ed the work of the ILD. ci oro case, and I know of the I.L.D. that the oro boys are alive today. I also followed the Boloff case—I know the kind of man Irvin Goodman is—and I know what you can do. I feel that I have a chance now that you people are in back of me.” APPEALS TO RANK AND FILE OF NAACP. Jordon voluntarily issued a state- ment, giving the leadership of the AAC.P, the alternatives of co- rating in @ united front with the Defense Commitiee and the I. withdrawing from his case. it was the faker not the rank and enemies, he called file to either force to cooperate, or go ads of the Ivey clique the campaign of the ittee and T, L. D. e valuable work young Organizer, who were hi e rank and leaders the h upport Conir their over nd Defen. ct ase now rests in nds of the workers. It was 1 who first unearthed the facts and exposed the vicious part played by the National Association. che at aa i bi Portland Branch of the N.A. Cc. P. has, as its attorne: eu arles Robinson, wea: mos! ous d it s in his ms ands that Jordor fe was placed. Tt is nothing to our attorney rests with him. E meeting called e Association in Jordon’s “be- , Robinson insulted the Negro including Jordon, by ap- so intoxicated that he had rtually led onto the plat- form, where he indulged in an rgy of slander against Jordon and the I.L.D., and urged the Negro workers to chauvinism, his voice eroaking and incot with li- quor } mass meeting, packed by th y petty political clique, Jor~ don’s ment was read by a del- gation from the Jordon Defense Committee, and his call for support from the rank and file issued on a leaflet, which Ivey ma ‘art to eungress ies about to be foisted, sulls, the Fords, the Owen | NAACP Tis | to i; Bead ‘Cues! |S. P. Heads | Gag Fight |} on War By J. BRUNO Concluded From Yesterday.) war broke out, giving the to tbe words and theories ders that ath Americs f the r-zone. e| hind the war hile ae the same ly lamenting the “' of war,” blaming it on human nature, ete. | PRETEND NOT TO KNOW WHAT IT’S ALL ABOUT ‘Thus the Socialist deputy, ‘Troi- ino, declared in the Bolivian Par- liament on Aug. 5th: “The world paradox consists in the fact that humanity does not want war and is preparing for it... it is dif- ficult to ascertain concretely what are the forces that are striving for war.” And this is echoed by the other Socialist leaders in Bolivia, Paraguay, etc. The leading Socialists and re- formist elements of all shades in Colombia call upon the workers not to engage in strikes which might threaten the security of the country —thus guaranteeing the bosses a free hand in carrying out the | bloody war which is against the interests of the working class. Gaiten, leader of the “left” Liberal Party parading as a Socialist, is now touring South America and Mexico in an effort to enlist sup- port on behalf of Colombia—the tool of American imperialism. Poe arn | | | \ ND now let us nie look at the | American, colleagyes of these traitors. What is their role in this war situation? On the whole they would prefer to keep silent about | these wars in South America; it is | no affair of theirs, of no concern to | the workers of the United States. | For over six months the workers | and peasants of Bolivia and Para- | guay have been driven to the | slaughter on the battlefields of | Gran Chaco, murdered and gassed | by munitions and war materials | supplied by the U. S., and other | imperialists. Hardly a word from the S. P. officialdom, when even the capitalist newspapers carried screaming headlines: ‘‘ Thirty Thousand Killed In Last Three | Battles In Chaco!”; “Peaceful Vil- lages Bombed.” But when protests against these wars, raised by the Anti-Imperial- ist League and other working class organizations, forced them to say something, Norman Thomas came out with an editorial (“New Lead- er,” Jan. 7) whose cynicism, con~ tempt for the workers’ struggles and sufferings, and brazen support | of the imperialists is worthy of the treacherous actions of his Japanese and South American friends. The | serious war in Asia, there is not much to make this a happy New Year.” Alas, poor reverend! What a sad beginning for 1933! Should not the workers be made to realize who is responsible for that war? Can and should the workers do something about it? j the workers oppose and fight th ar? and what about the Wall Street Government which has in- | stigated this war? | Ah—our government; that’s ex- | actly to whom our “pacifist,” So- cialist reverend is singing hymns of praise in the very next sentence of this same editorial: with the wars in South America (which make him feel so unhappy) off his chest. Mr. Thomas proceeds: “The only thing I can notice to applaud is the fact that at last the Marines are being taken cut of Nicaragua.” When after years of terror and oc- cupation the American government feels that it could depend on the Nicaraguan National Guard, or- ganized by it and in charge of U. S. army officers—Mr. Thomas gets a bright idea and suggests that the same course should be fol- lowed in Hai | HUGE CHAIN STORE SWINDLE IS BARED charged by leading chain store sys- tems resulting in losses of millions of | dollars for Chicago's housewives, are | contained in a local newspaper, “The | Home Defender” of St. Louis, a small | businessmen’s sheet which fights the} | big companies. In a trial which resulted in | conviction of D. A. Serritella, sealer | of weights and measures, und