The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 22, 1933, Page 4

MER URE. a ee ee eect ome eeperene. Page Four ‘ublished by the Comprodaily N.Y Publish 13th St., New York City cheeks Telephone ALg to the Daily Worker Inc., daily except Sunday, at 50 & juin 14-7956. Cable “DATWORK ) KE. 13th St., New York, N. ¥ THE FARM STORY OF INSTALLMENT I WE REPORT their All of Yankee, arc Swede, Jew, Russian, Finn, Scotch Trish mus work. board. he e of Sugar Creek sheriff and ar round the tack with mac tear gas. Cic bravely. His t be ers look a out of the The tion Ws graphic utive from Calif tana, Arl Rosenberg of chairman. Tr porting on conditions and communities, on and evictions and plans As soon as the f their militancy becomes Here is a broad mass movement. ‘Farmers, who re voted for all parties the last election, are set to fight shoulder to shoulder. Far ers, who for the first time in their lives have crossed the county line, “Yo protect tneir two small chil- dren they finally surrender and are jailed.” preach mass solidarity and direct action. “A hundred farmers can stop the sheriff. A thou stop the militia.” t and ga breaks, the tears rush to his eyes “We've got them trained out where I come from. I'll bet you a dime there won't be no more log pai It hurts me to think we've b fooled so long. We had to do some work the Andy, Hoff of’ Montana: “There are few foreclosures in our great wide open spaces because most of the farms are foreclosed already Our school teachers are paid in warrants they can't cash. We get four dollars for our sugar beets far below cost of production. Our way down here we slept on cement fioors and ate in souplines. In Clin- ton, Towa, we saw little children in the souplines, cold and bi and pinched. The soup ta: an onion in a barrel o water. And yet cut in Mo: se e have sheep, cattle, hogs, ‘we can’t sel! that Cocke put fat on those little children. All the relief the relief the government has given us farmers is like half a ginger snap to a man who hasn’t eaten three days. We've got to get to gether and keep together.” Fort Lauderdale Negro “The flower garden of the world Florida, is the state where I starve Seven months of summer with lots of grapefruit, tomatoes, vegetables and stili we're starving We got few jobs. We get some relief ferti liver for our crops but what goot ig that when we can’t sell. Ther eighteen middlemen between ov amd every fellow that wants to se, When we look for work in the turpentine belt, we ing but work. They pay fifty cents a day for working the field. Yeu get. one-third @hen you work, and you wait for the rest when the crops sell. If frost comes, you're ont of luck. What we need is a good strong farmers’ league. What gets noth ‘we need is organization like this to give us a limb to hold on, to help us out.” Mire. Fred Chase of New Hamp- shife tells how asked why she ington. She went heeause for twent buy only two eggs, apples, maple Because the total eight farmers comm Ist year was $3.72. Because wants the good things in life since she produces them. The farmers fm her community are no longer proud to be the rugged individual ists of old, who worked eighteen hours a day and read the Country Gentleman. She's in Washingt< to fight so her children can live Alfred Tis of Minnesota I come from the Mesaba Iron Renge where the workers three billion dollars back ya and have. heen Pajs hack only | TERS M MILITANCY OF By MOE BRAGIN | years | miners in the fields east of the Mis- LOILERS ON THE LAND f y We'll take it back whether they like it We'll organize and fight take back We'll what belo: oice de. on Von children closure. farmers mass on her nents such as The sn the release of and cancel his notes. MARSHALS OF OHIO. f Ohio jumps o1 oar'se sets a big worked for alary a Tur; never pre ners from the big thie worked for co-oper ways with the big busi- with the city mers drove hington in ent, paid from x efused to find a night’s them. We must de- 1 hunger march- for unemployment he farmers never had ‘d of living. Don't Only thirteen per- together and hands bloodred. er till the hall e of a bass- p the! np and ch like the insi Te Be Co 295 Min 5,000 ) Soft Coal Ousted NEW YORK. —During the last nine | coal | fully 56,500 bituminous sisippi have been thrown out of the iustry through the introduction of machinery, accordir the state met rd before the Americar ite and M jurgical E neer Mining Valley | Fruit | mained unshaken. Organizers came banker | | which is hering | "The “Daily” and Imperial Valley Case) By CARL SKLAR Carl Sklar, one of the cight Impe! oners, s ago after serving more than wo vears.—Editor. of the Imperial Valle} soner: which culminated in prison sentences, began i tro, Imperial Valley on Mi 26, 1930. 