The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 23, 1933, Page 4

Page Four In the Footsteps of Hi: Democratic New York City, N. ¥ s and mail checks to the Dail Soc ial Father IHE bloody decree of the Hitler murder regime of Germany last Friday is clearly directed against the entire working class, first of all against the revolutionary advance guard, the Communist Party. It is this revolutionary Party that has been and is the leading force in the mighty upsurge of the toiling masses and that has tacks of fascist ferment in Germany toward the conquering? eve their despe ror toy whenever they u the yutcher sion to pov back from the str striving regime to bring Hitler so t hibition Communist P: and who enter the united an: In t Demoer the late te the seist fror jooded son Hindenburg x December, 1918, to “an alliance” between the Kaiser’ President for the crushing of the G Ebert sa: Von Hine D 1918: “TE address you because I have been told you, everything, t as I had to do because of the plicht of the fatherland. CONCLUDED love the fatherland above desires j THIS SPIRIT I HAVE SAVE OUR PEOPLE The younger Ebert speech in 1925, \ deceased “Si “Undeniable is his merit for ROM A Germany after the collapse of our his poli fully recognized even by toleration of revoly the fe + 1e fierce at- So deep is the revolutionary jore decisiv moves forward to moves Hitler's e working power now are cede with the Hitler social-democratic party by of newspapers and the pro- ‘ be confined to the nary |-democratie workers t with the Communist Party! th soe working class the Soc! ue Friedrich Ebert, Jr.. son of ¥erman Republic, were able to defeat : downfall of the Kaiser. in open letter to President Von ield me he himself in jalist” President Ebert cot Field Marshal and the “Soc man working class revolution. Young President Ebert in December, too, as a true German suppressing personal opinions and In AN ALLIANCE WITH YOU TO THREATENING 1 the following w restitution of Ja ion. That will opponents. It and order in always be grate- was always his aim to serve the German people faithfully.” The open admission German workers that tt German junkers y hi and capitalis that is, in shooting down many thousands of Ge prevent a revolution in 1918-1919 » not already accustomed to it. of life and death in the amazing to millions of honest we Democratic misleaders to ri in electing Von Hindenbur: “gratefully recognized,” 2 nity to “serve faithfully” more thousands of German Social-Democratic Party! But the splendid Party will succeed in against these traitorot murder regime. Meanwhile German working bloady gun-man, H: resent! And the American this ited front—in spit Mr. Fritz Ebert, Jr of and a But now, fate of the whole of the German working class id that they are now asking that the nd preparing the way for Hitler should be hat they should now be given the opportu- the Fascist regime while Hitler shoots down workers, Socialist all that can do to prevent it against the also , and this will seal the fate of the Hitler aders of acted as the agents of th ion of law and order, rman workers in Berlin to z if we were when the the balance cism—it will be in t weiehed ir German Fasi services including members of their own Ger the n Communist Bolshevik ial-Democratic workers must be mobilized to support the against Von ae burg and his nker-capitalist Party wo th The Fiftieth Anniversary of Karl Marx’s Death (iy connection with the memoration of the 50th anni sary of the death of Karl Marx, which occurs on March 14, we will publish material prepared by the Central Agitprop Dept. of the Party on the teachings of Marx. ‘We ask our readers to send in questions regarding the points made in the material upon which they desire further clarifica- tion.—Editorial Note.) FROM UTOPIAN TO SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM theory of Scientific Social- ism, developed by Karl Marx and Frederich Engels, appeared at a time when the contradictions in- herent in capitalism had begun to | manifest themselves in a mature form. The Chartist movement in England, the July monarchy in France, the uprising of the Lyons textile workers in 1831, the revolu- tions of 1848, and especially the June massacre in France, demon- strated that the struggle between | the working class and the bour- @eoisie had reached a high point of development and that the work- ing class was ready to carry on the struggle against its oppressors as an independent force. The theory of Scientific Socialism should be studied in the light of its historical development. We, therefore, begin our study with the consideration of the Utopian So- Cialists of the end of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries. Utopian Socialism essentially petty-bourgeois and aspiration. It