The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 21, 1933, Page 4

iat - “= . farm again , acres of alfalfa nad tried to shove a quit _ istration table. Vublished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc. 18th St., New York City, N. ¥. HE FARMERS MEET STORY OF By MOE ON THE WAY TBE ain pound va Sens. In the off duty, com; ducter about the the cut in wages bad t and A business man finishes the sports | Notre Dame to Beat Trojans, He crack- less the paper to the front page. Something about the hunger Mares in the headlines as if a fly had bl mose. “Those Red: 1 neck.” Another business man ® face like a roa nods ment. The farmers are er march. Two hi trucks from all quart country. Tough hickc hard to stop. The train t djed farmhouses. the great truck regic 2 hell's Soup Co, has been bleeding the farmers like a horseleech. T dgiry farmers here have been ilimg milk at a growing loss tkousand miles west rots ii he fields. Wheat is the lowest ii yiistory. ‘Pillsbury, General Mi and General Baking are sti png millions net profit THE ANSWER. ‘This answers in a > @re on the march. This Mains why a thousand Sear ‘met in Sioux City in September jtrumpet @ call for a national con- ference of dirt farmers to meet in ‘Washington from December 7 to 20. But as quickly as the farmers gether their forces so quickly does the ruling class fling forward its first attacking lines. The farmers hold meetings to | elect delegates to the conference. also on a “... When we get to Washing- ton, we find the farmers shadowed | hy police, dicks and stool-pigeons.’ | The Catholic Church in Nebraska tries to disrupt these meetings. Lo- cal papers print windy editoriais attacking the conference and warn- ing the farmers to stay home. Washington’s new police commis- | Sioner urges the nation’s police to investigate this “invasion of dis- gruntied farmers’ When we get | to Washington, we find the farm- ers are shadowed by police, Steolpigeons. Mos’ the ington papers treat th as if it is a barn dance with a lot 0! of hayseeds come to prance like horses with their fiddles, bott wenches. One of the reporters sniffs suspiciously when the Ne- braska farmers sing their rousing | i It sounds Bolshevik there are too | This is always many Jews around. @ bad sign. As a matter of fact there are less than a dozen Jew- | ish farmers in the delegations. The Department of Agriculture tries to spike the conference by refusing to give the farmers the use of a hall in a museum under its wing. Jim- rowed, the conference has to drag itself all over the city for halls. With the utmost difficulty lunch- rooms are found willing to feed Ne- gfoes and whites. The city tourist €amp almost has the colic when | the, conference insists that accom- modations be found for the Florida and Alabama Negro croppers WE MEET AT THE HEADQUARTERS The tarm opposition. | quarters in Washington. The build- | ing on F Street cracks like a great | ron bang- | break through t They storm the h ‘wooden box with lots ing in it. Farmers in boots and hhobnailed shoes pound about everywhere. They tramp up the first. floor. They hang out of the windows. They string out hialis, They crowd the t knock into each othe about dazed their faces their hands on Glods. On the road for weeks. They grab the first. chance to rest. They jack themselves up to stand pati- | efitly in line before the long reg- ‘They present their credentials. They hump over the with dozens of questions: le, cash crop, first mortgage, etc. They scratch and labor Toosters over a hen, shake Ives, and are not easily satis- led with their answers. They > | THICK-SET Finnish farmer is having a hell of a time on a in a corner. The stubble is | on his face. A sycamore | ipod dangles from his dirty | crushed hat. He had torn it from | @ tree in Ohio, -As-we help him, ‘we get the old story of the farm- ies hardships. Blacklisted as an fron miner, he- ‘vac ‘bought the farm. Worked hard as a dungbug but tornado had ruined his whole | crop one ysars ‘That had forced tim back to get a job on the rail voad. After the ad had fired hihi, he had tried his living on the Secded down sixty a field flat as a ht after the bank claim He makes # Roos pool table, and ri — a down his gullet, MILITANCY OF TOILERS ON THE LAND BRAGIN Gross He questior crops umn. his paper THE DELEGATE ARRIVE Below Eng- Stein, with the strong ok as if he could bite in two, He shakes t Connecticut Val- couldn't come. ‘They farmer foreclosed on him last week. Ernest ley Moross, a Mick n farmer, typing flings up his big whi a Herford bull's Ni iid stop him. On his erville he has posted a sign: “Don't pay