his | chief deputy, Harry Hochstein, a con- spiracy was disclosed by means of which the big companies received the protection of city officials in their swindle operations, ‘These swindles, according to the statement of the prosecuting attor- ney, made at the trial, brought losses through short weights and over- charges of $54,000,000 to the purchas- ers in these companies, Relief Graft, Witnesses at the trial testified, “that the chain store companies don- | ated provisions to fill the Christmas baskets distributed by the Serritella political organization and that one of them, (the Consumers’ Sanitary But- | ter and Egg Stores) had given $250 in cash to Serritella and Hockstein.” In return for these bribes the offi- cials allowed the companies to rob) | from 2 to 26 cents on every purchase | made in their stores. Serritella and | his assistants were fined $2,000 and| | given a year in jail, | The systems reported involved in | the swindle were the A. & P., Na-} | tional Tea Company, Piggly Wiggly | and four other Chicago chains. The| case of Serritella was the outcome of | 9,000 complaints against different | | | | | | ST. LOUIS, Mo—Disclosures of | wholesale short weights and over-/} the} | i editorial in the “New Leader” | starts as follows: | “War in South America, more | | | | How and in what manner should | | “lia systems, most. of which had | pen supprecees, DEMONSTRATE MARCH 4! ‘THE TRADE UNIONS IN N. Y. AND THE UNEMPLOYED (From Report to the 'T.U.U.C.) By J. ZACK A eae more than 17,000,000 unem- ployed in the United States, and in New York City alone near- ly a million and a half, no one can seriously think about the labor movement and the development of it without organizing the unem- ployed, which means to say that any of our trade unions that do not put the unemployed question aS @ major order of business in th everyday activities, cannot really succeed because they narrow themselves down to only one part of the working class. This is particularly important for those unions in the building trades, needie trades, and several other trades where unemployment is 50 per cent or more of the total number of workers that are wor! ing in that industry. In the Build- ing Trades there is practically 80 per cent unemployed. Unless a union has considerable influence among the unemployed, it will not be able to establish the necessary solidarity between the employed and unemployed to fight for better conditions. so ‘HE struggle of the unemployed takes on certain forms some~- what different from what we have been accustomed to for years in the trade union movement. Be- cause of this, many of our unions and opposition groups are slow to learn how to lead the unemployed workers. It takes them a long time to take up this struggle as a mat- ter of their everyday work RESOLUTIONS ARE ONLY THE FIRST STEP ‘They usually start with resolu- tions, and speeches, which is ail- right. These are the first steps, and then gradually they go over to some simple forms of struggle. I think we have already, as a re- sult of the last few years, experi- ences on the basis of which we can make a much more determined effort on organizing the unem- ployed. ‘The unemployed now are far more embittered than they were a year ago. The employed have re~ ceived three to four, and in some places their fifth wage cut, and are also far more in a mood of strug~ gle than they were a year ago. We know that in the last three months it 1s already possible in a whole number of trades to develop an offensive to obtain wage increases. A year ago, for instance, many of our strikes were purely defen- sive strikes, against w cuts, lengthening of hours, etc. At pre- sent, of course, still have strug- gles to prevent wage cuts. But there are a whole number of trades in ‘New York where. the ‘worl organized in the militant unions can go over to the offensive, to de- mand wage increases, ‘The same thing can be noticed among the unemployed, as is shown by the many struggles around Home Relief Buros, rent strikes, etc. Therefore, tilis year it Is necessary to bring this whole struggle of the unemployed and employed to a higher level. HEN this work started, we had the idea that activity amongst the unemployed is confined purely to problems arising in the industry as such. We had such a thing as exemption from paying dues, which is imvortant, because when the un- ployed are not exempt from paying dues they cannot remain in the organization. We had other such questions such as a demand on the bosses to set aside 2 per cent of the payroll for a fund to relieve those workers who are mostly in need of it; and some demonsira~ tions in front of the offices of the Bosses Association, | WIDEN STRUGGLES FOR UNEMPLOYED But now we see that those uni- ons that have started good work in this field beginning to look upon this question from a broader point of view. They are developing de- ‘Yo manda nok only op: the" gosle | | | FIGHT FOR UNEMPLOY their particular trade, but organ- izing to get relief for their mem- bers from the Home Relief Buros. Some of them are beginning to participate in rent strikes, anti- eviction fights, demonstrations ‘in front of the Gibson Committee, etc., etc. The rent strike movement growing into one of the largest movements in New York, involving not only employed, but unemploy- ed workers. I think the comrades know that 50 per cent of the pay of the worker nowadays, and