The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 15, 1933, Page 4

\ 1 1 ' Se eee meee renee sage eee Page Four Published Asth St., Address New York City, N. ¥. by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc Telephone ALgonquin 1-7956. and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. dally except Sunday, at 50 &, Cable “DATWORK.” 3th St., New York, N. Ye Appeal for Uniry in Struggl An Open Letter to Woes of S.P., Allied Trade Union For United Support to Meeting in (The following appeal—an open letter addressed to the): workers of the Socialist Party and allied ‘trade unions and unemployed organizations — was thoroughly discussed and adopted by the delegates of more than sixty or- ganizations represented in the Provisional Committee which is arranging the New York Workers (Conference on Labor Legislation. It has been printed as a leafiet by that Committee, and is being widely distributed as part of the preparatory campaign to unite all workers behind the state-wide Conference to be held in Albany N. Y., on March 5, 6 and 7 IMRADES and Fell The need a solid, unity of ALL workers was never more ur than at the ¢ ent time. gh united struggle for our i workers defeat E capitalist our living standards. Political, religious or other differences mu keep us apart, and lea mercy of our enemies. vigorous, aggressive, fighting unity of the workers, is the need of the hour. CONDITIONS FOR ‘MASSES GROW WORSE In New York State 2,000,000 work- ers are totally unemployed. Of these from one-third to one-half The are completely without relief. others are existing on the most adequate and degrading cha: tions. Additional @f the “stagger” and “s work” plans, are employed part time with earnings reduced to the starvation level. Wages of workers still have been ruthless|, millions, as percent of their forme’ are daily taking mew wage cuts place. ‘Thousands of won through years of e be ing brushed aside y rul- ing class bent only on maintaining profits and dividends. : Every day brings new efforts by the Tammany hirelings of the Wall St. bankers to force the masses to bear the burdens of the crisis. Leh- ‘man’s proposal for a general sales tax is the latest move by which they hope to gouge millions from the poor for the benefit of the rich. Political reaction, expressed in growing terror, deportations, vote stealing, etc, and leading directly to fascist dictatorship, is rapidly wiping out all the so-called demo- cratic rights of the masses. These attacks will continue and grow worse unless y are stopped by a united and determined wor! ing class. P' footing and plead- ing are elentless mass victories for the toilers. The burning task of the moment, therefore, is to forge the fighting unity of the masses. UNITY CONFERENCE ON LABOR LEGISLATION MARCH 5 TO 7. Unity of all workers is the aim of our committee—the New York State Provisional Committee of the Workers’ Conference for Labor Legislation to be held at Albany, on March 5, 6 and 7. We have issued a ca workers, Negro and w unionists, Socialists, Communists and workers of all other 1 or religious beli to unite at the Albany Conference in an all-in- clusive, state-wide movement of the toilers to force the immediate granting of the following main de- matids: (together with such other demands as may be brought for- ward by workers’ organizations and adopted by the conference): 1. Increased Relief Appropriations: Immediate state and city appropri- ations sufficient to guarantee the payment of a minimum of $10 per week to each wnemploy rkers, Negro and white, plus a ddi- tional $3 for each dependent, pend- ing the adoption of a system unemployment in: tion of all b and delay at the relief bureaus. 2. No Evictions: Immediate bar- ring: of all evictions in the state, of unemployed who are exorbitant greedy > tion’ law to be repealed, Immed ate provision of shelter for homeless men and women 3. Unemployment Insurance; Im- mediate enactment of a system of unemployment insurance, provid- ing for each unemployed worker the average wage of his industry and locality for the full period of un- employment, the funds to be pro- vided by taxes on wealth and in- come and through direct levies upon the employers. 4. Abolition of Injunctions; Im- mediate repeal of all laws or sev- tions thereof which now permit the use of injunctions in labor disputes, or other repressive measures against strikers; the establishment of the workers’ right to strike and picket. 