your taxes I have not erty fc Don pa 1930, pay be slave and si not t of it who will con- Moross looks like break down fences before the rence on the stairs an of Bag C2 TTER sota, pushes in with a United Farmer ague members. gged ove ese hu: > left a driving. E lumberjack and ner, one leaders of the mous farmers’ hunger march into have enot rd Ma of ath’. Oh, Tantilla got slugged up in Minneapolis by the cops. In jail he’ll make the rest of us fel- lows work harder. As the delega- tion files up to the long table, Hugh Gore of the Farmers’ Holiday As- sociation of Polk, Arkansas, pumps their hands. Hugh tells them that Otto Frederickson, beating his way y freight to Washington, was ar- rested in West Virginia. The con- ference has sent a telegram de- manding his immediate release. And there’s another good man from Arkansas missing. Coney, fight for food in England, Ark., vas all set to go when his landlord heard all about it and threatened to clgmp down a foreclosure. Coney's got to stay home to save his wife and children. “THOSE MURDERING THIEVES.” Ferguson of Washington ‘The murdering thieves”. Scotty has been writing a letter for the two boys, sons of a dispossessed Washington farmer, here with him he conference. He bites his pencil angrily. Some one offers him a cigaret. He doesn’t smoke. He would like some snus, Copenhagen snuff. He says a poor farmer has not even a dime to spare these days. We get the snuff for him. He takes a big pinch. He glares undef his bushy eyebrows and growls, “We'll fix those murdering thieves some 4d: With evening the become more crowded. Up crawls another old grasshopper, Dalziel of North Dakota, of the Farmers’ Daiziel’s looking for a doc- Bad cold. Nine days drive Glenburn. Fourteen of them the truck with no room to n a pigeon egg. Friday the shack over the truck, material from the farm. started out. Things ‘osy on the farm. Tur- ned and died before ig. Wheat scored two headquarters Union. tor. from in and was worth twenty-five cents. His son, Fred, wanted to come but had to stay to take care of the stock. “I haven't been off the farm for thirty years. Fred's still young. So I went.” Daiziel’s eyes are red, his nose leaks, and he looks ready to curl up like a shaving. “But I'm not sorry I’ve come,” he cries huskily. “This promises to be a great thing. The greatest thing in my life, my boy.” eee BY eight o'clock most of the farm- ers have already registered. The very important delegation of Camp Hill Negro sharecroppers is still missing. Have they been beaten and jailed on the way? The Flo- e talking. One tells d the chief of po- nizer left the car chief of police be- You niggers are g round with peop! you no good. that?’ I don't ¥ ou going?” “Don’t know.” of police jumped into Where you go- n't know.” ‘They ways then turned back '. .. Farmers in boots and hob- nailed shoes pound about every- where. They tramp up the first floor. They hang out of the win- dows, before cropper's door. “What are you going to do now?” Again the same answer. At last the cropper managed to shake that bulldog. He sped down to meet the organizer. They picked up ‘the’ ofher croppers and broke through the ring of terror and Janded in W: ington. As the Ne- gro talks, a youn; 1, elected at 1 meeting of the Farmers’ Protec- Association in Hoff's Church Pennsylvania up to ask him for his autograph. In the delega- tion with her are Mennonites and Holy Rollers with chin whisker =|, Be. Be Continued) ipso; eB Telephone ALgonquin 4-7936, Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., .. dally except Sanday, at 50 & Cable “DAIWORK.” New York, N. ¥. Dail Bills in Albany! to Deceive the Hungry Jobless If this is Where's | who led | | ers.” By LOUIS TOTH | THE workers in New York State | are preparing for March 5, 6 and 7 when the Provisional Com- mittee x Labor Legislation will | hold its conference in Albany to present bills to the State Legisla- ture which will deal with unem- ployment insurance, more relief, against evictions, and forecloseures, | shorter work day and the shorter | work week without reduction in | pay, against injunctions, etc. 