The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 28, 1933, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing € Page bour 1ath St, New York City, N.Y. Telephone ALgonguin 4 Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. Roosevelt’s Promises to! 17,000, 000 Unemployed The smiling ‘ d beginning new era. Deme nto offic Rooseve the mas new shall g nis De deal.” He I FORGOTTEN i Unemployment Insurance. not with tizen” and bassadors equally responsible in public ollow the same t stated that the Roosevelt the commission nce and propose ng the election thrown into S opposed te over! L until ¢ ) wait till the th cont employers w ributions 1 Roo} him- platform I Y -time work- ‘ Ne or youth—the “forgot- ¢ 0 ernment? Is this iM come together lt immediately call a ses- enter 0 » dema at Roos sion of Congress to put into effect pledges he made to the working elass during the election; nd all, to redeem the promise of unemployment insurance. The © demands will be: 1. Immediate direct federal cash relief appropriation of $50 for each nnemployed worker, man or woman, without discrimination, plus $10 for each dependent, in addition to local relief. Immediate enactment of a system of federal unemployment and social insurance by the government through taxes upon wealth and in- come, and the diversion of all present appropriations for war purposes to relief and insurance. This insurance to cover the whole period of unem- ployment and be equal to the average full wage of the worker in the par- dicular industry and territory, but in no case to be less than $10 per week and $3 for each dependent. The workers to make no contributions. working class today, an Inaug the amusement of a horde pageant of the Army and nought of millions of hungry men, ok ot 's are raising their voices with (costing hi of parasitic aristocra’ Navy, but with no ‘women and childre! But of the 17,000,000 Am the cry “No more promises— mand for immediate re ands of doll th a dence of ate enactment of the de- ‘ance! Socialist Heads Back War in Far East and South America The By J. BRUNO Enemies of While not engaged in actua bor movement, military operations at the present | in their inst the Socialist time, American Imperialism is | Interna e been using the feverishly preparing for war, a alleged transformation of a “Soci- at the same time, under the m alist” Party in Japan into a fas- organization. No Socialist or- ganizi recog! tiona their put auotati of peace, it is assisting robber war in Chin stigated its puppet governments in South America in the undeclared war against the tools of British Imperialism. Hence, by. the attitude one takes now to these warlike action ar tions of U. S. Imperialism that dicates the position one at the time American Im will openly plunge into the next world war. in st argument and he word Socialist in when referring to organization, is a nted out above, this ternational. Mr, Vandervelde him~- | self regretted that he could not get 7 them to affiliate officially. And no- It was only a few months ait ane es “f 3 ¢ tice how these “Socialist” leaders the return of the Japanese delegate Meghan é to the Congress of the Second In- io Fe Wie ote 3S venen ternational hat the teatershin vot that the Second International does ] : sn head. | mot consider them fascist, speaking the Socialist Party of Japan, head- ry v of turning fascist as an ed by its general secretary, Mr siege Meech er a Akamatsu, with a majority of its ig sar ee membership, openly organized u themselves into a fascist party merica the Socialist taking the lead in helping bloody m the very beginning ee ein Gary on i d to conceal the war danger. Tape of China Did we hear a word from Jeaders of the Socialist Pa the United States (or of i list International) against act of slimy treachery on the of their Japanese Comrades. nced the theory that the Vander- that the war in arms? On the contrary, it was Mr. | China is merely a localized colonial Vandervelde, chairman of the | conflict. When under pressure of Second International, who stated | the masses, and in order to main- that shortly before Jap: nly | tain their influence over them, Jaunched its war in Manchuria, | these leaders were forced to assume he was negotiating with the lead- the ysition of being ostensibly ers of that same anese alist Party trying to get them to | offieially affiliate with the 2nd In- ternational. BACK INVASION | OF MANCHURIA | Mr. Suzuki, ‘another der | Japanese So 9 h he could better alist master by remaini the ranks of the wor the name of “Social upon the masses of Japa port the imperialist adver Manchuria. “Japan,” he goes on to say, “so