was critical of capitalism, but not bent on de- stroying it. It allowed to the prole- tariat no revolutionary role, but on the contrary, sought to cement the Glasses. These Utopian Soc especially Robert Owen and Charles Fourier, were eyer, in their historic role, prede- cessors of Marx and Engels, Their theories were mere phantuasic products of their imagination; y ertheless, their criticism of capitalist system, their inquiric and investigations, ~ contributed much to the subsequent develop- ment of Scientific Socialism. Both Marx and Engels repeatedly em- phasized the important contribu- tions of the great Utopians. We must therefore learn fr Me was contribution of the eighteenth cen- tury French Materialists, to take over that which is best in the past while rejecting the reactionary and the outworn, Thus, Engels says of the Uto- pian Socialists: “We can leave it to the literary gmall fry solemnly to quibble over these phantasies, which today only make us simile, and to crow ever the superiority of their own mold reasoning, as compared with such ‘insanity. For ourselves, we in origin | delight in the stupendously grand thought and germs of thought that everywhere break out through their phantastic cover- ing, and to which these Phili- stines are blind.”—(F. Engels: “So- cialism, Utopian and Scientific.”) [TOPIAN Socialism came for- ward aS a movement pre- eminently in England and in France, the two countries that were the first to have developed the capitalist system of production. ‘The moyement represented a strug- gle, on the one hand, against the ever greater encroachment of the big bourgeoisie upon the domain of the small producers who found themselves in danger of being com-* pletely engulfed, and, on the other hand, against the threatening mili- tancy of the young proletariat that was beginning to realize that its struggle was no longer part of the Third Estate that had overthrown feudalism, but against the newly risen capitalist class whose over- throw it must achieve. The intellectualist Utopians who mainly represented the outlook of the petiy-bourgeois class, as well as of certain sections of the industrial bourgeoisie that had not yet come into political power, were critical of capitalism, but only insofar as the clesses they represented sought a greater extension of the benefits of capitalism to the entire bourgeoisie. The small producers wished to have a place in the capitalist sun. While striking their criticism at capital- ism, the Utopians went a step be- yond, projecting their phantasies to @ non-capitalist society. The stim- ulus for this was given by the true striving for socialism already mani- sting itself among the anced ions of the proletariat. It was objectively a struggle for s Utopian and non-realizable as against ané realizable that could opians only for ua short prior to the latter affirma- tion of the revolutionary role of the roletariaé. Tt Utopians were instrumental 1 projecting both critically and ositively theories that were to r ontributions to the develop- ment of ntific socialism May oi for ¢ criticisn basic poi: capitalism 5 Owen and F through their experimental color Lanark (Scotland), New Harmony and others in America, demon- strated, despite the fundamental fallacy of attempting t up here and there small socialized com- munities within a tem, beneficial environmental effects of conmmunal labor, of Pe achatea edu ” viel and me t list sys- y the Comprodally Pablishing Co., ‘Telephone ALgonquin 4- such as New | E the positive principle of the | Inc., daily except Sunday, ut 50 & . Cable “DATWORK.”* New York, N. ¥. Work: . 50 E, 13th St, Dail AFL and SP Heads Betray Unemployed N SUNDAY, FEB. 19, William | Green, president of the AFL, } red ‘the eyes of the ng people of the United States are on the New York State legislature in the hope that at this session an unemployment insurance bill will be adopted . New York as always been in the vanguard in the enactment of social justice () legislation.” Monday, Committee headed by man William L. Marcy, on which “organized” labor is represented b, John E. McGarry, announced t no unemploy lation would be introduc session, since it might “ danger of increasing the number of unemployed by placing an ad- ditional burden on employers, who will be forced to remoye from their payrolls many thousands of part- time workers.” Mr. Green declared that the A. F. of L. Executive Council worked a “model” insurance stem. ystem would be a “purden on yers,” according to As- semblyman Marcy with the tacit | approval of Governor Lehman’s commission, and therefore no un- employment iwsurance legislation will be introduced. The bill that the commission was supposed to be sponsoring was the Byrne bill. This bill eliminates the 2,475,000 unemployed