'These | bills will be worked out by the | representatives of labor organiza- | tions and backed up by hundreds | | | of thousands of workers in the state of New York. The New York AFL. Trade Union Committee for Unemploy- Insurance and Relief called a erence of representatives of all | or organizations irrespective of | political affiliations, on January 22. | | conference organized the Pro. | visional Committee of the Workers’ | Conference for Labor Legislation | ich has sent out the call for a wide conference on labor tion to be held in Albany to labor organizations to send delegates and participate in this | conference. | BACKED BY RANK AND FILE Bill which calls for $10 a week for each unemployed and $3 a week for each dependent. The Bill calls for unemployment insurance to be paid from the first day of unemploy- ment, without discrimination, to all workers, American and foreign- born, young and old, white and Negro, male and female. The Workers’ Unemployment Insurance | Bill is supported by hundreds of thousands of unorganized workers besides the 1,000 local unions af- filiated to the American Federation | of Labor and the Railroad Brother- hoods. The Bill will be brought forward at the Albany conference against the bills introduced by | State Senators Byrne and Mastick. | The AFL. leadership, which op- posed unemployment insurance and which was forced recently to change its stand because of the mass pressure, has come out in favor of “some kind of unemploy- ment insurance.” The last conven- | tion of the A. F. of L. held in Cin- cinnati adopted unemployment in- surance in principle and left it in the hands of the vatious State Federations of Labor to work out and present it before their respec- tive legislatures. In line with this decision, the various state federa- tions of labor leaders, behind closed doors and with the aid of Demo- cratic and Republican senators, worked out bills to present before | the legislatures not in the interest | of labor but in the interest of the | employers. The New York AFL. Trade | Union Committee sponsors the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance | | di) se | | ENATOR BYRNE introduced a | | bill to go into effect on Oct. 1, | 1933; benefits shall amount to a maximum of $15 per week and scaled down to $5; maximum period of benefits to be 16 weeks in any 12 months; benefits to be paid one week in each four weeks; waiting period of three weeks; no provision for benefits for workers who are | partially employed and seasonal workers are excluded. The essence | of the bill is that it excludes all workers unemployed at the present. | time. It secures a certain benefit for the future for those who will | be employed in 1934 and in case they lose their jobs they might get $10 or $12 a month, which is far less than even the present charity paid out to the workers, The AFL Weekly News Service carries the following headline in the Saturday, Feb. 4, 1933 edition, “New York Labor Federation backs | Jobless Insurance. Supports Sen- ator Byrne’s plan—calls for com- pulsory assessment on all employ- According to this article, benefits would range as follows: $15 for an average weekly wage above $20; $12.50 for those whose weekly earnings were below $20, and $10 for those whose weekly earnings were $10 and $15; and $5 for those whose weekly earnings were $10 and less. This means that a worker will receive unemployment insurance benefits for 16 weeks amounting to $80 to $160 for a | year, Purther, they state that “Governor Lehman has recom- mended action on this bill at this session, but is said to be opposed to requiring contributions by em- ployers until economic conditions improve.” introduced HE bill by Senator Mastick is similar to Senator Byrne's bill. The only difference that one belongs to the Demo- cratic Party and the other to the | Republican Party, This is to satisfy | those Federation of Labor leaders who support the Republican Party. And these are the wonderful Schemes called unemployment in- surance by the A. F, of L., and which have the full blessings of the Socialist Party, * hp kt After this article was written, the Joint Legislative Committee for Unemployment Insurance, composed of Republicans, Demo- crats and representatives of the N. ¥. State Federation of Labor, as well as bosses, rejected the enactment of “any kind of anem- ployment insurance bills until the depression is over.” This is the result of two years’ “hard work” on the part of the Legislative Committee—Editorial Note, SOUTHERN JUSTICE Sen- tence of worker to living death for leading fight for bread— American Workers must save Hern- don and other Atlanta defendants | * om elutebes of visions ohalp gene, | “EXPLANATION OF BOSS PRE THE CAMPAIGN CIGAR BLOWS UP! ¥. (First Part) By MAX BEDACHT HEN Hitler was called to form a@ new German government the world seemed surprised. The social- democratic world and the world of big capital feigned surprise; with other parts of the world the sur- prise was more genuine. The social democrats had to feign surprise because they had promised that their support of Hindenburg would be an infallible guarantee