poor in raw materials, 4g not at all obliged, for the s of peace, to carry on a semi-starv tion existence even a Social- E ist Japan would have to fight for | g the necessary raw materials for it tionar, industries.” | frontie’ In other words, every further | advance of Japanese Imperialism into China. the carnage at Chapei the butchery of thousands of nor combatant mc’ men and child- ren, should be greeted by the w ers as a step towards Socia according to these traitors Did we hear a word in protest from “our” So leaders against this new theory of Socialism? Tt was only after Mr. to Burope in ai the Furopean wor! “opposition” Soci- | typical ex » reformist leadership of y Workers Union in o, when calling upon orkers to oppose the ship- of troops and munitions to of Bolivia and Para- y fied that “it should be rstood by our comrades that our measures (of opposing ship- ment of war materials—J. P.) do y to the transport of men which the Argentine intends as a precau- easure to despatch to our in order to secure the (em to rial: ment r country. B.) want He tool akin} mine.—J traitors to believe that |} ernment, the | | | ritish Im~ all these war a “precaution ‘Th Ge deliberate], ‘'s that the bouts vernment of Ar- giving support and m, preparation: to secure ne patriots are from the work zeois landlord gentine is toda actively assistin, Bolivia, that e : perialist theory, and after tory Surah hich the ruling e | ands of workers rose in protest a: ee pater decks fhe Shae disgust si fas- f 4 e in the ofS eg lag Nae ae (tanning, cattle, etc.) they have iggetions ate t the American | taken from the very beginning an S.-P. were forced to “take s stand.” active part on the side of Paraguay. But even then, what did they have | Of course, as soon as the Argel to say? While pretending to re- tine government is engaged in ac- founce, they indirectly defend this | tual warfare, these leaders will de Paseist Party clare that it is a war of self-de- NEW LEADER i fense, and call upon the wo lefend “their fatherland ‘0 THE RESCLL ° Oye mead Man, aM ne, y, (Conplnded Tomorrow) ion in Japan has ever been | Second Interna- | irect and direct | » |inches of water. ’. Aine to break inte @ aealed car, 0. Ine., daily except Sonday, at 50 & 36. Cable “DAIWORK. ith St., New York, N. ¥. The Fiftieth Anniversary| of Karl Marx In connection with the com~- memoration of the 50th anniver- . | sary of the death of Karl Marx, which occurs on March 14, we will publish material prepared by the | Centrat Agitprop Dept. of the Party on the teachings of Marx. We ask our readers to send in questions regarding the points made in the material upon which | they desire further clarification. —Editorial Note.) (Continued from article in yester- day’s issue.) | Marx On the Bourgeois State and the Dicta- | torship of the Proletariat 'ODAY, the Socialist Party in the United States, in its attempts to “reclaim” Marxism, covers up and distorts some of the most im- portant revolutionary teachings~of Karl Marx. In their attempt to justify their anti-revolutionary po- sition, the Socialist Party leaders deny that Marx spoke about the necessity of the revolutionary over- throw of capitalism, the cavture of state power, and -the establishment of the dictatorship of the prole- tariat as @ transition to the build- ing of a classless socialist society. We give here various quotations from some of the writings of Marx which show the unity of Marx- Engels-Leninist teachings on the theory of the state and the dic- tatorship of the proletariat. In the Communist Manifesto Marx and Engels state: “The executive of the modern state is but a committee for man- aging the common affairs of the | whole bourgeoisie.” “In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point | where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the | violent overthrow of the bourgeoi- the { | sie lays the foundation for | sway of the proletariat.” | « 8 | IN the Address to the Communist | # League, 1850, Marx states: | “The democratic demands can never satisfy the party of the pro- | letariat. While the democratic pet- ty bourgeoisie would like to bring | the revolution to a close as soon as their demands are more or less complied with, it is our interest and our task to make the revolution | permanent, to keep it going until | all the ruling and possessing class- es are deprived of power, the gov- | ernmental machinery occupied by | the proletariat, and the organiza- tion of the working class of all lands is so far advanced that all | rivalry and competition among themselves has ceased; until the more important forces of produc- tion are concentrated