5. Poblic Works: State and city appropriations for a widespread public works program to provide jobs for the unemployed, this pro- gram to center chiefly around such projects as the wrecking of the slum: areas and the erection of workers’ hon at low rentals, the cons of school. ospitals, parks, ete. in working and Negro neighborhoods, and other un- jertakings. directly beneficial to be workers and their families 6..No Increased Vaxes on the Albany the Workers Conference on Labor Legislation March 5, 6, and 7th on articles wherever Tax” No taxes mption ly as 6 workers: mass co posed of under a “Manufacturers” aption workers’ homes exceeding 5,000 essed valuation, from all nionists—all work- vited to attend This pri nf the Workers’ Confer- ence on Labor Legislation—to op: March 5th. SOCIALIST L nething happened. The leaders of the Socialist Party, ignoring the urgent need for unity, decided to convene a separate con- ference of their own. This split- ting action was carried through six days after our preliminary confer- ence which was attended by regu- ected delegates from 65 or- ganizations having more than 200,- 000 members. a conference non-representative m which large sec- (particularly > Communists and revolutionary workers) are barred—a proposal for continuing and deepening the dis- unity of the workers. And a conference, not in Albany, ut in New York City. In Albany ere the workers from all over state can be brought together; m pressure can e legislature; an be laid ide, militant pable of effect- the workers’ A conference fr tions of the workers tl bu the there the maxim be exe: nd broad, state-' movement fighting ma: ively needs Finally, they propose, not a 3- day conference, where the workers can adequately discuss and form ulate their demands, but a confer- ence that meets one evening, from 8:30 P. M. to midnight! We can only conclude from these actions that the socialist leaders called this conference only in an effort te prevent the achievement of working class unity, and thereby hoped to destroy the Albany con- ference called to realize such unity in the struggle for Unemployment Relief. Their proposed conference is not for surance and fe- If this had been their aim they would have joined in the movement f workers—a h r con Their r one conference of all tate-wide conference Albany by ch 5 is only to carry purpose through their conference in an ef- fort to confuse the truly socialist workers in the Socialist Party and the truly socialist sympathizers who still do not realize that these lead- ers are opposed to any struggle for socialism. L DERS SABOTAGE UNITED STRUGGLE, Secialist Party Branches and numerous other organizations close to the cialist Party (8 Work- men’s Circle branches and numer- ous trade unions) are already rep- resented in our Provisional Com- mittee—the committee arranging the Workers’ Conference for Labor Legislation. ich as & But the “socialist” leaders are opposed to real unity in the fight for unemployment relief and in- surance as is shown by the follow- ing excerpt from a letter sent to all Socialist Party branches by Her- bert Merrill, state secretary of the Socialist Party: “This is to remind you that the Socialist Party has nothing to do with any of the united front movements promoted by the Communists, EITHER FOR FUR- THERANCE OF UNEMPLOY- MENT INSURANCE, THE ADOPTION OF THE 30-HOUR WEEK, OR ANYTHING ELS) ‘The Provisional Committee repre- senting over 200,000 workers, re- jects this effort to continue dis- unity among the masses. Our Com- mittee again proposes unity. We again propose one conference of all workers. SOCIALIST WORKERS FOR UNITY. We believe that the socialist workers and the workers of the A F, of L. want unity. We believe the unemployed workers want unity. ‘We know that only a united fighting front of all workers will enable us to beat back the attacks of the bosses and win the demands of the workers. ‘The urgent need for unity in the struggle for our immediate needs causes us to again strongly urge r proposals. We urge all work- © brush aside the splitting pro- I ls of those leaders who by pre- venting a solid fighting front of the masses, can only pave the way for further inroads on our living Standards. ‘We urge unity of the masses in spite of the efforts of these lead- ers to keep the workers divided. Support the Workers’ Conference on Labor Legislation! Send dele- gates to the Albany Conference on March 5, 6 and 7. Send resolutions to the Socialist Party leaders protesting against their splitting activities. _ Demand one conference of all workers re- gardless of their political or re- ligious views, to weld together the masses in one powerful movement capable of winning adequate relief and unemployment insurance, the shorter work-week without reduc- tion in pay and the other workers’ demands! Should your branch or union vote to sénd delegates to this con- ference called by the Socialist Party, introduce @ resolution in your branch or local union insisting that your delegates fight there against the policies of the socialist leaders for one conference, for the Albany Workers’ Conference on Labor Legislation! Even yet the unity of the work- ers can be established if the mas- ses of the workers—Socialist, Com- munist and trade union workers will raise their voices strongly against two conferences, and in- sist on one conference of all work- ers to map out labor's legislative program. United effort in broad and per- sistent struggles will enable us to win immediate relief, unemploy- ment insurance, and other de- mands! Socialist workers, trade union- ists, workers in the unemployed and . other organizations—throw aside the barriers to unity set up by your leaders! Into the united struggle for the yictory of the workers! Forward with the fight for the workers’ demands! New York State Provisional Com- mittee of the Workers’ Conference on Labor Legislation. “ Edward Gubernick, Chairman. Rob Robbins, Secretary. Address all communications to the Secretary, Room 336, 80 E. 11th