at the present time from any benefit. It excludes farm workers, city and state em- ployes and all non-manual work- ers. This would definitely deny and protection to at least 3,500,000 orkers. The bill provides $5 to $15 a week insurance for the re- mainder for no more than 16 weeks, after a waiting period of 3 The fund would be raised ax of 3 per cent on the pay- roll of the émployers, who will take it directly out of the payroll— a Assembly- wage-cut—and would not be in | effect for at least another year. ‘This is the “model” bill of the A. F. of L—which’ the Legislative commission has decided to post- pone consideration of—not because it is insufficient, but because it will mean a tax on the employers. The State Committee of the So- cialist Party supports “without re- servation” this bill, according to the official statement of Merrill, state secretary! This is open treachery by the leaders of the A. F. of L. and S. P., in collusion with the bosses. “Let the 2,500,000 unemployed in the | state starve,” they say. “That is not our worry,” and the S. P. and A. F. of L. officials say “amen.” In addition to this piece of treachery, the Socialist Party has taken steps to split the ranks of the workers in the fight for unemploy~ ment relief and insurance. Know- ing full well that a Provisional had called a conference in Albany on March 5 to 7, the Socialist Party proceeds to call a separate socialist conference, to split the fighting | forces, This can only help the bos- —and the support that the SP. has given to the Byrne bill, “for- getting” their own bill, shows their new betrayal of the workers. ‘The workers must not allow this vile act to divide their ranks. They must show working class decision by defeating this move. The Albany conference on March 5 to 7 must have representatives from all kinds of organizations, unions of the A. F. of L. Amalgamated Clothing Workers, TUUL, from all fraternal organizations, clubs, all unem- ployed organizations, etc. There must be no distinction as to politi- cal affiliation—whether Republican, Democratic, Communist, Socialist. Nothing must be allowed to stand in the way of the unity of the working class. Those that attempt to divide us must be swept out of the labor movement. Defeat the socialist splitters! Make March 5 to 7 ring with the unity of the workers of N. Y. state! Make March 4th a mighty day of struggle for adequate unemploy- ment relief and insurance, a dem- onstration against Roosevelt, Leh- man, the A. F. of L. and S. P. splitters!.. This to be the prelude to the most decisive united front con- ference ever held in the state of New York! Unity is our slogan—all workers together in a united struggle! NATIONAL COMMITTEE UNEMPLOYED COUNCILS I Amter, National Secretary. New York City. | Editor of Daily Worker, | Dear Comrade: | The Daily Worker has been strug- | gling the last nine years for its ex-| | istence. I would like to give my | opinion how to secure the “Daily” | financially and in an effective way. Ir sugges’ that every workers club, and branches of organizations affi- | lated with the Communist Party and left wing organizations shall hold open air meetings in the crowded sections of their neighborhoods and | |sell the “Daily” from the platform land that all the money be turned | over to the “Daily” in full. It is easy to sell 500 copies this way in the evening and it will also bring new | | readers and subscribers. H Comradely yours, —J. K. The third instalment of the “Farmers Meet” by Moe Bra- gin will appear tomorrow. the attempt to co-ordinate agricul- tural with industrial labor, and of the raising of the living and cul- | tural level of the workers by im- proved housing, etc. In St. Simon | we have the prediction that the administration of men over men will be substituted by the adminis- tration of men over things. This actually constitutes a projection, in his Utopian way, toward: the un- derstanding of the future Stateless Feb. 20, the Legislative | Committee had been set up and | ' | TANKS, SENATOR! Youst A Genws! = Why We Call for Soviet { i | By NORMAN H. TALLENTIRE | (Nat'l. Org. Friends of Soviet Union) | "FWO of the questions uppermost in the minds of increasing num- bers of people today are: recogni- tion of the Soviet Union and the war danger. These questions are not unrelated. Let no one be de- luded that peace conferences mean peace. The greater the number of peace conferences, the greater be- comes the danger of war. Between the years of 1906 and 1914 there were 53 peace conferences held in different parts of the world. More than six peace conferences per year for eight years straight—and in 1914 the imperialist war began. The war danger bears a parti- cularly grave significance with re- gard to the Soviet Union. In 1932, | 97 