in the hands of the proletarians. With us it is | not a matter of reforming private ploperty, but of abolishing it; not of hushing up the class antago- nism, but of abolishing the class- es; not of ameliorating the exist- ing: society, but of establishing a new one.” eat ae 3 | QN April 12, 1871, at the very time of the Paris Commune, Marx in a letter to Kugelmann, states: “. . . If you look at the last chapter of my Eighteenth Bru- maire, you will see that I declare the next attempt of the French Revolution to be: not merely to transfer the bureaucratic and mili- tary machinery from one set of | hands to another—as has occurred hitherto—but to break it up (orig- inal emphasis); and this is the preliminary condition of any real people’s revolution on the conti- nent. This is exactly what the at- tempt of our heroic Parisian com- rades implies.” Set Oe ARX in a letter to Weidemein, dated March 5, 1852, states: “As far as I am concerned, the honor does not belong to me for either having discovered the ex- istence of classes in present so- ciety or of the struggle between the classes. Bourgeois historians a long time before me expounded the historical development of this class war and the bourgeois economists the economical structure of classes. What I did, was to prove the fol- lowing: 1) That the existence of classes is connected only with cer- tain historical struggles which are characteristic of the development of production. 2) That class war indispensably leads to the dictator- ship of the proletariat. 3) That this dictatorship is only a transition to | the destruction of any classes and to society without classes. |NEGRO WORKERS CAN'T | | ESCAPE FARM PEONAGE| | . By a Worker Correspondent NEW ORLEANS, La.—Sugar cane | grows in swampy ground, which means that when it 1s ready to cut, | you must work in mud to earn a dol- jlar a day, Why does the packass | that drags the sugar cane cart, eat, jand sleep better then the southern foiks? Fruit picking at eight cents jan hour. And rice fields, most of the time flooded with ten to fifteen I assure you it is | No pleasure to work in such fields. | As for the Negro workers !t is so |bad for them that even when they | wish to escape from this dreadful situation, they are denounced when they try to board a freight train, In | some cases they are even thrown off the moving train, and is there a reason? Only that they are colored. ‘Throwing them off a moving train is apt to kill theni, and what is the ex- cuse of the railroad—suicide or try: WE WO STAND FOR IT! By Mail everywhere: One year, Hitler Carries on the German Bosses’ Hunger Program By MAX BEDACHT VIE HAT is going to happen in Ger- many? An unqualified answer to this question would be a prophesy of little value. All we can do is show the probable general directions of | these future happenings, but not their detailed contents. First, we must understand the purpose of Hitlerism. Hitlerism has an economic program, an ideo- logical object, and a political me- thod. Its economic program is a confused and undefined reaction- ary petty bourgeois socialism. Its ideological object is senseless na- tionalism. Its methods are a dic- tatorship by means of terrorism. The economic program satisfied the class interests of the petty bour- geoisie. Nationalism was to create the illusion of identity of interest ot all classes; and terrorism is to Keep down those who, in spite of the program and nationalism of Hitler, insist on fighting for their own class interests, Poe. . HE nearer Hitlerism came to power the more did its econom- ic program disappear; only its poi- sonous anti-Semitism, its hollow nationalism, and its terrorist me- thods remained. How can this be explained? To declare the econom- ic program of Hitlerism merely a demagogic trimming of the sub- stance of Hitlerism is oniy half an answer. ‘The economic program of Hitler- ism reflected the political desires of bankrupt petty bourgeoisie. Buta program adopted to the needs of the petty bourgeoisie can satisfy neither capitalists nor workers. The petty bourgeoisie senses that. That is why terrorism appears from the very start as a method of Hitler to realize his program, A BARKING DOG THAT NEVER BITES Big capital knows that the petty bourgeoisie likes to bark at it but will never bite it. It does not fear it. It takes over its political party, liquidates its political program, and subordinates its terrorism to capi- talism’s own purpose. This is not much of a task because from the very start the petty bourgeois ter- rorism is directly aimed at its most hated and feared qpponent, the working class. Big capital will use it against