St., New York City. By ALEX NORAL (Organizer of Seattle District, Com- munist Party) HE National Hunger March and the local on December 5 and 6 in Oregon and Washington in support of the Na- tional Hunger Marchers, and their own a nds, laid the basis r Marches in these two States, in Oregon on Jan. 8, and Washington on Jan. 16. These Hunger Marches were a militant answer to the capitalists’ program of forced labor for a miserable starvation ration, also an answer to those social fascist elements and petty labor politicians, such as Phil Pearl and Carl Srannin in Seattle, who have faithfully served the Chamber of Commerce in a desperate attempt to keep the un- employed subm te the bosses “self-help” ced labor) program. Local taking place practic at the county controlle against the pulling of food books because of refusal to accept the forced labor for the miserable hand-outs, de- monstrations demanding increased rations and fuel, clothing, etc. The city and county governments, in an attempt to relieve the big business men, manufacturers and large landholders of the burden of “cars ing” for the unemployed, trying to ever whole lighten their more trying weight of the c of the worker forced to work two da; e from 78 cents to one dollar's worth of supplies a week. A worker with dependants must work the same time for $2.50. worth of supnlics, ta to jon, ‘Ow are the is OF Single y The “Daily” in | | | the Northwest ‘These workers are often sent to work for private employers, espe- cially the homeless workers, who receive only the scanty and rot- ten food served out on the soup lines. ele fe HIS offensive against the work- ers’ standards, aside from light, water, and gas shut-offs and evic- tions, is already arousing new thousands of workers to struggle— the militancy of the workers was expressed at the King County Hun- ger March at Seattle on Dec. 5, when the workers took over the Commissioners’ Chamber, held an open forum and then-in a fighting spirit forced the Commissioners to promise their main demand (more food supplies). In connection with these and in- evitable sharper struggles in the immediate future, we must arouse the masses of unemployed, em- ployed and struggling impoverish- ed farmers to the necessity of link- ing up their struggles with their fellow workers throughout the country. The Daily Worker is the only channel through which mil- lions of workers in the United States can be guided tn their own struggles and learn the experiences of workers in other parts of the country. Now we are faced with the fact that the very existence of the Daily Worker is at stake. So far the Seattle district has done far from enough in the financial campaign. Let every Party member, every class-consclous worker, etery sym- pathizer in District 12 (Seattle) come to the aid of our “Daily” at, ance, | | , Unemployed Organizations) @UBSORIPTION BATES: By Mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 3 months, $2; 1 month, Be, excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, jew York City. Foreign and 3 months, $3. SMACK UP AGAINST A STONE WALL! The Weimar Constitution-and. Fascism in Germany Lit. By MAX BEDACHT ‘HE metamorphosis of Sociu. <- | mocrat Noske into fascist Hit- ler, of Social-Democrat Ebert into monarchist Hindenburg, at the helm of the German government, can be best traced along the road of development of the Weimar con- stitution. The Weimar constitu- tion was the price for which So- cial Democracy sold the German workers’ revolution to the capital- ists. It was the product of the Constitutional Assembly held in the city of Weimar. The Social De- mocrats were afraid of the work- ers of Berlin; that is why they as- sembled their constituent gather- ing in a provincial town. ‘The workers’ revolution of 1918 hhad demolished the old form of capitalist government in Germany. the monarchy. The revolution had it im its power to make this the end of capitalist rule itself. It could establish the workers’ rule. But the Social Democrats insisted that the problem was not who should rule, capitalists or workers, but how the capitalists should rule now, that the monarchy was gone. Epa Spigees tT conceal the real purpose of the intended document, the making of the Weimar constitu- tion was staged as a sort of give and take game between the work- | rs and the capitalists. The work- ers were to give the capitalists the right to continue exploiting them; they were to take, in return, “con- stitutional liberties.” The capital- ists, on their part, were to grant these constitutional liberties to the workers and take, in return, the Tight of continually exploiting the workers. ‘The contract of this give and take became the Weimar con- stitution; some paragraphs for the workers—some for the capitalists. The paragraphs for the capitalists turned out to be the economic, po- litical and socjal realities, the army, the police, the government—the prison of capitalism for the work- ers; the paragraphs for the work- ers, on the other hand, had no substance, and were merely wall decorations of the prison of cap- italism. The history of Germany since the Weimar Constituent Assembly is the story of the defense of its social reality, capitalism, and the scratching off