The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 20, 1933, Page 4

ry = SUBSCRIPTION RATES: i Publish the Comprodally Pnblishing Co., tue., daily except Sunday, at 50 & Dail (oe) er By Mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 3 months, $2; 1 month, 164, Page bou: 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and Address and mail checks to the Daily Workes, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. Central ‘ Phang, USA Cahniia: Oils. zonz,.99;,6 months. $5; 8 menths, 69. THE BOSS’S BODY GUARD -By Burck More Witt m—mmmgummumensimm” |ESCAPE jrom te to the “Daily” — ee GATLOYW SI HREE more well-known Ame i By FELIX KOHN THE CHILD MURDERERS A WORKERS’ STARVING FAMILY AND “RELIEF” By MARTIN MORTARITY: ceemmemmmans w erer ok Sadie Fiametti died nine a. m. an writers have issued state lyn, N. ¥ a see doctos King’s County Hospital,” ments supoprting the Daily Wc e vi lock the door. Before he can man« had befor nd Fra . They are Waldo Ai Ende oe As soon | 28e to have the doors open and be nd his : y MAN} r t Frank, interna- 3 a bs rego ih Anna” | Teleased, x lot of time will elapse. yb BERS ene ae eo T + ms. “Whst's et Honey bee owE told me that everything was ar- | ure enough. But how will the t for the exclaimec vained oh Land Pal ie | ranged, and offered to take me | ‘policemen’ turn back into clvil~ en the Piamettis de foc nee | there to see whether the premises | iar The Lum Lu- | were satisfactory for our purpose. “That's easy. Everyone will wear IT acted on her suggestion and his civilian clothes under his po» thor of the olutionary nove T of the textile found that the flat left nothing | liceman’s uniform.” if : I : struggles in the to be desired. Thus, this very vex- | “So far so good; but ato wil ‘ie South, “To ing problem was also solved, “An- | you do with the revolvers? This | Make My na” was as happy as a child as she | may get us into trouble. 4 nee a Bread,” and went into detail to explain how | ed Si) Malcolm C 0 w- ley, poet, ¢ and one of the "Waldo Frank editors of the New Republic. EDESTRIANS were ofter, searched in the street, particus easy it would be to let the men out of the gate one by one with- out anybody being the wis larly at night. J the arms were “As you know, the janitor at found on any man his fate would), | the other gate and nobody uses | be sealed. To let the men fall into \ \ The second baby died We car pur, Said. The it,” the clerks tis were still just sublesome “case. week,” Mrs gas, no electric about rent lief ss ’ hares Appeals for the “Daily” have al- >» gate we're going to use.” the hands of the gendarmes, after at the Relief sta thre HE ed Coun ook up . ae oa the gate we're going . r r been issued by Theodore 3 rai . for a successful kidnapping, with twen~ a fit. } roug! asi- e s s ‘i ved for joy a success’ pi! Bah fae parti ics Mi Borough Presi- | preiser, John Dos Passos, Michael Bip Dosiblvely Jampetalee, J wi ded an eatened City lonor was ty loaded revolvers found on them would be preposterous. The way out Was prompted by the situation; Gold and Sherwood Anderson. | Grace Lumpkin writes: | “Dear Comrades: “I have put off writing because I hoped to have some money to send along with this letter. I still hope 1}to get the borhood | money to send. In fact, I am not only hoping, accept but intend to “Well, now let's check, one by one everything that mains to be } done.” She was again her calm and | oul Was prompted OY te en the Gees ae: Pa’ on these revolvers, it & “Everything is arranged for as a as though the only thing to + | far getting into the prison is | Go was to throw them into the | concerned, but their getting out | joarest ditch. j herrea en Ra But this was like Jack, settling the question without his master. “We have discussed this already “What abou it’ So they al of milk a day © travel we were Relief stati ; : IN thrashing out this question we here last y “How mu ve stumbled a bs Hay bem among ourselves,” said “Marcel,” ; f get it in some “They”—we 's spoke of th me he hoor inant sed. ie Re ee and a } i t the boys unanimously refuset Home Hi : ty lrea way. But-it will prisoners sentenced to death Bue nea Is to part with their guns. They were have to come will be turned over to ¢ 1 put them Sar pe they” men, and our men into the prison yan, So far so good. | «pry REASON * d ~ | But the coachman will be one of | WITH THEM” octal-Democracy's New Role | sees a 8 ay mene nen : | with him? As soon as he comes reply when coming from workers to notice that the convoy want's | who had been itching to get hold ¢ him to take a direction not lead- | Of ome weapons ever since Janu- | ing to the Citadel, his suspicions 9) “ONY Weaning at last succeeded | will be aroused; he may stop the | i) getting some, at the risk of horses at the first crossing where their lives. But it was perfectly a troop of soldiers may be sta- | clear to us that we could not let n of the German Social-Demo- | tioned, and everything will be UP. | these arguments prevail, and that By MAX BEDACHT of the Berlin workers in the May | ic Party that “we are not the Both our men and t rescued it would be absurd to pay for these i Ast demonstration in 1929; Severing | gra diggers but the doctors of prisoners will be lost for a certain~ weapons with the loss of life that HE social democratic party has | promised it when he assured Hin- | capitalism”; this same Tarnow | ty.” would follow when the arms were been crowded away den that the lets of his | wrote in a nphiet that “the . cover Howden BW ay steam oie Hie ee | Book of Haine Rods es ie ae 'T WAS already decided that every | ‘iscovered quite blunt and final about it.” ex) ns nartyrdom are was a | strong weapons. They are used —=——————< by the capital- Grace Lumpkan |ists in newspapers and Magazines, to bind stronger chains around the working class. We can- | | not allow the capitalists, the own- ase”. | ers of the means of production, to planned de- | ve all the weapons. The Daily setings, de- | Worker is a weapon. Its words | | All the Iv. of Berlin, he ordered the shooting tion and pictures bring before workers the means by which they can break the chains with which they are | | Home Re- eged the wom- “It was too late. The babies were bound. If we lose this newspaper, already being taken to the hospital.” is : e | flesh pots of the capitalist - | Prussian police had always been | i to reason with them.” i imes five dollars a week, but the a s st fronts. Ras eee 4 ing > cls iona a existing | revolver to be handed to the res- ave thei: But forget the | We must keep this weapon in our | 2¢S Not mean that capitalism has With the sharpening of the class | tionary product of all existing avail. . .. .. I appealed to their nana no more use for that party. It After writing this letter, Grace | Merely means that a new function Lumpkin di i ° has been 4 ned to it. This as- es ia ie a ee signment is determined rather by ® . * | the tradition and history of the struggle during the last few years | economic, literature”; (in other the Social-Democratic Party had | Words, the social democrat, Tarnow. increasingly subordinated its social- | Prefers Ford’s methods of exploit- ist phrases to its fascist actions. | ing the workers to Marx’s methods This in itself contributed to the | Of emancipating them; social demo- over—except essed four year. When we moved to this dress, 1864 Bath e cued-men, but for twenty men to sense of discipline, but even this offer, armed Cel rate wD hs did not help. They won't even entire city inundate: w ie listen'to me.” brutal soldiers of the Volynsky reg- | "“This was more trouble for us. iment, was courting certain death. How many more difficulties were Unemployed Council.” I won't,” Mrs. Fiametti said. e times. No- at Borough | Unemployed i Ehie ils isillusi 5 é | crat, Grzesinsky, former police | « bout doping the driver | sn store f 4 GRAS IALDO FRANK, wh al- | Party than by the councils of capi- | disillusionment of the masses. Such f . How abo F u S» | in store for us? — - people to W ante caueiatel ae Rie the | talism. disillusionment is not in the inter- | President of Berlin, declared a few | with specially prepared cigarettes?” | "Well, all right,” decided “Anna! Ree ahout milo’ Cased t need ae noe”) totlowtng dataments ee During the period of the work- | ests of the capitalists. The capi- | Weeks ago, on Jan. 25, “if socialism | 7 ventured. “We could get rid of | «tstead of risking all the men, we them. Ineedit. re i ae “I often find myself in dis- | &S' rebellion (1918-19) the social- | talists will use terror against dis- | cannot be gotten without sacri- | jim in the least possible commo- | will take a chance with one. The iia they aid. weidont ei pene agreement with what I read in | ‘“emocrats had to cover with “‘so- | illusioned workers; but at the same | fees T am Tatu abe dasha me ty rescued men must be taken out of milk—only food allowance, g i Naeem s ier the Dally Worker. I often heart- | cialist” phrases the counter-revolu- | fme they will ity to put the Lelecae apt for the capitalists, his | “And if he doesn't smoke? town. As soon as the exact place and electric s 1 : shen ily disapprove of iis tone or ils tionary course of the new German | Of She process. of disillusionment FEL apy | a et “Threaten hit s agreed on, one of the workers we don’t do : attittids ff the discussion of 1 site republic. The Social-Democratic