in some cases more than that, goes to the landlord. The landlord, even more so than other capitalists, has at- tempted to maintain the same rent as in 1926-27, although wages have gone down from 30 to 50 base cent and even more Around the rent strikes and gen- erally in the activities amongst the unemployed, we can spread tl idea of union organization amongst, workers that we cannot reach otherwise, and particularly work- ers in the basic industries. We have seen that some of our trade unions, from merely backing a grievance of the unemployed, have broadened out their program, not only in the form of a resolution, but in action. IN the needle trades we have had some successful struggles to com- pel the bosses to put aside 2 per cent of ‘the payroll for the unem- ployed. In the fur dyeing trade settlements in several of the shops included 3 per cent. ‘This is an important achievement iT INSURANCE INTENSIFIED On the question of Unemploy- ment Insurance, our trade unions (in this respect there was progress ‘ith our opposition groups in the A. F. of L.) have become more ag- gressive, as well as in the struggle for exemption from dues, assess- ments for the unemployed, and other such inner trade union de- mands, The outstanding feature of our unions, however, is still the weak- ness in the unemployed question. For instance, most of our trade unions have developed practically no struggle against layoffs. Of course, where we have control of shops, that is, union control, we do not let them lay off the work- ers. But a struggle against lay- offs part of the struggle to or- ganize ‘4: workers, to gain in- fluence in unorganized places, has not been carried on ‘There are cases where in one blow the boss lays off 30 or 40 per cent of the crew. Often we know about it ahead of time. The whole question is not taken up seriously. Only here and there do we make an attempt. ‘Where we have considerable or- ganization, we also fight for reduc tion of hours, but not yet from the point, of view that there is mass unemployment, but from the point of view that it is a good proposition to reduce hours. On this question the fakers have displayed more demagogy than on anything else. They are the ones who talk about solving unemploy- «ment by having the six-hour day. Of course, they don’t say at the same pay as before for the eight hours. If. cut in hours were forced upon the bosses without a reduc- tion in pay, this would mean a Jot, and it is in this connection that we must relate our struggle for shorter hours with the unem-~- ployment question. OVERTIME WORK On the question of overtime, some of our strongest unions are falling down. It is very hard for an unemployed worker to take some of our unions seriously when they talk about the interests of the unemployed ana even demon- strate and put up a figh! here and there, and at the same time they know that in the shops controlled by the union there 1s_ overtime work. This, if permited to con- is | amongst the unemployed workers in these trades. ‘The fight against speed-up must also be a part of our struggle against. unemployment. _ And, while supporting and fight- ing on the basis of the general de- mands for Unemployment Insur- ance and relief, reduction of rent, demands of a general nature ap- plied to everybody, we must add local demands according to’ the conditions in that particular trade. FEW words on the organiza- tion method. We used to start with a sort of an inner union com- mittee, with the idea its problem is to handle the unemployed mem- bers of the union. Of course, these committees could not solve. the un- employed question. It is beyond the power of the union to provide jobs and to provide relief. Later on, when our comnittees in the trade unions began to op- erate as they really should, lead- ing the workers to obtain relief from the bosses and the govern- ment, they still remained very nar- row. They were parts of the in- dustrial union itself, and the work- ers that were not members of the industrial union, members of the A. F. of L, or the unorganized, felt they could not join. USE POLICY OF | UNITED FRONT The policy now proposed is that although our unions should take the initiative and provide the ex- perienced forces to organize unem- ployed committees and councils in the different industries, these groups are not to be just. auxi- aries of the industrial union, but should pursue a united front policy from the very beginning, and or- ganize and involve in the move- ment the workers in their trade, irrespective of affiliation, organized or unorganized. We have begun to organize unemployed councils that are formally indenendent, and to use flexible methods. For instance, when we try to or- ganize the unemployed on Sixth Avenue against the gyp agencies, this is a specific problem. It is different from the problem on the waterfront or in the day rooms of the building trades union, or the printers, etc, or where we have markets, like the needle trades. Then also we have what is called white collar workers, who have their own illusions about dignity, ete. They don't like the name un- employed council, and they like to call themselves Unemployed Asso~ ciation, What is wrong with it? ‘You have got to take into con- sideration the ideology and habits of these workers when we organize and not to try to command that they should organize just as we | preseribe. NE more point. on the question of