1 evening, as the court were over and the prison- were taken to their stuffy cells t jail, news-flashes it to inform the workers t the country of the day's »pments in the frame-up 2 eight workers were prison because to organize joited alley essions i to Who t printed this news? The s English daily ited States—the known. known. © Daily Worker. € our cells in the jail, 1 is located right in the cen- used to be desert 200 evel and is today thanks to the sweat and blood of he Me an, Filipino, Negro, Amer- ican an workers, one of the most fertile fruit and’ vegetable hot-beds of the United States, we looked towards the Daily Worker the masses of American for our defense. on ee 'TRIKES had taken place in the Imperial Valley practically every year. But the despotic sway of the Growers Association re- to the Valley at times, were made victims of the vicious police terror | at the orders of the fruit and vege- table barons, were sent. to prison or were made victims of direct lynch terror, were driven out many miles into the barren desert and left to perish in the scorching sun. Mexican, Filipino, Negro and workers labored in the nking filthy water from the igation ditches, water which first trainged through cloth. hese workers collapsed and died from the combined effect of heat, lack of fresh water ustion of long hours grinding out the wealthy Fruit, Growers As iters of the tion Still, the exploitation, the terrible working conditions and the unre~ strained despotic terror of the cap- italists and their hired agents re~ mained hidden from the eyes of the masses in this country, just as the Georgia chain-gang horrors remained hidden and concealed until the Daily Worker exposed them, and similarly, the “Daily” Worker entered the struggle of these workers and made the cause of .the Imperial Valley workers fighting under the leadership of the Agricultural Workers Industrial Union the cause of the masses | nationally and internationally. ° * HILE California exploiters, it became clearer than ever before to us that without such a weapon, without a militant daily paper of the working { class, there could be no question of | developing a unified struggle of the | employed and unemployed workers, of the native and foreign born, | white and black, against the em- ployers’ wage-cutting, share-the- work starvation program, against the deportation terror and against the generai drive of the capitalists | against the economic and political rights of the workers. Without the Daily Worker we could hardly have expected to win our release from the prisons of San Quentin and Folsom within the period of two or three years. But with the powerful voice of the Daily Worker rallying the workers, added to the efforts of the Inter- national Labor Defense, the con- spiracy to hold us in prison on terms ranging up to 42 years was smashed. The question of maintaining the | Daily Worker is a question of life | and death to the militant workers in this country. It is a question inseparably connected with the final outcome of the fight to save the Scottsboro boys, to win freedom for Tom Mooney, the everyday struggles of the workers and poor farmers of this country, d the organization of all the toil- egardless of race, color or tionality, for fina) victory over alist exploitation and the establishment of a workers’ and and farmers’ rule in this country. Forward in the fight to save the Daily Worker! Forward in the ef- fort to rally ery bit of support to raise the $35,000 for our fighting organ and to build the Daily Work er into a stronger weapon of the essed masses, Forward towards ne victory of the exploited workers and poor fermers of this country! PRAISES “DAILY” or | Editor of the Daily Worker, | Dear Comrade: I am writing you about the change I have noticed in the Daily Worker (city edition) lately. There are now more everyday struggles, | The articles you have printed lately about rent strikes, demonstrations, at Home Relief Bureays, the strug- | gles of the farmers against fore- closures, and the Scottsboro case, ete., is the stuff that will prove to the workers that the Daily Worker fights for the working class. I have one criticism to make, however, You comrades often write in @ language that many workers cannot understand. You use terms, words and pbrases that would stump the average college graduate. It is up to you to change this. T am enclosing a victeus speech by L. A. Johnson of the American Legion. Maybe you can expose him in the. Daily Worker Rows. | THE FOUNDATION STONE OF GERMAN FASCISM was released several} in the clutches of the | Dail rr’ = rker a AND ox iN Pree ~ YON SINDEN BERG, Germany--the Interplay of Parties v. (Second Part) By MAX BEDACHT ‘HE seemingly