of its wall decora- tions, the workers “rights.” The essence of the constitution, capit-~ alism, remained. But the wrappers | into which this essence was packed, the workers “rights,” were aban- doned, one by one; they were left fluttering into nothingness im the storm of reaction—worthless and meaningless scraps of paper. To- day only the substance of the con- stitution is left, substantially em- bodied in paragraphs 48 and 15 Paragraph 153 guarantees cupital- ists’ private property; paragraph 48 declares that if the capitalists can no longer rule with the constitu- tion, they can do so without and still remain within. T= Weimar constitution “guar- anteed” the workers an 8-hour day. This was one of the first wrappers abandoned. The Weimar constitution “guar- anteed” every German a job for a living, or @ living if there is no job. Mass unemployment and successive relief cutting emergency decrees have quite some time ago transformed this wrapper into scraps of paper which the history of Socjal Democratic treachery threw into the faces of the Ger- man workers, The Weimar constitution “guar- anteed” freedom of speech, of or- ganization, of assembly. This wrap- per was long ago stuck on the bayonets and sabers of the police under the command of Social De- mocratic ministers and police presi- dents. ‘The Weimar constitution “guar- anteed” to every German a decent Place to live; it “guaranteed” the protection of youth against exploit- ation; it “guaranteed” the protec- tom of motherhood. of the ymigte arian women; it “guaranteed” all these and many more things. But one by one, these wrappers drop- ped off, disappeared, leaving be- hind them, finally, only the essence of the constitution, the guarantee of capitalist private property and the right of the capitalists to pro- tect that “right” with unconstitu- tional means whenever constitu- tional means fail. Now, at this moment, the mean- ing of the compromise cimbodied in the Weimar constitution is dis- closed. But in 1918-19, it was no! so clear. The capitalists found themselves in such a tight place. Cornered by the ‘rebellion of the German workers, that they had to promise many things in return for their chance to maintain the right of exploiting the workers. These | promises looked big to the eyes of | the workers, infiuenced as they were by the social democratic de- magogy. Te role of social-democracy was not only that they put over the conditions under which capitalism could reestablish itself; they also undertook to reorganize the forces fo’ the defense of capitalism. Noske began it; Hoffman and Auer } seconded it in Bavaria; Severing | completed it. If there are doubts in the mind of anyone as to whe- ther this was the real intention of the social democrats, let them be elled by the testimony of these social democrats themselves. When Hindenburg and Papen re- moved Severing and Braun, the so- cial democratic heads of the Prus- slan government, accusing them of leniency toward rebellious workers, both Severing and Braun protested against the accusation. In a me- morandum to Hindenburg, they de- clared that “The Prussian govern- ment is in a position with police statistics on hand, to prove that Police interference (under their orders—M. B.) has caused more death on the left than on the right side, and that police measures have caused more wounded on the left than on the right side.” (“B.Z. am Mittag,” July 19, 1932). In other words: these social- democratic gentlemen, when ac- cused of not having killed enough Tebellious — workers, indignantly shouted, “That is not true; statis- ties prove that we have always di- rected our fire against these work- ers.” In the beginning o7 the cycle of the history of the German social- democratic betrayal, the essence of the Weimar constitution, the re- establishment of capitalist rule, was hidden uncer scores of wrap- pers of high sounding paragraphs. Qh account of these wrappers, the messes, in 1919, thought that with this: Weimar constitution they had Rotten something worth while Otherwise they would haye con- tinued their revolution, ‘Thus, with this constitution’ social democracy saved the day for capitalism. A serap of paper did it. And those who saw through the wrappers, who raised the cry of alarm, were robbed of th eir leaders; they were mowed down by Noske’s bullets. In 1933, however, when all the beau- tiful wrappers have disappeared and when the essence of the con- stitution stands naked before the eyes of the masses, the rule of capitalism faces again the revolu- tionary wrath of these masses, No social democratic treachery can save it this time; now capitalism pushes aside the soctai democrats and calls upon fascism for protec- tion. Now social democracy can “serve capitalism better in the guise of a pseudo opposition than it could as the government party. * | ikine bed the whole historic pe- riod when leaf for leaf dropped off the tree of the Weimar consii- tution, the social democrats fol- lowed and defended the theory of the lesser evil. “Never mind this leaf,” they cried each time a leat fell, “as long as you keep the tree, all.is well.” Now the logic of this — under which the defense of the constitution can mean nothing else than the defense of the right