against Hitler. When Hindenburg turned out to be a mere synonym for Hitler, ‘the social-democrats had to play innocent. Those who were genuinely sur- prised were only the really naive who readily accept even miserably painted “Potemkin villages” for realities. These naives cling to pre- conceived notions even when all facts proclaim loudly that there is “no such animal.” Some of these notions we hear in the discussions of the present German situation, especially in the following beliefs: 1. That Hindenburg is a “grand old man,” staunch, a solid rock, unmoved by the raving sea of con- fiicting political interests around him; 2. That “official” Germany is op- posed to fascism; and 3. That, therefore, Hitlerism would never get power except by achieving it through a parliamen- tary majority or through a march on Berlin. Capitalist correspondents are whining and squirming in an effort to get out from under the need of explaining events without injury | to the notions they have created and they are paid to maintain. Thus a recent New York Times report tries to explain how the “dmmovable rock of democracy,” Hindenburg, could no longer ac- quiesce in Bruening’s rule without @ parliamentary majority; that explains the dismissal of Bruening. ‘Then Hindenburg appointed Von Papen; but Von Papen had not only the majority but aiso the mi- nority of parliament against him. ‘Thus we get a picture of a Hinden- burg whose heart was breaking be- cause of Bruening’s extra-parlia- mentary government and who tried to heal his heartache by appoint- ing an anti-parliamentary govern- ment. Erklaeret mir, Graf Orindur, Diesen Zwiespalt de Natur. To explain this contradiction it is evidently necessary to sacrifice some notions. But the sacrifice of notions hurts the pure, innocent souls of the petty ‘bourgeois phil- istines; a correct explanation would also pierce some illusions which capitalism needs for its further existence. That is why social dem- ocracy tri to explain the contra- diction to the naive philistines with naive philistine arguments. ‘he Berlin “Vorwaerts” of January 28 declared that Hindenburg is still the saint he was when the social- ists selected him. But “dishonor- able elements want to mislead’ the venerable president, that honor- able man.” Simple. Hindenburg is still a saint; the social demo- crats, who canonized him, are still infallible. But imponderable forces are at work, they mislead the saint. That of course does not explain anything. It only re-states the problem; but the problem still requires explaining. 1 este is not the only incongruity of the present situation when viewed through the glasses of the beloved notions. Here is another one: ‘Today Hitler is chancellor and von Papen is his assistant. Only 2 few months ago, when Von Papen was chancellor, Hitler’s paper, “Angriff,” of September 6, wrote about the Von Papen gov- ernment, “We cleaned away the dirt (Bruening) ana then, dolled up, swaggering, slightly tipsy and as noble cavaliers, they (the Von Papen government) entered the good German home Is there anything more indecent than political legacy sneaking? pogible to imugios agything Patties despicable .. , .. ?” This “slightly tipsy, swaggering, indecent, des- picable political legacy sneaker” of yesterday, Von Papen, is the polit- ical bedfellow of Hitler today. On August 14 last year, Hitler's “Angriff” wrote about Dr. Hugen- berg’s party, “Our struggle must be carried uncompromisingly against this reactionary clique of megalo- maniacs and selfish sabotagers . . . They are at this moment even more dangerous than Marxism.” Today Hitler and Hugenberg sleep in one political bed. On December 2nd the “Angriff” wrote: “Against, Von Papen there is a united front of public opinion which actually bridges over all differences of parties, castes, and classes, and faces a diminutive clique of power-crazy politicians exploiting a catastrophe; the club of the nobles and the Hugenberg circle.” These quotations of uncompli- mentary expressions of opinion of one part of today’s government about the other part could be mul- tiplied indefinitely. But we will close with a typical Hitlerite quo- tation. A Nazi leaflet issued in October last year said of Von Papen: “Exploiters and noble cavaliers emphasize with elation that, at Letters from Our Readers PRAISES THE EDITORIAL, |“THE AFFAIR AT MIAMI”) New York, N. Y. Editor of Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: The editorial, “The Affair at | Miami,” which appeared in your issue of Friday, is an excellent piece of work. It refutes most ably the inane, stupid and vile mouth- ings regarding “Communist Ter- rorism.” “IS THIS BUILDING MASS PARTY IN U. New York City, N. Y. Editor of Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: I want to make the following ism and like to have it pub- lished in the Daily Worker in order to check up on the sources respon- sible for party information to sym- pathizers. mass meetings in the Bronx Coli- seum some time ago a so called information blank of the Commu- nist Party. Six weeks have passed and I have not received any answer whatever in regard to my request. sD | | I signed at one of the | I sincerely believe that this is ab- | solutely impermissable. It means that a sympathizer wo comes to one of our mass meetings and is earnestly interested in learning more about our party in order to | join it through this serious lack of responsibility of certain bodies in our party, is antagonized. Another one of the many cases of irresponsibility is the careless- ness with which application cards of new members are handled. A comrade who filled out his applica~ tion blank for membership in the Communist Party some three months ago, has never received any kind of answer to his request. What do the responsible functionaries of the Party do about this? Can it be that sympathizers who either want to have information about the party or want to join up are merely neglected and forgotten? ‘The same comrade who made the application collected $8.00 for the Daily Worker drive. ‘This proves that this comrade on his own in- iative has already been active for the movement although the party has not even found it necessary to activize him still more by making him a member of the C. P. ‘Tbe responsible functionaries of the Party must see to it that those things when not carried out prop- erly can be of great harm to the revolutionary movement. Comradely yours, | with Noske; EE ———————— ee Germany--the Interplay of Jast, a man of action is making politics in Germany; that there- fore the time is finally coming in | i which honest workers may again be treated like knaves pure and simple . .. ..” E SEE that we not only have | “venerable and honorable” Hin- | denburg misled by dishonorable | elements; we also have rascally | i | knaves like Von Papen and Hugen- berg united with honorable knights like Adolph Hitler. Sinners and saints, knaves and knights, a col- lection of seeming contradictions— yet really only a collection of po- litical road agents who united to hold up the German masses in order to save the position and the Profits of the capitalist masters of Germany. Scouting on the byways, ready to arrest if possible, sureiy ready to report and denounce any work- ers’ expedition which intends to put an end to the pests of high- waymen, is the social democratic party of Germany. That party proceeds from the same premise as do Hitler, Hugenberg and Hin- denberg: “We must be the doctors of capitalism.” These different doctors may differ in their diag- nosis;. they may squabble about the required remedies; but they all want to bring capitalism back to health and prosperity; since this is possible only with the use of con- siderable quantities of the life- blood of the working class of | Germany, they are all ready to Jet the German workers’ blood, | TRIBUTES FROM THEIR FRIENDS Social democracy has long rid itself of such influences of Marxism as may embarrass it in its func- tions as the doctor of caitalism. The leaders of German capitalism have repeatedly paid tribute to this fact. The “Koelnische Zeitung” of July 24, 1930, declared: “One hears much about the Marxism of social democracy, and one fears it; yet this Marxism has long been stifled in the process of the bourgeoisifi- cation of that party.” The “Deutsche Allgemeine Zei~ tung” of April 21, 1931, said: The gradual transformation of social democracy into the biggest bour- geois party is not denied by us but. rather acknowledged; this transfor- mation is worthy of every support.” When we hear Hitler today crying about the danger of the Marxism of social democracy we must not interpret that as a sign of fear which this Marxism inspires in the | bourgeoisie. We must see in it rather an effort of the bourgeoisie to help social democracy to play its role. It is a method of the capitalists to “sell” the social demo- cratic party to the dissatisfied German workers, OW let social democracy testify itself to its Marxism. Social democrat Sollmann,. who was re- ported in the New York Times a few days ago as appealing to -the Communist workers to make a united. front with the Socialist Party against the leaders of the Communist Party, declared nct so long ago that under the organized