intricate mess of parties of German capitalism to- day, their contradictory and actions, can be understood on- ly if the class interests are ana~ ed which they represent. Indi- uals, like parties, also represent, such interests. Judged from this point we will be able to explain Hindenburg and his actions. To be sure, such an analysis will rob Hin- denburg of the halo of a patron saint of German democracy; how~ ever it has the advantage of ex~ plaining his actions. Hindenburg is not an angel, with- out political sex 1 without class connections. He is a feudal aristo- crat and landowner. His political desire is the semi-feudal Prussian monarchy of the Hohenzollern. He is by no means a strong man. As | field marshal he was the’ tool of Ludendorf, his chief-of-staff. His helpless stammerings in October and November 1918 proclaimed him anything but a master of difficult political situations. e . (E class Hindenburg represents and the political tendencies that dominate his actions are an ana- chronism, They were transplanted into the middle of the 20th cen- | tury by the bourgeois betrayal of its own revolution in the middle of the 19th century. The German capitalist revolution of 1848 did not | fulfill its historic mission; it did not sweep out of Germany all the feudal rubbish. left there by the 1%th and 18th centuries, German | capitalism in 1848 became afraid of its own auda y when, it. espied the spectre of the proletarian revolu- tion; then it quickly sold its revo- lution to feudal reaction. The re~ sult was a political compromise. | ‘This compromise preserved features | of feudalism. within modern capi- talist Germany. COMPROMISE OF 1848 ‘The compromise of 1848 gave the feudal aristocracy of Germany a practical monopoly on the top po- sitions of the government appara- tus. This enabled them to place their younger sons into command- ing and lucrative positions in the army, in the navy, in the diplo- matic service, in the administra- tion and in the judiciary. With this possibility the aristocracy could retain all the feudal trash of the “dead hand”, of the right of the first born, and even signorial prerogatives of judiciary power on their estates, and the like The revolution of 1918 partly ended this; but it did not end the desires of the “noble cavaliers” to get back their privileges. It was not fear of their Marxism that. made these “nobles” rave against the s l-democratic ministers, coun- cilors of state and governors of the November republic. Tt was only their vulgar economic interest rl Pa INDENBURG'S presidency wus the first wedge this class suc- ceeded in driving into the Novem- ber Republic. The Social-Demo- crats helped them to drive it in. ‘This wedge gave them a position of political power with which they could maneuver. Von Papen’s ministerial power js the crowning achievement of these maneuvers. Hindenburg replaced Bruening by Von Papen not because the latter represented more nearly the “peop- le’s wil.” All Germany, and even Hindenburg, knew that this wes not so. Von Papen was chosen be- cause he represented more nearly the will of the class interests of Hindenburg and his class. ‘Trust and bank capital also man~ oeuvered, It wanted to have it- self in direct control of the govern- ment. The German nationalists of Hugenberg are their pariy. They cial-democracy covered its, reac- tionary policies. They see jn these phrases a paralyzing element for the government. They want a gov~ ernment free of this paralysis. They wanted to have the party of these phrases. assigned to e position «more slogans | profitable to the capitalists, to the position of a loyal opposition. As a third force their appeared Adolph Hitler, The jnflation and the bankruptcy of the state in 1923- | 24 impoverished large masses of | the petty bourgeoisie. These mas- ses became the main base of Hitler- ism and the youth of this class are the main base of its storm troops. Their ideal was Mussolini with his Black Shirts. Their bourgeois minds craved the dra- matics of a march to Berlin, and for political power on the condi- tions of these petty bourgeoisie themselves, The catholic center Party repre~ sents industrial capital, These in- terests manouver with catholicism as their labor policy. That secures them the support of the well or- ganized catholic hierarchy. Its monarchist wing prefers the cath- olic house of Wittelsbach (Bavaria) to the protestant house of Hohen- vollern (Prissia). In Bavaria this party is the representative of the rich peasantry. Fundamentally all these forces, together with the socialists, want to preserve Capitalism. But each one has specific group interests to de- fend. Each wants the unconditionsl satisfying of their group interests to be