per cent of the arms and am- } munition shipped from France | (which increased its arms’ ship- | ments in the first eight months of 1932 by 300 per cent over the first | eight months of 1931) went to Japan, Poland, Roumania and Jugo-Slavia—in other words, to countries on the border of the Soviet Union. On the southern border is Persia, another powder barrel growing more dangerous each day due to the rising con- flict of British and American in- terests over Persian oil. The Brit- ish Army is encamped in Thibet, | on the southwest border of the Soviet Union, and is waiting for something to break. At the same time the Japanese Empire hhas 270,000 troops in Manchuria, within 70 miles of the Soviet bor- der; while the Lytton Report to the League of Nations proposes to reinforce these troops by colonizing in Manchuria all the white-guard, counter-revolutionary Czarist gen- erals and forces, variously esti- mated at trom 300,000 to 600,000— a nice little rve army with which to start a war on the Soviet Union from the East WHY RECOGNITION OF THE U.S\S.R.? Why do we ask for recognition of the Soviet Union? On_ this question, some illusions current among the workers and sympathi- vers must be cleared up. Some people are quite excited over the prospect that as soon as Roosevelt takes office, recognition will be granted. There are bitter expe- riences ahead for people with these notions. It was a Democratic ad- ministration which made war on the Soviet Union without a de- claration of war. It was the gov- ernment of the fake liberal, arch- hypocrite, Democratic Woodrow Wilson which laid down the policy of non-recognition of the Soviet Union, a policy which has been adhered to by every succeeding ad- ministration. pate ae | JN all of Roosevelt's writings and speeches together, he has said but a few words about recogni- tion—that he is “thinking” about it. Perhaps he is thinking the same as Hoover about it? And even these few words immediately spur- red the Daughters of the Ameri- can Revolution, the leaders of the | American Legion, the leaders of the American Federation of Labor, and ‘similar organizations into new outbursts of propagandistic fury against the Soviet Union. These very attacks must eal) forth @ re~ sponse from the wo and from all friends of the U.S.S.R. to re- double their energies in the fight for recognition of the Soviet Union, to counteract the poisonous lies spread by these fanatic anti-work- ing class chauvinists ONLY STABLE GOVERNMED IN THE WORLD From some quarters comes the argument that the Soviet Govern- ment is not a stable government. The answer to this is: the only stable government in the world to- day is the Soviet Government. The only government in the world that has not had a change of admin- istration in 15 years is the Soviet Government. It is so stable and so powerful that it does what no other government in the world 4 dares do—give army to the working men and women of Russia, be- cause these men and women are prepared to defend the Soviet Uni- on, the victories of the proletariat | against the ghouls and robbers of the capitalist world. AOS old but still current argument is that the Soviet government does not pay its debts. This is ab- solutely false: the Soviet gov- ernment has paid on the dot every nickel it ever contracted to pay. ‘The cry raised by the capitalists | and opponents of the Soviet Union applies to czarist debts. In 1905 and 1907 the Russian workers w on strike against unbearable con- ditions. The czarist treasury was empty and the French capitalists loaned him two billion francs (about $4,000,000). At that time the Bolshevik fraction in the Du- ma stood up and notified the capitalists of France: “You are loaning the czar of Russia money to shoot down the workers and peasants. We warn you that when | we take power, we will not pay these debts.” The French govern- ment laughed. But only ten years later the Bolsheviks took power, and the laugh was on the other side. The point is that these are | ezarist debts; they are not Soviet | debts. ‘Yaere are precedents for repudi- ation of debts, and right here in the United States. After the Civil War, in 1861-65, the government not only did not pay the millions of loans from the British govern- ment, but passed laws forbidding that these very debts should ever be paid. WHAT POLICY ON RECOGNITION? Has the United States recognized governments set up by revolution? Of course it has. There never was even a question about recognition of Spain after its bourgeois-demo- cratic revolution. There have been governments in South America set up by “revolutions” engineered by American imperialism, or by rivals of American imperialism, all recog- nized once in power. The goyern- ments of Greece, Turkey and Persia ‘were speedily recognized. ‘The