capitalism of today with its polit- ical democracy, jt is no longer true that “the workers have nothing to lose but their chains.” Now, ac- cording to Sollmann, the workers have something to lose beside their chains; therefore it is against their interests to overthrow the existing system. Social democratic logic is simple; since the workers now have something to.lose (whatever that may be) they must not overthrow but preserve the present order. For the sake of the democratic decora- tions which cover the walls of the capitalist system the workers should no longer aim at breaking down these walls of tneir social prison but should, instead, fight to pre- serve them. These theories are by no means confined to social democracy of | Nowodworski, | | then prevailing in Russia, was com- | SUBSCRIPTION By Mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $5.50; 3 months, $2; 1 month, wa excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign da: One year,’ $9; 6 months, $6; 3 months, $5. oc ESCAPE from the GALLOWS By FELIX Vit. ‘The bad showing of the “radical” Tepresentatives of the petty-bour- geoisie was also a foregome conclu- sion. When one class is fighting another class, which was the situa~ tion in Poland at that time, the petty-bourgeoisie must follow in the wake of one of these two classes, because it is unable to play an independent role itself and lead any other class into battle. Terri- fied by the “red bogey’—the in- exhaustible strength shown the Polish proletariat since the very beginning of the revolution of 1905 —the petty-bourgeoisie rushed to the side of the big bourgeoisie and by their votes supported the party representing capital—the National- Democratic Party. The National- Democrats were victorious all over Poland, and Warsaw elected Franz Nowodworski, who later became famous for his speech in the Duma on the subject of amnesty. All the prisons of Poland at that time were So overcrowded that no room was available even on the floor. Pan | stirred by the spirit | pelled to speak on behalf of the | Polish Kolo (a circle—a term applied to the national bloc of all Polish Parties in the Duma) to support the demand for amnesty, mentioning in his speech that on his way to the Taurida palace he saw & prison van filled with polit- ical prisoners. The remarkable thing about this was that he appeared to have | learned about the political mass arrests only when he reached the tsar's capital, only when the tsar's agents had™ become thoroughly frightened by the distinct rum- blings of social revolution. He had never heard of horrors of the Polish prisons when he was in Poland! But this was by no means acci- dental. 'HE difference between the classes of the working class was not a bit |“ to the liking of the Polish bour- geoisie. Nowodworski, speaking on the amnesty in the Duma, referred | only to his accidental encounter KOHN, never have noticed it, if the gate had not opened at that time to let out a cart filled with cucum- bers. The man sitting on the cart stopped ‘his horse, darted back through the gate, then’ appeared again at @ Marrow wicket gate nearby, which he carefully closed and locked. “Anna” caught my hand nervous- ly, almost spasmodically. “Look over there, that’s just whab we're after.” “You said it. I breathed hard with excitement. The man jumped on the cart, whipped up his horse, and the cart rolled away in the direction of the city. We slowly approached the fence. “Not far away either,” whispered “Anna,” as if somebody might over- hear her. She was trembling with excitement. Her words came in jerks, sputteringly, as if expelled by the force of her inward emotion. “And it is in the direction of the Citadel.” UT the fence was very high and solid, not a chink in it any- where. We examined every inch, but derived little satisfaction from our inspection. “If we could only squeeze through somehow,” said “Anna” excitedly. “The gate is locked on the inside. ‘There must be a latch somewhere. But how to get inside. It looks like a fortress,” she added, annoyed. But I was not listening. I spotted a tree close to the fence. Its branches reached over the other side. I pointed it out to “Anna.” The entrance into the fortress was found. “And what if there is a watch- dog inside? It will bark and then everything will be up.” But we would not let this stand in our way. “Who lives in this neighborhood?” “Anna” searched her memory. “Wait. Wait. Let me see. Oh, and the class struggle itself was | yes, ‘Stephan’ lives not far from , Much more pronounced in Poland here. Yes, let’s go over and see | than in Russia. An amnesty for | him.” the fighters