the condition of saving capital- ism. The feudal aristocracy wants | the restoration of their privileges to be this condition; finance and trust capital wants its own unlim- ited power to be this condition; the | bankrupt petty bourgeoisie wants the liquidation of thelr bankruptcy to be this condition. Only the so- | cialists were an exception, Although they claim to represent the inter- ests of the workers they do not de- fend them; they age always willing to accept any condition of saving capitalism as long as social democ~ | tracy itself was not disturbed in the possession of its ministerial posi- tions, its councilorships and its governorships. [TLERISM found itself thwarted in its dream of power. This was by no means due to any opposition. to fascjsm on the part of any of the other capitalist groups. It was due, rather, to differences concern- ing the condjtions for this fascism. Hitlerism was fascinated by Mus- solini’s march to Rome. But Hitler found that Berlin was not Rome, that 1932, was not 1922, and that German capitalism of 1932 was not Italian capitalism of 1922. ITALY—AND GERMANY ‘Mussolini’s march to Rome con- tained . elements of Bonapartism. ‘The Italian working class at that dry petty | | pay the dues. detest the phrases with which so- 'MAKING LODGES LOAN TO JOBLESS Brooklyn, N. Y. Editor of the Daily Worker, | Dear Comrade: My father has been « member of a lodge for the Jast 21 years and has paid $28 yearly; he has been unemployed for about two years he cannot continue to as a member. The fact that he has paid for 21 years does a mean anything to the boi leaders of the lodge. My father is riot BUA aaly sone cit thens ee cumstances. There are thousands of others in the same predicament. In addition not only my father but the other thousands of men are in dire necessity. What I have in mind is this: The lodge should be made to lend these unemployed members at least $300 (the members have paid more than this amount). Of course the lodge leaders re- fuse to do . I think there is great possibility for the Communist Party to show that they are the only friends of these workers by ex- posing these, lodges, together with their bourgedis leaders and perhaps force them to make the loans to the worker-members. ‘This letter is being written by one who is in earnest sympathy with the policies of the Communist Party and one who expects to join the party shortly. Comradeiy, paeB. Bec MEMBERS | but sinte | This being the case | ; he is threatened with suspension | time was paralyzed in its revolu~ tionary intentions by social demo- cratic and by petty bourgeois anar- chist leadership; the Italian bour- geoisie was partly paralysed by the rising revolutionary intentions of the Italian proletariat. This was clearly shown by an answer which the then Prime Minister Giolitti gave in the Chamber of Deputies; a deputy complained of the inac- tivity of the government in the face of the occupation of the factories by the workers. Giolitti answered that by this inactivity the govern- ment had saved Italy from a prole- tarian revolution. Giolitti pointed out that the use of the soldiery, aside from the doubtfulness of the loyalty of the soldiers), would only have drawn the rebellious workers out into the streets and into open battle with the government; such a struggle would have given to the occupation of the factories by the Italian workers the political angle needed for a victory of the revolu- tionary workers. By not enticing the workers out into the streets the occupation by the workers of the factories remained a helpless and foredoomed syndicalist coup—oth- erwise it. might have been a vic- torious political struggle for power. [USSOLINI'S march to Rome took place under these condi- tions. He entered Rome as a dic- tator. That after establishing its dictatorship Italian fascism had to | abandon its petty bourgeois dream of jndependent political power and instead had to become the execu- tive force of Italian trust and bank capital does not alter the historical character of’ Mussoljni’s accession to power. Hitierism in the Germany of 1932 finds ‘itself in a different’ position. It does not appear as a dictator; it can only he a total. The dictator could dictate the conditions and forms of his power; the tool must Permit the dictation of these con- ditions and forms to him, MEANING OF RECENT MANOEUVERS The recent manoeuvers -and seeming vacillations within and be- tween the political councils of the various groups of German capital- ism represent the efforts of each group to dictate its conditions to the others; then again they repre- sent efforts of conciliation and compromise, efforts to agree on the conditions of a fascist dicta- torship, as well as