cee 7 oe a dee i tin Mil dey te eee an “and if he refuses to be fright- | living in that outlying district must v & ) 7 . ; Hee : itic: ot defend itself without defend- s a API the Brook spec'fic matter. I often wish it: Party was then the only political | 0b 4 ee 4 | é hee Se a “ * aise pate us E asked them why my news columns had less editorial. | Patty in Germany that could goy- | &S. Bayonets and bullets do not | talism shows that he is not ata | ance was stopped since coloring, and its editorials a | TM for capitalism Re ee ete | Gama ee ee ee 4 f i | { hands to send them on their mur- | capitalism.) ferred. more fact N ae | Ss 2 gs have ci Pt . pest “Well they sai tie Wally Worker our grease? The hilegs ares paave caanged. derous ways. For the sake of hav The Trotzkys and the Lovestones | Saget 5 ‘ae ee | ee rine Misr + | ing enough such hands capitalism | surely must find some inner rela- Relief case now lutionary newspaper; it repre- | evaporating in the increasing heat more to do with you Supplied us by the pany for ribution to In any case, we couldn milk.’ “Why? I asked. “Because you owed the Borden Company a seventeen dollar milk bill.” ° 4 | + hapa Ten sie rages | Must always try to keep as great | tionship between their conceptions sents what must be the heart and | of the class struggles. Phrases | tnasses as possible under the spell | of a party of the proletariat and dynamo of American revolution. | alone can no longer dam the on- | of its illusions, ‘That is why cap- | the conceptions of the Tarno fellenas pear ecren Mt im x | Tushing flood of: 4 new wroletetian|: ims aun cantmaees Gemanned | the Gactmekis ond ite wenee ie ieren fundamentally correct in. | revolution. Brutal force isineeded: | ie distilasal of im Social-Memo- | athercie teen cod eee ao compote and political strat- force of such brutally undisguised eratic Party as a government party persistent in ‘demanding a united tholavel epee ee et ee ey ee feta anges Pe | —not as an act of punishment for | front with them, ‘The Communist 5 y Ameri- poe : “C | failure to perform, but as an act | Party has no such relationship; be- can whose devotion to the revo- phrases. Yet capitalism still needs kin, : i i z lutionary cause is more than a | the social-democratic phrase as the | OO uig ae ect oe Baer ee Wenieen Ee ee ee ip the Aimeel ia Peay es ene means 10) Datel aia Cas Se the Noskes, is the barricade of the “The American ‘Hectuals, ie growing workers’ rebellion, i ‘ : ¥ . " ay above all, have no right to stay Force and terrorism ate used to ‘HE Social-Democratic Party of | workers interests; across this barri- | HE twins were born June last year. The Home Relief sent a visiting nurse. I told her the mil hhad been stopped. She s would take it up with the St cent de Paul Society. But the of the soc: Was collec ‘They could: milk, they said. “I went with th Brooklyn Bureau. * there said she lowance or Home Relief. At that tir s getting ten dollars every two weeks. y d hell with every two weeks. “But to look afte and the other head office of t “Was that w brought them in “*You don’t have children in here lik ped out.” “But we got the r Fifteen dolla although we had to wait two mo before they got around to it. §° the Fiamettis fought with the Home Relief—such a trouble- some case! The nurse visited t family and was shocked when s Saw the babies were fed on gradc B milk. “why,’ she ce ‘will get sick if u B milk! The babies, the sevice said, n maltose, (a dollar y weéks,) and they ne boric acid salve, (fifty cents a s box), and they needed milk of magnesia; spe cial medicines; speci: ty-five cents a cake;) special to’ ls; special—it, was almost a Linc berg baby diet And it was all to come from $7.50 a week thot was to provide @ man, a wotnan and four childre twins were three mths old when a new investi; A jealous guardian of finances, he cuf the re every two weeks. In vain the Fia- ® mettis protested. “The city couldn't hy afford it.” © Ancgrily, the + Fiamettis said the babies ting sick nally Home Relief of ficials pari with the ‘dollar. The mew scale was to be $15 every two weeks. tor came already being taken to the hosp! 2 aah won't pull through,” the nurse said. “One child has a ™Mastoid in the ear, both are very weak, they are undernourished.” Frantic, Fiametti offered blood “We'll operate ne doctors said There was ¢ hospital next twenty-one J Cettts collect. Mrs. Fiametti bor- rowed the twenty-one cents, She stared at cold formality went to stop raised their . Fiametti said Unemployed Coun- hborhood if necessary to learn from me. y, “to parade your around the neighborhood?” these were now out nq fifty cents. The Home Relief prescriptions sent a doctor. yened