only revolutionary government that has not been recognized is the Soviet Union, precisely because of the fact that it is a workers’ govern- ment, set up by a workers’ revolu- tion. It is a different kind of revolution, a revolution that ushers in a new Civilization, not just a new regime, a! ee F we win recognition of the Soviet Union, does this mean stopping the plans of the imperialists for an attack on the Soviet Union? Of course not. Without going in- to detail, we will merely point to France and Japan, which have rec- ognized the Soviet government for the last eight and ten years re- | spectively. Has this recognition | lessened the hatred of the imper- | lalisis of these nations against the Soviet Union? Not by one jot. | Their preparations for war and attack against the Soviet Union in- creases steadily. RECOGNE TrON THE CRISIS Some say, “Let us tell the work- ers that if they help secure recog- nition, it will solve the ctisis.” We must not permit such illusions to go unchecked. Under the second Five-Year Plan the Soviet Union proposes to invest $1,250,000,000 in buying foreign machinery. But even if every penny of that sum was spent in America it must be obvious that that would nob give sixteen million unemployed work~ ers jobs for five years. It is true that in the event of recognition some thousands of workers wiil get jobs filling Russian orders. But there must be no idea that recog- nition will solve the capitalist crisis, AND HERE are good and serious reasons for revognition, reasons that every worker and every friend of the Soviet Union will under- | Stand. Recognition will mean nor- | mal trade relations. Te will baad that the Saviat pehbe attrac Recognition deposit bills of exchange and bill of lading without having tiem sub- ject to being garnisheed by enemies of the Soviet Union. We ask for recognition of the Soy- iet Union because it is a workers’ republic;. because the workers in that country are building socialism under the leadership of the in- vincible Communist Party, the party of workers and toiling farm- ers. And we ask for recognition as a symbol of our solidarity and sup- port to their struggles, to their fight and to their glorious accom- plishments and successes, achieved under difficulties. And while we call for recognition, we call upon every sincere friend of the Soviet Union t: come into the ranks of the Friends of the Soviet Union, so that we may build a mass or- ganization to stand as a wall of defense for the Soviet Union, to combat the preparations of the capitalist-imperialists for attack against the U. S. S. R. Building socialism in one-sixth of the earth's surface, in the midst of imperialist rivalries and outbursts, is not easy. It is fight and struggle and heroic sacrifice, an epic of working class endeavor, They are still fighting the kulaks in the villages and the remnants of capitalism in the towns. And we are on the side of the Soviet Union because it is the workers’ country. ae ee ECOGNITION will be a definite expression of the friendship of the American workers toward the workers of the Soviet Union; it will help fulfill the second 5-Year Plan. Recognition and solid mass organization will be the first step towards saying to the. workers of the Soviet Union: “We do not want war against you, and if the im- perialists of our country start such a war against you, we will exert our fuli power to stop that war, so that you can proceed without interruption on your path of build- ing socialism and a workers’ civil- ization.” We call for fuil support of the Friends of the Soviet Union in the campaign now under way for rec- ognition of the U.S.S.R. Mass sup- port to the delegated conferences to be held March 11-12! Mass sup- port to resolutions demanding rec~ ognition, in every labor union, tfra- ternal organization and workers’ club. Mass collection of signatures on petitions demanding recognition to be distributed at the delegated conference March 11-12. Build the F.S.U. into an unshakable wall of defense of the Soviet Union! SUBSCRIPTION MATES: By Mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 3 months, $2: 1 month, TS excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. 9; 6 months, $5; 3 months, $3. Canada: One year, Foreign and Ix. 