efforts to pin Hitlerism to an agreement, to such conditions. ‘The Hitler government of today is an-indication that the contend- ing forces are nearer to an agree- ment; it does not yet represent the final and finished product. The product is far enough developed, | however, to contain the worst dan- | gers possible for the German work- ing class, as well as to intensify in the highest degree the danger of an immediate completion of the capitalist war front against the Soviet Union. — The accusations which the var-~ ious groups had made ugainst each other Ju the past were part of their mutug} efforts to coerce each other. ‘These mutual accusations and bit- ter name callings are not in- Sey ot tea contradiction to their today; they were only out- ieee of the birth-pangs of that unity. . * es Hue. is by no means the per~ sonal victor in this development. He did not force his rule upon the German capitalists against their will. The victors are the uniting bank and trust capitalists with their semi-feudal agrarian allies. Hitler's storm troops will now be integrated into the official apparat- us of power of German capitalism. German capitalism will now try with the help of fascist terror to avert its doom, But the historic forces that weakened it to the point that it can hope to maintain itself only by the means of terrorism, have also produced additional sour- ces of strength for the working class. The most important of these, and a decisive contributing factor to the weakness of German | capitalism today, is the Communist Party.ef Germany, oy JUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 3 months, $2; excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. 1 month, We, Foreign and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 3 months, $3. vu, ‘They are not very fond of visit~ ing workers’ settlements. ‘There aren’t many of them there.” “Well, all right then. We will call for the arms the same day.” Despite her experience in doing } conspiratorial work, “Anna” was So overcome by her feelings -that she felt like caressing “Yanek”, who had unexpectedly given us all the information we . desired and thus rescued us from a great pre- dicament. But I vetoed any such dangerous display of sentimental- ity. “Don’t,” I said, “the boy must, know nothing about our visit.” “We will give you a signal before- and, when you will have to be on duty in the vegetable garden.” ‘We took leave of “Stephan” and retraced our steps back to the city. “It seems everything has been taken care of now,” said “Anna”, with a touch of finality. “It seems so. We will have to re- port to the Central Committee.” TOMORROW! Our appearance at the meeting of the Central Committee excited some surprise. We had never attended a meeting since the time the Cen- tral Committee had showed itself So sceptical toward® “V's” project. They were all sure we had come to admit that we had been the vic- tims of our flights of fancy. “Well, how are things progres- sing?” ironically enquired several members. We were in no no hurry | uM spring the news, but patiently waited until all the members were present. “You will hear the whole story in due time.” When all were assembled, I be- gan my report with a demand which immediately made everybody sit up and take notice. The Central Committee must pre- pare in advalice a manifesto to the workers notifying them of the rescue of the ten prisoners, and head it “Our amnesty”. “Aren’t you going a little too far?” queried “Yan” with more than a shade of incredulity in his voice. However, his former tone of assurance that the whole scheme was a mere phantasy was missing from his question. “I don’t think so," ly and deliberately. “Examine the plan. This was our purpose in coming here.” Then I went, point after point, over all the details of our preparations. rae I replied slow- Te former sceptics, now changed their attitude, for they were con- vinced that we meant business and were not day-dreaming. A number of business-like ques- ESCAPE from the GALLOWS By FELIX KOHN, thing happens. This is particularly important with regard to “Yur. He is so sentimental, and a few words of ‘good cheer’ with due emphasis on the ‘heroism’ of the participants in his exploit will have a favorable effect on him.” + ee SMHARCEL” was’ right; however, we were all in such good spir~ | its, although only the preparations were completed, that I, putting on | a straight face, added: 4 “T will give you a parting bless- ing, too.” “And T'll send you to the devil.” ‘This closed the matter. ‘The only shing unsettled was the date when to translate our hazard- ous plan into action. “The opening of the Duma is to take place the day after tomorrow. You couldn't have a better day than