door at the de- Tt was too laté.” ‘Tie babies were |* “Nervous officials peered th if-opened door at the dele- on the sidelines and comfortably criticize the Daily Worker. For its shortcomings, when they are not due simply t» lack of money and of space, are to a great de- gree the shortcomings of cultural and intellectual life in the United States.” SAY best wishes to the ‘Daily’ — an indispensable paper,” writes Malcolm Cowley.” Here's $1, for which please put me down Subscriber to the Saturday NOTICE TO “Q The Office Workers’ Union re- quests that “Q,” whose letter, carrying the headline, as published in Saturday's Daily Worker, get in touch with the | Union, Room 303, 799 Broadway, | New York. All communications | will be kept strictly conridezitial. Deiroit, Mich. Editor of Daily Worker, I am a regular reader of the Daily Worker. There is some very valuable information for the work ers in your paper. I know that the Communist Pariy is the only Party that has not betrayed the working Class the world over. This strike we are having in the city of Detroit is a real challenge. We must all join in a united front | in this fight. I do not belong to any political society whatsover. I am enclosing a leaflet issued by the Proletarian Party. Tt doesn’t read to me like this party, as charged by you, is trying to split the strike, I have heard speaker after speaker of the Proletarian Party, and not one has thrown | mud at the Communist Party, and I would like to know why you link them up with the I. W. W., Social- ist Party leaders and others as at~ tempting to hurt the cause of the Strikers. A. B. You state that you “know that “But everybody else gets’ clerk stammered. “No checks, cash reliet, and we want the Fiamettis relief for this week right now.” “We don’t consider any of your demands at all. We don’t promise a thing, not even if you bring every unemployed council in the city,” the clerks blustered. And next day they sent the Fiamettis fifteen dollars. “And sign this,” they said, showing a statement repudiating the Unemployed Councils. “We'll sign nothing,” the Fia- mettis said. “The government's done harm enough. They've mur- dered two children of mine, they'll murder no more--that’s why we're with the Unemployed Council,” Letters from Our Readers DETROIT STRIKES AND PROLETARIAN' PARTY the crush this rebellion or intimidate the rebels; Hitlerism supplies this force and terror. Social democ- racy, on the other hand, becomes his majesty’s, the capitalist gov- ernment’s, most loyal opposition. Its function is to gather all opposi- tion against capitalism under its leadership, and to keep this oppo- sition harmless for capitalism, 'HE Social-Democratic Party did not itself invite this new division functions. It stood ready to crush the workers’ rebellion with force “sans phras It certainly would have had no scruples against the serving of oceans of workers’ blood to tottering German capital- ism, as a strength-restoring medi- cine. Noske demonstrated that in | 1918-19, when he organized the | white guardist bands against the revolutionary workers; Zoergiebel proved it when, as police president the Communist Party is the only Party that has not betraye@ the working class.” Later on you say you “heard speaker after speaker of the Proletarian Party, and not one has thrown mud at the Com- munist Party.” We believe that your first statement indicates the answer and that is that the Prole- tarian Party has been openly fight- ing against any policy that leads to the organization of masses for struggle. Following the Hunger March at the Ford Plant last year the Proletarian Party issued a statement supporting Mayor Mur- phy, whose police were used against the marchers and attacking the Communist Party because it led the struggle of the masses for bread, During the whole course of the election campaign last year the speakers of the Proletarian Party continuously attacked the Com- munist Party and supported the Socialist candidate for President, During the course of the strikes, the Proletarian Party members have been continuously attempting to undermine the influence of the Auto Workers’ Union in order to prepare the ground for bring’ng in Frank Martel, leader of the De- troit Federation of Labor, who has worked overtime in his efforts to break the strike. The Proletarian Party has participated in the united front of all forces, starting with the stool-pigeons within the Strike Committee through the Socialist Party, S. L. P., 1. W. W., ete, in fighting against the Communist leadership in the strike. it is for this reason that the Daily Worker has fought aga'nst | the Proletarian Party and will con- tinue to fight against this group | which through use of, “Marxian” phrases attempts to discredit. the policy of mass struggle, —Fditorial Note Germany now has been assigned th> task of trying to keep the Ger- man workers under the influence of capitalist democratic illusions, while Hitlerism tears all the demo- cratic drapery from the ruling capitalist dictatorship. Social-democracy has adjusted it- self quickly to this new role. The | blood of the German workers it | has killed in defense of capitalism is still dripping from its hands. But it hopes to overcome that ob- stacle. That is why it now raises @ hue and cry against the Com- munists for calling the attention of the workers to this workers’ blood dripping from the fingers of social democracy. A few da S ago social democrat Kuenstler, on the occasion of a socialist demonstra- tion in the Lustgarten in Berlin, called for a “non-aggression” pact with the Communist Party. The hour calls for workers’ struggles against fascism; but the social democrats consider this a good time to complain against the Commu- nists’ insistence on pointing out to the workers the continued treach- ery of social democracy. SUPPORT FROM RENEGADES Renegades of Communism, Trot- zky, Lovestone and others, second the maneuver of German social democracy. They, too, come with proposals of united fronts between the Communist and the Social- Democratic Parties and accuse the Communist Party of splitting the workers because it insists on ad- dressing its call for a united front not to the Noskes, the Scheide- manns and the Wells, but to the masses of the social democratic workers. The first need for the Social- Democratic Party of Germany ‘at this hour is its rebabilitation in the eyes of those proletarian masses who have already lost confidence in it. The need for the proletarian revolution, on the other hand, is that those masses who still have confidence in the Soclal-Demo- cratic Party should quickly learn how misplaced that confidence is. The proposals of Trotzky and Lovestone serve the rehabilitation of the Social-Democratic Party. The united front proposals of the Communist Party of Germany, on the other hand, serve the speedy liquidation of the remaining mass base of social democracy. This is the most important task of the hour; and it is the precondition of the German revolution. That is why the struggle against social democracy is the most important duty of the moment, f FTER the social democratic lead- ers, out of their own mouths, have denied that theirs is a party for the defense of the proletarian interests, the Trotzkys and Love- stones try to re-create the illusion that it is. Social democrat Tarnow, secretary of. the national qwood- workers’ union of Germany, as a reporter for the Central Commit~ | tee, declared at.the last conyen- cade there can be no united front; there can be only war to destruc- | | tion. It must give the proponents of the united front with Noske, Wells and Severing a peculiar feeling to read how tifé German capitalists judge their intended brothers in | arms. “Der Deutsche,” a rabid nationalist journal in Berlin, wrote on July 22, last year, “One thing is | certainly sure: Mr. Severing has earned for himself the greatest praise for his continued and ob- stinate struggle against Commun- | ism. He surely is the deadly enemy of Communism.” Bruening, leader ot the Catholic Centrist Party, former chancellor of the empire, declared in a speech in Munich on July 20 last: “Was it really nece: sary to remove a man like Seve ing, who, like no other man, has fought for 14 years against Com- munism and for the authority of the (capitalist—M.B.) state.” ‘HE proponents for the united front with Noske and Seyering may plead that the times have changed and that the iron heel of Hitlerism has kicked the Noskes and Severings back into the ranks of the defenders of the workers’ in- terests. Such a contention would in itself be an effort to re-create the illusion of a Social-Democratic Party fighting for workers’ inter- ests; actions of social democratic “eaders after Hitler’s accession to the chancellorship supply ample proof for this contention. Social democrat Fleissner, police president ot the city of Leipzig, prohibited all Communist meetings, demon- strations and other gatherings, after Hitler's accession. He did not prohibit the Nazis from dem- onstrating and meeting. Social democrat Schoenfelder, police pres- ident of Hamburg, prohibited an intended Communist demonstration against the Hitler government on TPeb. 1. Only a few days before Hitler's formation of a government, a social democratic police presi- dent, our old acquaintance, Zoer- gibel, decreed the confiscation of The Communist Man'festo, by Marx and