'HE instructor called also to make sure for the last time that everything was in order, All attempts to start a conver- sation were futile; heavily as we stared blankly into Space, or counted the wallpaper patterns. The clock struck eight. Only eight. Two more long and dreary hours ahead of us. At ten I rose, with a sigh of re- lief. e “Well, comrades, get veady. going to telephone. I won't’ be will start out.” “Anna” saw me off and locked the gate behind me. lected beforehand and called up the warden of the prison on the *phone. “Who is speaking?” “The Warden.” “This is the speaking.” your service, Chief of Police your Excel- “Now listen carefully. Von Bud- will call on you in about an hour to coniirm my- present orders. that time you will have the follow- | the X-pavilion of the Warsaw Cita- del. Take down the names and be sure to get them right. “I am listening carefully, Excellency.” I gave the names of all the ten men condemned to death. “Did you write them down?” “Yes, your Excellency.” “Read them off.” The Warden read them. “Correct, get on the job without | delay. Everything must be ready | when the captain arrives. Prepare the prison van. No convoy is neces- sary. He will bring his own men. Did you get everything?” “I did.” “See that there is no delay.” your as you ordered.” So the first ordeal passed off ac- cording to schedule. I ran back to | Jerusalem St. Silent handshakes, congratulated me. EE ING «¢ A NNA” stood at the gate, jetting the men out into the street one by one. I put the light out in the | room and stood close to the win- dow, eagerly watching them fall in line in the middle of the street. | .They formed up; the “captain” | gave the command, and off they went, marching like real policemen. Anna returned to the room. She ‘was troubled. “We have overlooked a very im- portant detail. I only thought of it just now.” “What is it?” “How will they address each other? How will the ‘captain’ and the ‘sergeant’ address the men?” “Don't worry. The instructor thought of it all right. They all have their names.” She heaved a sigh of relief, but her legs refused to carry her, all a-tremble with excitement; she sank into a chair quite exhausted. Not for long, however. In a few minutes she was on her feet again. She called in the mistress of the house, and calmly gave her some pertinent orders. “See if they have left anything behind, if they have, bring it to me immediately. Not a trace of their presence here must be left.” “You will rest assured the whole apartment will be put in order and nobody will be any wiser.” “Very well, then, we are going now.” “Anna!” The mistress of the house hesitated to express her wish, but “Anna” anticipated it. “Oh, I know what’s on your mind. You want to know how everything came off?” “Yes, please, do let me know.” “T will tell you to-morrow.” ‘We took leave of her and went to the apartment to which every scrap cf news about the exploit was to be communicated. We were to remain on duty all night. time dragged | Tam | more than half an hour; then you | I went to the flat we had se- | By | “Everything will be done exactly | | more eloquent than any words, | . ESCAPE from the 1| GALLOWS By FELIX KOHN. | berg, @ captain of the gendarmes, | ing prisoners ready to be taken to | UR men arrived at the prison without mishap. They were al- ready expected, and as soon a& “Von Budberg” handed the enve- lope to the gate-keeper, the sergeant who was standing at the entrance ordered in his stentorian voice: “Open!” ‘The gate fell open. “Von Bud- berg” hurriedly ascended the staircase and turned to the office; the convoy stood at ease waiting before the prison building. The ; prison yan, with ‘the driver on the box, standing near by. “Von Budberg” motioned to bi keeper as he mounted the last few, steps leading # the administration office. “Go and call the warden, and be quick about it!” “He is already waiting for you in his office, your honour.” The Warden rose to see the pseudo-captain, “Is everything ready?” “Quite. Bring the prisoners,” he bellowed to the “sergeant’ stand ing at some respectful distance to receive his orders. The Warden hardly glanced at the envelope delivered by “Von Budberg.” He merely opened the envelope to file the paper it con- tained, remarking to “Von Bud- berg”: “His Excellency has already tele- phoned.” “I know ali about that,” was the dry, curt reply of the “captain.” inact NE of our instructions to him was not to engage in conver- sation beyond what was absolutely necessary and to treat the whole prison administration with the dis- dain and condescension to be ex~ pected from a member of the aris- tocracy who comes into official con- tact with a plebeian. The “sergeant” ran into the of- fice sor some reason. “took alive there!” thundered “Von Budberg.” The “sergeant” disappeared like a flash of lightning. “The prisoners are being brought out,” the Warden said reassuringly. “Is the paper certifying their delivery to me ready?” “Yes, your honor. “Give it to me.” He snatched the paper out of his hands, and hear~ ing the shuffling of numerous feet on the stairs, went out into the hall. “One, two, three.” He started to check the prisoners carefully. “Do you wish them to be brought into the office?” “Not necessary. Take them straight into the yard.” He returned to