of the capitalists to exploit the work- ers. Because the revolutionary workers refuse this defense, they are indicted by the social demo- crats as enemies of “order.” The enemies of (capitalist) order have always been the worst evil in the eyes of the social democrats. The social democrats supported the Catholic Centrist Marx against the Conimunist Thaelmann. They sup- ported the Monarchist Hindenburg against the Communist Thael- mann; and they will support the fascist Hitler against the Com- munist Thaelmann. Social demo- crat Grabbert expressed this in words that cannot be misunder- stood or misinterpreted. In a cam- paign speech in Harburg, he de- clared: “In this campaign not the Na- zis but the Communists are our most dangerous opponents. It is possible that the Nazis become the legal instrument of state power. When. in such a case, the Communists should try to play tricks, (?—M. B.) then it may come to pass that we (the social democrats—M. B.) will fight in the front of law and order, to- gether with the Nazis 2nd with the police, against the Commun- ists.” No mistake about the meaning of that, is there? The period from 1918 to 1933 was the period of further development of the forces that opposed each other in the German revolution of 1919; the capitalist class and the revolutionary working’ class. The tendencies of this development were determined by the conditions which the treachery of social de- mocracy created in 1918-19. In 1919 a virtually victorious work- ing class faced a defeated capital- ist class. Then the victors were persuaded not to crush the defeat- ed enemy but to come to an agree~ ment with it. The essence of the agreement engineered by the social democrats was that the workers give back capitalism to the capit- alists, and that the capitalists give to the workers in turn, constitu- tional liberties. The workers took the ‘constitution, the capitalists took power. The workers got worthless paper, the capitalists got the substance. The capitalist used their substance to reorganize their power. In the degree in which this reorganization proceeded, they liquidated the paper concessions they had given to the workers. They liquidated the constitution. In the process of this liquidation, greater and greater masses learned to recognize the real character of the Weimar bargain. They became revolutionists. Thus the force that the Weimar constitution was sup-~ posed to have liquidated, the re- volutionary proletariat, was re- created, better educated, and or- ganized, and, therefore, higher in quality, and more powerful in its force. This development is a his- toric illustration of Karl Marx’s characterization of the proletarian revolution: “Proletarian revolutions are ever self-criti¢al, ‘tes again and again stop short in their progress; retrace their steps in order to make a fresh start; are Pitiless!y scornful of the holf measures, the weaknesses, the futility of their preliminary es- Says. It seems as if they had oyerthrown their adversaries only.. in order that these might draw renewed strength from contact with the earth and return to the battle like giants refreshed. Again and again, they shrink back, ap- palled before the vague immen- sity of their own aim. But, at long last, a situation is reached when the retreat is impossible.” Even the treachery of social de- mocracy could, in the long run, only lead to a proletarian seif- criticism of the revolution of 1918, to a retracing of its steps and to a new start. ‘The time for this new start in Germany is rapidly, eonming neatcy 4 It. The experience acquired in Si- beria served in good stead in or- ganizing in 1906 the scape of ten prisoners who had been condemred to death. It was the time when the “rapid-firing” courts—so-called be- cause of the summary fashion in which they handed down death sentences—were working full blast, to which the Polish Social-Nation- alists retaliated by individual ter- rorist acts. The individualistic te ror had to be opposed by increased mass action; the crying need of prove that only by mass action and well-disciplined party organization is it possible to realize our aims without placing any hopes on the heroism of individuals, who try to act in place of the masses, instead of through the medium of the masses. 'UPPORTED by the Party masses, We succeeded in accomplishing what we set out to do. The tailors’ organization made the uniforms, the tinsmiths’ organization cut the metal badges for the caps, the military organization trained and Grilled those who were to imper- sonate the police officers, our rail- waymen arranged for the passage of the escaped prisoners, the dis- trict organizations prepared secret lodgings, etc. The “kidnapping” was the feat of the united forces of the entire organization. It was a minor episode in itself, but its importance lies in the fact, that it was accomplished not by soli- tary “heroic fighters,” but by our entire organization, a strong, com- plete chain, every link in which performed the task allotted to it on time and in strict accordance with its instructions. S SOON as the elections for the First Duma were announced, the Polish bourgeoisie rejoiced at the opportunity of being able to fight independently for its class