Engels. Trotzky and Lovestone desire a united front with the Fleissners and the Schoen- felders and Zoergibels, evidently for the purpose of helping to cover up the united front of these betray- ers of the working class with Ger- man capitalism and with its last defense, Hitlerism. Hitlerism is the last line of de- fense of German capitalism against the revolutionary workers. Social democracy plays the role of keep- ing the workers from effectively at- tacking this last defense. The ‘Trotzkys and Lovestones help them in this endeavor, But the Com- munist fire against social democ- racy will defeat this endeavor and thereby create the conditions under which the final struggle can be fought. Hitlerism can be defeated, and the proletarian revolution can be made victorious ~~... Where are you going to take them?” ened, knowing that he can find armed protection at every corner?” We sent for “Marcel,” our future sergeant, to help us out of this quandary. He was not at all perplexed by this question. “Nonsense. It's easy for twenty men to handle one chap without making any noise.” Neither “Anna” nor I were satis~ fied with his reply. “In this business nothing must be left to chance.” “Well, we'll attend to this ques- tion ourselves. You leave that to me. We will think of some way out. Ib is not so difficult after all to settle this. What worries me is something quite different; where are we going to take them?” “Out of town,” came the reply, almost in a chorus “‘Out of town,’ that’s easily said, but where? The place must be off the main highway, secluded, pret- erably with a fence about it. We can’t leave the van in an open field, just like that, and that hap- less driver will also have to be dumped somewhere out of the way, so that he won't be able to get away from there in a hurry.” OMBARCEL” was quite right, We failed to think of all that before. “Have you any stiggestions to offer?” I inquired of him. “No. Then we'll have to do some fast and hard thinking.” This new difficulty cast a cloud over our high spirits. Would the whole expedition have to be aban- dened because we overlooked this detail? But it was not yet too late. “We've got to find a. way out!” “Anna” explained, interrupting our oppressive silence. “Let's leave it till tomorrow morning. Maybe some one will get an inspiration during the night,” was the only thought I could con- tribute. True, it was impossible to decide such a question on the spur of the moment, so my suggestion was agreed to. “In the meantime let's discuss other important details,” said “Anna.” ‘Now the prison van arrives there,” pointing to a rough pencil sketch of the scene of oper- ation in front of her, “We'll push the driver into the van,” interrupted “Marcel,” “and take the twenty revolvers to his house, and then he will manage somehow to get them back to their owners. Now let's go to another point. Every rescued prisoner must be taken to a house where he cai shave, wash and change his clothes. Our railwaymen must be on hand at these rooms to take the fugitives to the next available train, to the frontier by passenger or freight train, and get them off as soon as possible. Before the gendarmes wake up and learn what has hap- pened, our men must be far away, preferably at the frontier. The | rooms have been selected already, the railwaymen have agreed to do their bit and the disguises for the boys are finished. I have even bought shaving sets.” “And the ‘policemen’ what will they do when their job is done?” “Some of them will have to stay in hiding for a while at least. We don’t know yet how much of the hue and cry the gendarmes will raise. There are sure to be searches and arrests galore. Only those to whom no suspicion is attached may remain, ‘The others must have quarters to hide in and they would do well to disappear from the scene until the worst blows over.” We spent a long time discussing every detail that day, ITTING THEM IN, Meanwhile the elections too place and the National-Democrats scored a big victory, as everybody expected. ‘The “Ugodowcy,” who repre sented the interests of the rich landowners and supported “their monarch” in every section of Pos Jand—the Russian tsar in the Pinacern ot Poland at that time, the Austrian emperor in Galicia, and the Prussian king in Prussia— as the “first noble in the land* supporting the interests of the agrarians, could find no support in industrial Poland, Their failure may largely be ascribed to their cynical manifestation of fidelity to the Romanoys, and to their active participation in the unveiling of the monument in Vilna to Cathe erine II, “Empress of All the Russias,” who had rivetted the chains of national slavery on Poe land ine (TO BE CONTIN.