the office for a second. The Warden signed the paber attesting to the delivery of prisoners, while the “captain” “signed for the receipt of the men, ped va ioets Wee these formalities were be~ ing attended to within, the convoy was drawn up in parallel lines in the yard to form a pas- sage from the outside stairs to the van. The convicts were not taken out all at once, but were led to the van one by one at short inter- vals in order to give them time to Settle in the van. The men had been told that they were being taken to execution, but they had become so accustomed to the idea of imminent death that the prospect of its immediate real- ization found them quite composed; or their comparative calm may be explained by the fact that they preferred death to the agonizing uncertainty of when to expect the fatal moment—to the terrible sus- perse in which they had been kept for days. They merely shot hostile glances at the files of the “policemen” and quietly took their places in the van, Only Judycki, a pugnacious lad tull of fighting spirit, looked about for some avenue of escape, to the other side of the gate and to free- dom. But our “sergeant” was up to the mark, “Now, what are you up to? He seized Judycki roughly by the shoulder and gave him a vicious push towards the van. (TO BE CONTINUED) NEGRO REFORMISTS TO THE DEFENSE OF THE LANDLORDS’ TERROR By WILLIAM FITZGERALD. IN their murderous attacks on the Negro croppers and _ exploited farmers of Tallapoosa County, Ala., the white landlords and their po- jice have a valuable ‘ally in the Negro reformist leaders. It was the Negro reformist heads of Tuskegee Institute who betrayed the murder- | ed Share Croppers Union leader, Cliff James, into the hands of the landlord poiice lynch gangs. The Negro reformist editors of the New York Age and other papers do not condemn the landlord-po- lice terror against the Negroes. ‘They instead condemn the croppers and exploited farmers for resist- ing the armed attacks of the posses carrying oul the landlords’ orders to expropriate the cows and mules of the croppers. ‘The reformists defend the landlord terror. They hold the landlords and their police guiltless. They declare that Com- munist propaganda is responsible for the murder of Negroes shot down in cold blood by the state machinery, controlled by the land- lords. Pee cae S is the same role played by the Negro reformist leaders in the Scottsboro case. Here again they do not attack the bosses’ courts try~ ing to railroad nine innecent Ne- | gro boys to the electric chair. The reformist leaders attack instead the revolutionary white and Negro /workers rallying to the defense of these victims of class justice and national oppression. They pretend that the Scottsboro Case is an iso- lated case, a mere miscarriage of justice. They attempt to disrupt the mass defense of the Scottsboro vic- tims by asking the Negro masses to have faith. in the/ bosses’ couris. But what about the 5,000 Negroes lynched since the Civil War? Are these isolated cases? What about the legal lynching of Barney Lee Ross in Texas, of many other Ne- groes, the present attempts by Maryland courts to legally lynch Yuel Lee (Orphan Jones?) Are these isolated cases? Are these merely miscarriages of justice? BOS wom W, again when the white and Negro masses are rallying to the defense of the croppers arrested in Alabama and held in jail for de- fending themselves—again the Ne- gro reformists come forward to con- fuse the Negro masses, to cover up the misery, starvation and nation- al oppression behind the tremen- dous struggles in Alabama. To in- terpret these struggles as merely | the result of Communist propagan~ da, to slander the heroic croppers and exploited farmers as “ignor« ant” people “misled by Communist propaganda” and to defend the uunceryue landlords and their po- ice. ‘These same Negro reformist lead« ers help the bosses. in. burying the cela md traditions of the Ne- gro peop! in soft-pedal the history of the great. slave acess tions led by Nat Turner, Denmark Vesey and other revolutionary lead~ ers. Cea Saas THE slave revolts were handicap- ped by the weakness of the working class movements of that period, and the absence of a clear class conscicusness and revolution- ary purpose among the white work- ers, ‘Today, however, the situation is different. Under the leadership of the Communist Party latge sec- tions of the white toiling masses already have rallied to the support of the Negro liberation struggle. This is what alarms the white bosses and their reformist allies. But the Negro liberation struggle will continue to forge forward de- spite their attacks, despite the mur- derous terror of the ruling class. ae Mee ste croppers of Alas ama, the Negro toiling. masses throughout the whole country