organization. ‘This resolu- tion proposes. the establishment of a distinct apparatus for the ac- tivities amongst the unemployed. This must not be done as in the past when we often elected a com- mittee that arranved a meeting, issued a leaflet, and that was the end of it, but we must assign, from experienced forces in the T.U.U.L. unions and oppositions, comrades who will consider this to be their union work. I know that some of these things have been decided in resolutions, but nobody worried how they are to maintain themselves, how they are to live, and where they are to eat, because there is a differ- ence between one who gives all his time to organize and one who looks for a job. Very often the active workers who have had experience, were not given the same consider- ation as the unfon functionaries. A part of this entire proposition must be that we must provide for those comrades active in unem- ployed work, even as far as col- lecting food, establishing food sta- tions, etc. We must have a core of workers active in the unemploy- ed field. We cannot establish sys- bait work in this line without Septet SUBSCRIPTION BATES: By Mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; exeepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New mont! Canada: One year, $ By JON IHEER slavery is the only term to describe the conditions under which the Panama Mail Steamship Co., (the Grace Line) hires Chinese crews such as the one recently de- ported from this country at the de- mand of Andrew G, Furuseth of the Internationa] Seamen’s Union. ‘The deportation was started after the Chinese seamen had already ar- rived in New York and had incur- red large expense in preparing for the job. ‘The Chinese seamen have prac- tically to sell themselves to a “com- pradore” to get the job in the first place. A compradore is a boarding house master and labor contractor. All jobs are in his hands. The Chinese seaman has to live in his boarding house and run up @ few bills before he can get a job. Then the compradore sells him where there is the most profit to himself. A bond of variable amount, (in this case $500) has to be paid in to the company, to be held till the seaman is released from the con- tract, This money is, of course, advanced by the compradore, at usurious interest rates. The contract Is siened, before a United States Consul. It is strictly illegal, under American maritime Jaw, to import. seamen to,take jobs in an American port, but that is of small concern to the- shipowners or the consul. The crew signs on to be good and faithful dogs for the two years of ‘the articles, but the company takes no responsibility whatever for carrying out any part of the con- tract. There is no clause in the contract which binds the company, save one guaranteeing that the crew's wages Will not be cut during a layoff of less than two weeks, PAY ALL DAMAGE. All breakage of crockery, all loss of linen, silverware and other ar- ticles the craw is “entrusted with” are to be paid by the crew, indi- vidually and collectively. “The employes agree that the company is not bound to employ them for the full two years”, says the agreement, “the company re- serving the right to discharge them at any time during the two year period.” This clause is the one that the millionaire shipowner, Grace, calculated on to save him any ex- pense in case his crew was stop- ped by immigration officials, or in case a ship was lost and the crew saved, or ships laid up. Because of this clause the com- pany does not have to pay the de- ported seamen any wages save for the short time they were en route from and to China. That expense is covered by the fact that the crew | worked on the trip. Undoubtedly, too the company will take advan- tage of another clause in the con- tract to save half of that miserable sum. . | (NE clause in the contract provides “that fifty percent of their wages are to remain in the hands of the company as a gurantee (a) for the due and proper performance of | their work, (b) against smuggling and (c) against desertion from the ship on which they are employed, such guarantee to continue for the entire period of two years.” ALLOWS BOSS TO GRAB HALF WAGES Thus Mr. Grace, armed with a contract made “sacred” by the seal of the U.S. Consulate, can tell these Chinese seamen that they failed to do some small task and keep half their wages. Seamen are sufficiently familiar with the hebits of ship- owners to know that these Chinese will never get their full pay, with such a contract signed. It does not even require the approval of the consular officer or shipping master. ‘The sole word of the shipowner, or his agent the captain, is enough to take half the crew's wages away from them. By LEON BLUM Secretary L.W.1.U. NEW YORK. — The strikes and struggles carried on by the Laundry | Workers’ Industrial Union stopped | outs and firings in all shops pene- | trated by the union. The bosses are | angry, particularly over the solidarity | of the Negro and white workers, ex- | pressed in the organization of the | inside workers, most of whom are | Negroes. Negro and While Solidarity In a recent strike in the Fairway Laundry, which was won by the un- the all the workers went out for the reinstatement of a Negro girl. At the Mirrolike Loundry the inside | workers put through a stoppage when their boss threatened to lock out the drivers. The boss’s latest trick is to break the solidarity