for the emancipation WE FIND ‘STEPHAN” We went and, as luck would have it, found him at home. Our unexpected appearance at such an unusual hour startled him, with the prison van filled with po- liticals without mentioning events in Poland, and in this way stressed the point that he was only support- ing the demand of his Russian colleagues of the Duma, It was the Constitutional-Demo- crats in Russia who demanded the’ amnesty. However, the working class in both countries estimated the tsar’s | amnesty at what it was worth. | They knew that they could get nothing from the tsar, they knew that: “No savior from on high deliver, No trust have we in prince or peer, Our own right hand the chains must shiver Chains of hatred, greed and fear.” But the hour of the “last fight” had not yet struck. The foe still continued to mock and harass the | working class. The groans of the tortured and beaten were still heard behind the prison walls. While the election campaign was in progress, and the supervision of the elections and the measures for the “prevention and suppression of crime” lasted, the onslaughts of the police slackened somewhat. Even Skalon, the Governor-General, was so absorbed in seeing that the elec~~ tions were directed in the proper channél that he bad no time left for the examination of court cases or the ratification of sentences. Nor was he in any hurry, for he was convinced that his victims could not escape him. N thas suited us quite well, but it raised another danger. As soon as they were released from the spe- cial work connected with the elec- tions, the police attacked the working class with renewed vigor. At any moment, some of our men in the rescue squad might be arrested. It was therefore neces- sary to speed up things. The main point not yet decided was where to take the van with the escaped This was the ee nut to crack. Everybody agre that LORE ae ape ot town. So “Anna” and I went re- connoitring early one morning. It was a bright day. Not a cloud to mar the blue sky. A cooing couple taking an early walk in the sub- urbs was not calculated to arouse any suspicions. The city was just waking from its sleep. On our way, we met workers on their way to work ani peasant cars carrying all kinds of produce to the metropolis. As we approached the outlying sec- tions of the city, the houses grew | smaller and further between. Veg- Germany; they are the fundamen- tal theorjes of social democracy of the world. -Hillquit. shares them: Grvesinsky shares, etable gardens began to lend vari- ety to the landscape; patches of cabbage, carrote, beets. A “. .. Look over there, that’s just what we're after.” “What has happened?” “Nothing We've got & job tor you.” He started at us enquiringly. “Not far from you there's: @ truck garden or orchard, sur- rounded on all sides by quite a high fence. We must ‘nn out without fail whether there is a lock to the crossbar bolting the gate, or whether the bar is simply shoved into a bracket. He looked at us in wonderment. He had never heard of anyone being sent on such a mission. “What do you want to know that for?” “We'll tell you later. There is a tree you can climb to get in,” explained “Anna,” “but it must be done at once. Can you do it?” “You bet I can, but I haven't the faintest idea what it’s all about.” “There is no need for you to know,” laughingly interrupted “Anna.” “Take our word for it, It is very important.” “All right, I will tell you all you want to know,” he said, He stepped into the next room. “Yanek!” we heard him call in his deep bass voice, and three minutes later he was with us again. “There is no lock on the cross- bar,” he reported. “What about the watch-dog?” “Why didn’t you say that before? . ‘What have you got up your sleeve? Do you intend stealing T= ries?” He rose jestingly. “Yanek”” was consulted once more. “Some omniscient chuckled “Anna.” was “Stephan’s” vere “How do you know?” “My little son is always romping around there. will break his neck one of these days. He is after raspberries and gooseberries.” p RETURNED to business and tructed him to investigate sgupatany all the surroundings. _ “What for?” i POON ” and we initlated him into our plans. *You will have to be in the vege- table garden when our men repre throw open the gs and “Yanek,” at night. -thrown over the fence near -the tree. After letting all our men out, you will close the gate, climb the fence and remove the arms to your house.” “But how will you-manage to get out of the garden yourself?” “Anna” suddenly interrupted. “Why, if ‘Yanek’ can climb it, do -you suppose I can't?”. “And whet about the. Cossacks and soldiers in