the same class. We observe this course in the de- velopment of Hitlerism. Its econo- mic program started with thunder~ ing phrases against capitalism. But it arrived at exactly nothing. Hit- ler’s programmatical speech over the radio, on January 31, was nothing but “demagogic poesy” (Le Matin, Paris), “with not a single positive content” (London Times). It said absolutely nothing about the burn- ing questions of the hour, about how the government intends to meet its internal and external prob- Jems, how, for instance, it intends to either get work for the 6,000,000 unemployed, or provide them with a chance to live without work, ‘The only positive thing Hitler said was that he will crush all opposi- tion to him, and that the Com- munists will be exterminated. That is the whole program of Hitlerism. ‘That is also the program of the bourgeoisie. | BIG PROMISES TO TRICK MASSES Before Hitler took over the goy- ernment he thundered against the shameful treaty of Versailles and promised to tear it up; he promised. to annul all the German debts to “foreign tribute robbers and fin- nancial kings”; he pledged to pro- vide work for the millions of un- employed at union wages; he pro- mised to make it a criminal of- fense for a capitalist to close his factory or discharge a worker; he promised to force the capitalists to restore the pre-wage-cut wage scales; he promised at once to li- quidate the various and multiple taxes which are choking the small businessmen; he promised to re= ind the losses which the masses ained in the 1924 inflation out funds collected from the big pitalists; he promised to close the stock exchange and vo exprop- of “Jews of finance”; he promised to reduce the “corruption salaries” of high officials in private industry and government, to a maximum of 600 marks ($150) per month. This is part of the program which gave Hitler his mass fol- lowing. Terrorism was not supposed to be the aim but the method of this program. What did Hitler's program speech of January 31 say about these things? Nothing. The gist of his speech was: “Give me four years time. I promise nothing—I have never promised anything—Beware, or I'll get you.” PROGRAM OF THE GERMAN BOSSES That, meager as it is, is the program of Hitler today; it is the program of the German bourgeoi- sie. The bourgeoisie says of itself: “What can we do? We can only continue what we have always done, make money as best we can and as much as we can. Under the conditions of the crisis and the Versailles Treaty, money-making on our part demands ever greater sacrifices from the workers. The workers must make these sacrifices. If they do not do so willingly, we will force them; that always was our program; it remains our pro- gram now; it will ever be our pro- gram as long as we rule.” The economic meaning of the crisis program of German capital- ism may be judged by a survey of the statistical bureau of the city administration of Berlin. It was recently published by the “Allge- meine Deutsche Lahrer Zeitung.” “For physically hard, working men,” says this survey, “a diet of vege- tables, potatoes, bread and rice is fully sufficient. The Japanese «nd Chinese coolies prove that by liv- ing on a diet of rice with some ac- cessories.” The survey demands that the workers get rid of the habit of eating butter, eggs, fruit and meat “because these things are too ex- pensive.” Anyway, people who work only with their museles do not need meat and vegetables; “they should eat more bread and potatoes.” Concerning needed living quar- ters, the survey finds that for single persons a bed to sle2p in is ali that is needed, no matter how many beds in a room, or how many roomers in a bed. Married workers, even with children, have enough in one room, That, for workers, is “standesgemass” (in accord with their standards). 17 CENTS A DAY ENOUGH FOR WORKER, SAY BOSSES ‘The document calculates that 69 pfennig (about 17 cents) per day is enough for an adult worker to live on; for children over 9 years of age 52 pfennig (13 cents) per day is declared enough; and for smaller children 34 pfennig (eight and a half cents) per day is deem~- ed sufficient. These amounts are supposed to take care also of cloth- ing, hygiene, education, taxes and recreation. Here we have the economic pro- gram of German capitalism—it is also the economic program of world capitalism. For capitalism, the worker is merely a working ani- mal. When “hard times” come, the animal! has no right to expect that. the master should suffer. But the animal gets its diet changed, from oats to straw, from corn to slop, from meat to potatoes. Capitalism not only subscribes a starvation diet for the workers; it also supplies the policemen, the club, the tear gas bomb and the bullet to force the worker to accept this diet without a murmur. Mur- murs are declared unpatriotic; they are denounced as outright bolshe- vism. In spite of all, the murmurs increase in volume, As & remedy capitalism increases the police, the clubs, the tear gas bombs and the Anti-Fascist Meeting in Minneapois Mar. 8 MINNEAPOLIS, Minn.