of the drivers at the expense of the inside workers. Local 810 of the American Feder- ation of Labor has two shops organ- ized in Brownsville, one of which consists of shareholders, who are re- ally partners. The other is the In- dependent Laundry, with union pre- tentions, but which recently fired all workers fighting against a wage cut put over by the business agent, Ros- enzweig. Rosenzweig. The Boss’s Henchman Several year’s ago local 810 was strongly intrenched in the Bronx, but was repudiated by the workers fol- lowing a sell out by Rosenzweig. Rosenzweig was consequently thrown out by the rank and file, and then reinstated by his fellow grafters of the Teamster's Joint Council. When elections came around, however, the membership yoted against Rosenz- weig in a close yote, but he was elected by the share-holders, who ac- one #0 the Joint Council, have a $ months, $2; 1 month, Tey, ‘York City. Foreign on@ months, $3. U. S. SHIPS ENSLAVE CHINESE SEAMEN The contract also provides that in case of violation, the Chinese seamen is forced to pay his’ own way back to China, out of the $500 he borrowed and deposited before signing on. The half of the wages the company holds is its own “n+ demnity” for Joss of his se! 5 The worst section of tl tract is a sheer “Yellow om contract, reading as followsi)}- t ‘ the undersigns Chinese crey it), the SS. hereby agree 7 the captain that we will not; J" any association of any kind, 6 * Al tempt to form any associatio¥® any kind while employed al of this vessel or any other’ ves: m the Panama Mail Steamship pany. If ‘any such ameciatic should be fermed, it is hereby un- derstood that such men joining | any association will be returned to | Hongkong at their own expense.” Thus the company is guaranteed against any kind of organization among its Chinese seamen. eer eee 'HIS is the type of articles under ~ which seamen are recruited in Hongkong and Chinese ports for that “Great American Shipping Man” Dollar, for Grace, and for British and other foreign ships. ‘The Red Chinese Seamen's Union is putting up a strong fight against the “compradore system” and other abuses. Under the leadership’ of the International of Seamen and Harborworkers, it is fighting against the terror of the Kuomin- tang government and the official Kuomintang unions. These Chinese seamen are undergoing a -terror- ism that makes any other terror against the workers seem pale, In their struggle they have the support of the 1LS.H. unions in all countries. ° o 6 ‘HE Marine Workers Industria) Union, affiliated with the ILS.H., |) received an appeal from the Chi- tesa seamen who were recently de- yerted, and a copy of'the contract ~ which they were forced to sign. The photostat of this contract is in the M.W.I.U. office, and the quo- tations in this story are taken from that source. The M.W.LU. received. the letter too late to do anything in New York. However steps Have been taken to rouse mass support for the Chinese seamen, and protest against the treatment they re~ ceived when the ship carrying them gets to San Francisco. Steps will also be taken to see if some financial remuneration can be forced out of the Grace line and Dollar line for these seamen, ‘The M.WLU. demands that the companies pay these Chinese the expenses incurred on the trip. The M.W.LU. maintains that the Chi- nese have as much right to work as any other seamen. But it in- sists that they be paid “American. wages”. In other words the union calls for a fight against the com~ mon enemy of all seamen, the ship-owners and their agents, in~ stead of fighting as Andrew Furu~ seth and the I.W.W. have fought, against the starving Chinese sea~ men. 2 ee dee crew of white men and wore: who replaced the deported Chi- nese on the S.S. Santa Lucia were paid little better wages than. the Chinese. Stewards’ department wages on the Santa Lucia are $25 a@ month. Speed up is terrific, and hours run up to 18 s day. But Fury- seth makes no protest against these wages. The reason is simple. Furte © seth is not interested in. keeping wages up. He is only interested’in co-operation between thé shipown- ers and his own union, to guaran tee that he as well as the ship~ owners lives well off the labor of the seamen. : ‘The Marine Workers Industrial Union calls on all workers to sup- port the fight of the Chinese seas men. Chiefs of AFL Local 810 Help the Laundry Bosses ses, now workers, who are act as witnesses, that amounts ot money were paid to Rosenzweig by the Association for selling out the strike. Former pals of Rosenzweig are witnesses to the details of other payment. Attempts To Weaken Workers Now that the Association is facing trouble from the Laundry Workers’ Industrial Union, Rosenzweig comes to its aid. ‘The Independent Laundry, parade ing as a union laundry, opened # branch store, putting out a number of wagons on the Bronx streets. Every worker hired for these wagons was forced to pay $50, which ‘yar was initiation for the Union. ‘The Bron: headquarters for Local 810 is in te branch store of the Independent Laundry on Anthony Ave. Mr. Roe to be fooled when the manager 1 denly embraced the A. F, of did what workers in a number | other laundries did under similar conditions. They joined the Laun. dry Workers’ Industrial Union. From. their headquarters at 260 ©. 198th St. corner of 3rd Avenue they: will continue to mer action with ean creasing num} al workers, to” ‘bosses to i|