that,” said “Anna.” And so it was decided. A whole day was devoted to the eful checking of all details. ALL IS READY Ev jhing was. in readiness. Tm the evening everybody was present for a grand dress rehearsal. The “captain,” the “sergeant,” and the “policemen,” clad in their uni~ forms, were eyeing each other ban~ teringly. “Only the mugs don't fit,” ap- provingly smiled the instructor, as he scanned the squad. True enough, the “mugs” were & bad match for the roles the men were to play. Somebody suggested the use of make-up, but the rest thought it unnecessary. “Fiddlesticks! You'll do as you are. Nobody is going to think of checking the ‘mugs. We'll keep them too busy for that.” “That's right; look alive there! said “Yur,” with the correct snap this time. “This will make them hustle. There won’t be any time to scrutinize faces.” “well, comrades,” “Anna” inter- wale with marked solemnity in her voice, “tomorrow night we in- tend...” She was not allowed to finish. “The sooner the better. We have everything ready.” “Tomorrow? All right, let it be tomorrow,” said “Marcel” de- cisively. All stopped talking. ‘Thus sol- diers at the front observe absolute silence for a@ moment at the zero hour, Ow: ee OW was my opportunity to say a few appropriate words of good cheer and encouragement. “Comrades. We are all sure you will carry this thing through, but in delivering to you the greetings and best wishes of the Central Committee, I am authorized to teli you at the same time that no mat- “The Central Committee must prepare in advance a manifesto to the workers notify sg them of the rescue of the ten prisoners, and head) it, ‘Our Manifesto’.” tions were now asked. “Yan”, who always thought of everything im- mediately, sensed the weak spot. eae) 6YJHAT about the driver, what are you going to do with him?” ‘We related our conversation with “Marcel.” ‘They were not satisfied with his reply. “Let us send for him. This is liable to spoil the whole ousiness.” Further discussion was postponed until the arrival of “Marcel,” whom “Anna” went to fetch. “Marcel” entered the room quite | irritated at being taken away from his work. “The devil take it. You decided to entrust us with this difficult and perilous venture, and then the en- tire Central Committee has to put | their heads together to think up some way of getting rid of this chump of 4 prison van driver. Didn't I tell you thet we assume full responsibility for making the thing successful?” TICULARS Big that his reply was not satisfactory to us, he added fretr ting at our apparent lack of confi- dence in his generalship: “You want to know the particu- lars? All right, then. Two of our men will sit with the driver, on the box, one on each side of him. In that way we will be able to watch his every movement. Then we'll see. Don’t you think we will pass a back-alley somewhere on our way, where we can chuck our driver?” His whole demeanor radiated as- surance, his calm certainty spread to the others. “That's O.K, now,” winding up the discussion. else must be attended to?” “This. ‘Boleslav’ should say a few warm words of reassurance on. “what behalf of the Central Committee _ just before the men leaye for the so that our men won't worry about their families ip case any~ said “Yan,” | ter what the outcome will be, the’ Party will take care of your fam- | ilies. I have been checking all the preparations all the time, and I can tell you without the slightest hesitation that success is assured, The Central Committee has in~ structed me to notify you of its decision, merely because some of you who consider it your duty as Party members to participate in this affair may nevertheless be. worried by thought of your fam- ilies in case of failure. You must. not be disturbed on that score, ‘You are doing your duty to the Party—the Party will do its duty to you.” The men surrounded me and shook my hands, Tears sparkled in “Anna's” eyes at this parting scene. ‘The instructor, ‘choking. with emotion, could not saysa word in response; he silently shook hands with everybody. The eleven, who were their lives the next day, Say, apt on on. repeat with extreme “We'll ee it. Wel na pl out. There be one § to celebrate When. it’s a THE CHIEF OF POLICE SPEAKING T= fateful day arrived. Slowly, painfully, the minutes crept by. Everybody's nerves were at high est tension; it seemed as if this day of anxious expectancy would never come to an end, had been gone over a score times; there was no diversion to relieve the palling tedium our enforced idleness until late at night, when we were to get into action, At 7 p.m, we all assembled in the flat on Jerusalem St. The roll call showed everyone present; .all were dressed in their uniforms, (TO We CONTENUBD.