—A mass meeting called by the Communist Party to protest against the fascist terror in Germany will be held here on Wednesday, March 8th, at the Humboldt Hall. Robert Minor, edi- tor of the Daily Worker, will be the main speaker on | bullets, “The Workers’ j mili slate the devouring capital ofthe ” Struggle for Power im Germany,* | Tt increases its force, un- der the constitution, as long as possible and to keep up appear- ances. When this is no longer pos- sible, capitalism makes force it- self its constitution. pa tae) iF NOW it keeps silent about its promises of the past, Hitlerism does not abandon demagogy. In fact, it started its rule with a gi- gantic political demagogy. It gave an official state funeral to a storm troop leader and a police officer who were killed in Berlin during the celebrations of Hitler's acces~ sion to government. The demagogy of this public show aimed at rais- ing the murderous intentions of his storm troopers to the height of hysterics. The political content of the funeral was the accusation: the Communists did it! Get them! RECORD OF HITLER'S PRIZE THUGS The buried “victims” were Nazi storm troop leader Maikowski and police officer Zauritz, Who were these men and how did they come to their deaths? Maikowski was the commander of Nazi Storm Troop No. 33 in Ber- lin. This storm troop during the last two years has murdered five workers: Otto Gruenberg, Max Schirmer, Ferdinand Grothe, George Brechlin and Walter Lange. Walter Lange, a young worker on his way home from a meeting, was shot down in cold blood by Mai- kKowski himself. Maikowski con- fessed it. But murdering a worker is no crime any more in Germany, since Social Democrat Noske set his infamous example, So murderer Maikowski remained free, remained leader of Storm Troop No. 33. On January 30, celebrating Hit- ler’s accession to the chancellor- ship, Storm Troop No. 33 marched through Berlin’s streets looking for workers they could murder. When a troop of workers met them on Wall Strasse, Maikowski ordered fire. The first Nazi salvo killed of- ficer Zauritz. .Finally, Maikowski himself found the end which pro~- fessional murderers usually find. As we see, Hitler’s rule had a truly worthy beginning—an offi- cial state funeral demonstration in honor of a confessed murderer of workers, and in honor of a police officer murdered by a comrade of the Chancellor, but buried under | the disguise of a victim of the Communists. After-all this, can we expett Hit- ler to solve the problems of the hour? Certainly not. Hitlerism’s ferce and terror which are paraded as signs of growing strength of German capitalism, appears at clo- ser scrutiny as signs of the grow- ing strength of the forces of reac- tion. The stronger the props must be that are to uphold a tottering structure, the nearer that struc- ture is to collapse. -By Berek SUBSCRIPTION BATES: excepting Borough of Manhattan iz months, $3.50; $ months, $2; ¥ month, We, 4 Bronx, New York City. months, $5; ¢ months, $3. Foreign an@ THE FARMERS MEET VI. As a result of this very important lesson, the farmers.en masse vote @ committee to draft @ fighting program. While this committee deliberates in a side room, the con- ference separates into regional sec- tions. The regional sections meet in different parts of the hall. Their | resolutions are then forwarded to | te program committee. The South ; R 8. has to work underground. | The Northeast R. S. announces election of committees to study marketing, poultry, dairy, fruit, etc. The Northwest R. S., most militant of all, announces plans for @ re- gional conference March 1 and plans for marches on state capitals. Also a fight on the insurance com- | panies which are sending impover- ished farmers from one state to another and making room for them by evictions. The Program Committee votes a permanent organization. Yearly | meetings to meet new developments in the crisis another conference | may be called in less than a year. | A National Committee, consisting of a farmer from each state, is chosen to force the carrying out of the Conference’s resolutions and to help federate and extend the local Farmers’ Committees of Ac- tion throughout the U. S. The National Committee will help call