interests. Its “patriotism” vanished ESCAPE from the GALLOWS By FELIX KOHN into ; Seven traitors guard. ...” . =. @ HE National-Democrats who had long ago cast their nationalist ambitions to the winds, and who for some time had been dreaming only of restricted autonomy as an appendix to a niggardly tsarist con- stitution, again showed signs of life. The Progressive Democrats, headed by Alexander Swiento- chowski, now stuck in the mire of national-democracy, also pushed to the fore. These Polish constitu- tional-democrats hoped to sneak into the Duma under the banner of the Russians, who were preparing to enter the portals of the Taurida Palace to the stately strains of a triumphal march. None of these gentlemen felt ill at ease about the firing squads in death sentences with machine-like precision and speed, excelling any- thing like it in the pre-constitution days. The daily strangling to death of the best sons o. the working class lett these ca’.ous bourgeoisie cold, now that tv cy thought their chance had come. Nay, more, They were not content with the bloody orgy. They organized their own militia who, side by side with the tsarist troops, attacked the rev~ olutionary workers, In the Citadel (the Alexander Fortress erected after the 1832 in- surrection), in a remote part of the town on the bank of the Vistula, the gallows were creaking with the numerous bodies of workers. In the factories and in the streets where the workers lived, the paving stones were drenched with the blood of workers who had been suspiciously murdered by assassins instigated by the bourgeoisie. Sim ee Bo the election campaign went on as if nothing out of the way was happening. Meetings were held, public and private; orators deliv- ered fiery speeches, appealing to their listeners to support them and their parties in the name of the “... The paving stones were drenched with the blood of workers whe had been suspiciously gecisic.” murdered by assassins instigated by the bour= thin air. Everything was forgot- ten: the insurrection drowned in blood by the Russian tsars; the gallows on which the heroes of these insurrections met their doom; the tortures of the convicts; the derision and treachery—all was cast into oblivion. . .. . The tsar had “granted” a con- stitution .... . What did it matter to the bour- geoisie that the constitution had not been granted at all, but that, as a matter of fact, the autocracy had been forced to concede it by the onslaught of the proletariat? Karl Marx said long ago that the bourgeoisie of all countries, when it suited its interests, was quite willing to let the proletariat spill its blood, in order to secure free- dom for the bourgeoisie. The tsar identified nimselt with the interests of the Polish bour- geoisie to the extent that he failed to grant the Polish workers the right to elect delegates in their workers’ curia. (The electoral sys- tem introduced by the constitution was the indirect three class system, each class or curia elected dele-~ gates to an electoral college and the college elected the member of the Duma. In Poland, however, and in some other localities no workers’ electoral colleges were provided for and the workers were thus left practically disfranchised.) The bourgeoisie thus had no reason to apprehend any competition on the of the workers and peasants, particularly as the tsar’s secret police and the every-ready firing squads greatly increased. their ac- tivity. The “Ugodowcy” (a political term applied to those groups of the Polish bourgeoisie who abandoned the nationalist demands and were seeking a compromise with the autocracy) came to life again and rushed into the election fight. They were the landlord and capitalist magnates, who for years had stood by the Romanovs and were quite willing to go on doing so indefi- nitely. They were the worthy suc- cessors of the Polish generals who in 1831 gave their lives for their monarch, The grateful Romanoys erected a monument in Warsaw in their memory for the edification of posterity, but in Warsaw the people composed an epitaph for this mon- ument which—to repeat the two- line doggerel—ran something like this: fatherland. The socialist parties bo; the Duma, but did not boycott the election campaign. Their policy was to make use of the election campaign to develop the class consciousness and the or- ganizations of the masses. Socialist orators . therefore ap- peared at all meetings, and the party committee was worked to death in the endeavor to see that a socialist speaker attended every meeting. ana, Sat 2 I HAPPENED to be on duty in the committee. The comrades dropped in in rapid succession, reported on the various meetings. brought notes from ihe district representatives, took literature with them. received instructions where ana how to get speakers, and left again to make room for the next comrade. This procession went on in an endless string. Tt was a busy time. Now Comrade “Julia” one of our staunch party members, walked in. “What do you want?” Rik wants you to visit him in jail. I thought [ did not hear right, so T repeated: “What?” ““v" is asking for you, he is in n.” prison. (TO BE CONTINUED) nets neal lows”, pat out Workers Library qi i e for Unemployment Insurance and Relief _ aces