regional conferences. The com- mittees of action are the chief weapons of the farmer. They fight foreclosures, evictions, sheriff sales. Four members of the National Committee with the Executive Sec- retary are to form an executive committee to meet frequently in Washington. A weekly farm paper is to be issued to help carry on the program of the conference. WE SCATTER TO OUR WORK ‘The Conference ends Saturday evening with the singing of Sol- idarity. Immediately after the of- ficial adjournment, the new work begins. A. meeting of the farm youth takes place. The Negro de- legates get into a corner with their organizer. The National Commit- tee meets, Outside it is cold. Sleet seems to be shaken as out of a huge shaker all over the city. The farm- ers tramp through slush to their suppers. Some are staying Sun- day for a rest. By Monday all will be heading homeward. owe ‘HE train pounds northward through the storm. The parlor car is stuffy. The newspapers have results of the Notre Dame game. Near the front door a bunch of railroad hands talk about the de- pression, how the railroads are ex- tending Sxir ten per cent cut with the help of the union, how they are firing men. They roll up STORY OF MILITANCY OF TOILERS ON THE LAND By MOE BRAGIN their coats for pillows and stretch out to sleep. In the middle of the car a chat. tering congregation of salesmen and business men. One with a bald head like & mushroom. An- other with a cigar which leaves a, thread of. spittle. “Business rotten. I pay three thousand dol lars rent while last year I pa eight thousand, and I still male less, A customer comes in ant wants the money back and who knows what I charged when @& feller’s got to be changing prices all the time this year..,.” Near the ladies’ room a halt dozen whites around a Negro play~ ing blackjack. Three cards on @ paper spread over his knees. Black~ jack? Which is the blackjack? ‘The white men don’t realize that, his chances are two against one: ‘They bet even money. The Neg is winning hundreds of dollars”; Every time the man with the dia-~ mond stickpin is stung, he flings the blackjack on the floor, He rushes off but comes back again, Once the card is picked up by & fellow with a derby. Derby twists the corner of the card quickly. He wins every time now. He whispers feverishly to the others. Now the Negro loses. The Negro seems to be drunk. He says at last, “Be careful, gentlemen, and don’t break the cards.” He substitutes an- other blackjack. Again Derby's arm shoots out like a snake and twists the ear of the card. The Negro loses again. Suddenly the whites crowd closer. There is snari~ ing. The game breaks up. The Derby comes up. “Just think of it. A white feller tells the nig. ger. Think of it a white fellor taking the part of a nigger againss white men,” He shakes his head. He can’t get over it. i ie” ND here again America’s rot -d the atmosphere of business men, gamblers, fakers; and railroad hands snoring who should be wide awake. At the Conference we had forgotten all that, working with two hundred fifty strong men as if in a great field and far beyond the fences distant meaningless echoes and the cold shadow of the ‘Washington Memorial with its peepholes like the hood and gown. of a Klansman. With @ flash the recollection that we had been instructed to complete ar- rangements in New York for & meeting of workers at which the New England farm delegates would speak. The work with its warmth, comradeship, and tense struggle goes on unbroken. Outside the flares burn brightly beside the dark tracks. The traim pounds steadily through the storm towards the still too distant city. (THE END) ‘Daily Worker’ indishensable! Say Three American Writers EE more American writers and artists have issued state- ments pointing out the indispens- able role of the Daily Worker and the need of supporting it. They are Robert Cantwell, novelist and crit- ic; Horace Gregory, poet and crit- ic; and Louis Lozowick, artist and critic, who is international secre- tary of the John Reed Club. They join Theodore Dreiser, John Dos Passos, Sherwood Anderson, Mich- ael Gold, Waldo Frank, Grace Lumpkin and Malcolm Cowley, whose appeals for the DailyWorker have been published during the last few weeks. “The Daily Worker must be supported and strengthen writes Cantwell. “More than any other part of the revolutionary press that is widely obtainable, it makes clear the distortions and evasions of the capitalist papers, and shows why these distortions are so persistent and so vicious. By emphasizing the very news of importance to the working class that the capitalist papers mini- mize, it exposes the class char- acter of the journals that pretend to universality, that set them- selves up as detailing ‘all the news that’s fit to print. ee 8 RE is another reason why the ‘Daily's’ role seems to me to be so extremely important. In Washington, when the Hunger CRITICIZES OVERLOOKING OF WHITE COLLAR WORKERS IN AUTO STRIKE By JAY EA S a member of the Office Work- ers Union, I would like the op- portunity of further discussing some of the experiences of the Auto strike in Detroit. In his recent articles, John Schmies said, “The strike involved not only the unskilled and semi- skilled but also the skilled work~ ers,” and, further, “The strike takes place in a period of rising militancy and determination for struggle in the auto industry.” I have carefully read both arti- cles and fail to find a single men- tion of any attempt to organize the office workers in the Briggs plant, although there must be several hundred working there. If this strike is of tremendous political significance, and it is, the fact that office workers had been organized and gone out on strike together with factory workers would cer- tainly have been a great impetus toward developing a National Of- fice Workers Union, Especially so, since every leading newspaper in the country gave prominent space to the strike. Peni Hae [Tis true, as the article states, Arey Meeks 2h het determination collar workers all over the United States, of whom there are some seven million. Office workers have been subjected to wage cuts in many cases as much as 50 per cent, are terribly speeded up, and the unemployment among them is greater, if anything, than among factory workers. The same illusions that skilled workers have suffered from can properly be charged to office workers in the past. But af- ter three years of the crisis, they are thoroughly dissillusioned and_ are therefore as organizable as any other strata of the working class. I would, therefore, consider it a wrong tendency in the strike to have failed to either organize the office workers within the ranks of the Auto Union or into a loval of the Of- fice Workers Union. When Comrade Schmies says that “it is the task of the party and the union immedi- ately to consolidate the organiza- tional gains” he should have point- ed out that an important section of the plant was completely ig- nored in the organizing and calling of the strike. It is time that our leadership recognized the correct position of the white collar element of the working class, and that we speak of unity of action by ottion workers Marchers were imprisoned in New York Ave., some of the Washing- ton papers reached the camp and were circulated among the march- ers. Objectively, the marchers knew what they could expect from the Washington papers, as from the papers in all the other towns they passed through. But at the same time the misrepresentations were so revolting, the interpreta- tions put on their motives so crude, that the marchers wanted. their own story of the march told to the workers outside the camp, Again and again I heard the ‘Daily’ mentioned, and heard ex~ pressed the wish that it could reach the workers of Washington as widely as the capitalist papers were circulated. “These are only two smali rea< sons why the ‘Daily’ should be sup= ported ‘and strengthened. There seem to me to be many ways in which this can be done. By buy- ing it, reading it, talking about it, criticizing it, referring to it, help- ing it in whatever way possble to reach the workers and their allies.” SOS a | REGORY’S statement follows: “Surely it must be clear to ev« eryone who is aware of existing conditions in America that the Daily Worker has become a power~ ful voice of protest ageinst class injustice and is the only reliable source of information concerning the present class struggle. All other organs of the revolutionary press in America are denendent unon the services of the ‘Worker, and now more than ever before these ser- vices have become invaluable, for without them the working class of America is inarticulate and unable. to sustain the day by day y struggle. that is slowly building its moves ment into solid front. “Whenever I want to verify » report of the Scottsboro case or the recent Hunger March, ¥ must turn to the files of the ‘Worker— the only means of securing = complete statement of the case, who are not actively engaged in the work of the movement.” r my ie realize most strikingly per haps the full importance of the Daily Worker to the American revs olutionary movement,” writes Low zowick, “one need only imagine for a moment the latter without the former. “Whether in the daily pags able struggles for the