The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 10, 1933, Page 4

f b Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Ine New York City, N. ¥ Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 1sth &., Page Four isth § Anily execpt Sundsy, ot & Telephone ALgonquin: 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK.” ‘York, N. ¥. (The following is the third in stallment of an analysis of the driving forces behind the present events in Germany. It is taken from No. 20 of the “Communist International.” tempting to assuage the in sion of their by inc that these re defex election by them. ¢ the chairm: the Prussian Landtag, the ni socialist Kerl deliber phasized that the opponents of the national-socialists expected to lose at least 100 mandates. No less than Hitler himself announced, the day before the poll, to t chief of the national-so Dietrich, that “on Noverr the National-Socialists the biggest victory ever the history of the National ist movement,” and it was no than Hitler demanded from Preside burg, on governme ferred to and promised by “national ¢ lerites got demagogic “ uppor of the Berlin transpo Two million elec 5 proportion them w serted the nks of Nai Cialism. For the first time in the course of several years, jonal- Socialism was on the defensive in the parliamentary elections. The slowing down of the growth of the National-Socialists, which had made itself evident at the elections, | now tumed into a big defeat in the industrial districts, and, what is of the greatest importance, ny those towns and provinces where the National-Socialists had heen in power. tT masses are learning by their own experience. In Chemnitz | the National-Socialists lost 62,000 | votes, in Duesseldorf East, 75,000; in Westphalia, 74,000; in Dresden, ‘78,000, In Coburg, where the Na- tional-Socialists ruled the munic- ipal council, and promised the un- | employed to create a “model com- munity,” they lost 33 per cent of their votes. They lost t of in Braunschweig, in Thuringia, in Anhalt ar in Bremen, where the election campaigns had so recently put them in power. Finally, their defeat is characteristic in the agri- cultural districts, especially in Eastern Prussia. This proves on the one hand the beginning of 2 | Successful breach in the petty-bour~ geois mass basis of fascism by the Communist Party, and, on the other hand, it shows that a con- siderable mass of the petty-bourge- cisie, and especially the officials who had been waiting for Hitler's accession to power, to strengthen their official positions, have gone back to the capitalist parties which form the present government SOCIAL-DEMOCRATS ARE FASCIST LACKEYS But, however great the defeat of national-socialism. may have been, it would be criminally frivolous to talk of the smashing up of the mass movement of fasc The Social-democrats, in their effort, to more easily conceal their dismay at the result of the elections, now shouting loudest of all ab the “Marne o nan fascism about the hilation of Hitler and # To con ir of the the yon ment, the role of the which leads the ma 8es of the German proletariat be- neath the axe of the fascist dic- tatorship, they are now trying to sow the illusion among the German workers that “the ballot-box has defeated German fascism.” “O thing is now clear,” exultantly ¢ elaims the organ of Otto Bauer. “Germany will not be fascist!’ Of course Germany will not be fascist. The guarantee of this is the victory of the Communists, from anti-fascist mass defense to the struggle of the Berlin trans- port workers; the guarantee of this is the hundreds of thousands of German workers who are striking under the leadership of the C. P. | G., the new hundreds of thousands of workers’ votes cast for Comm nism, and the steady growth ¢ Communism, which has found ex- pression since the elections to the Reichstag already, in the loca} elec- tions of the various countries of the German Republic. The Communist | Party of Germany will still more | increase the mobilization the Masses against all forms of the fa: tist dictatorship in Ge all, against the exis’ tatorship of the von ernment, which the erats are alrezdy supporting and, in order to strengthen which, the gentlemen of the type of Bauer are howling about the final defeat of Hitler and the disappearance of the danger of fascist dictatorship in Germany. Such is the second lesson of the Reichstag eiections on November 6th. above many Aa ye \ ae third iesson is the role of so- efal democracy. ‘The social- democratic leaders, who have the fortunate possibility of expending the membership dues of millions of workers organized in the reform~ ist trade unions without their con- trol, have developed an intense agitational campaign. The exten- | sive “left” maneuvers of German social-democracy were to have served as the backbone of this agi- tation, Wells and Loebe are yearn ing for “socialism” and “socialize - tion”. Various theoreticians of German social-democracy have now to prove that socialism was impossible for Germany at the time when Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Background of the Struggle Against Fascism in Germany | Clair, at 8 p. m. he worki learning by to judge since lost a further 700,000 votes, and only registered a trifling growth in Upper Silesia, Coblenz (Trier) and 2 few tow xony. In all the chief indu , the social- tional-Soci- In Ham- of German it had vious elec- the electoral z-Zwickau, the d out id this fact that centre of “left” which lost rela- npaign (and Saxony even n in Germany as a also in spite of the fact forces of social- yeracy this cai cts of And the biggest q sy were mobilized here, in- cluding Wells and Severing. OCIAL-DEMOCRACY i: iso try- to mitigate the impression defeat by awkward reasoning that “expecte these results. The social-democratic press speaks ot “some reduction” in the social- democratic vote. But then it de- claims with still greater energy of ing of its the “victory of the proletarian Marxist front,” of the succe: of the “working class as a whole”. The social-democratic leaders are mak- ing desperate efforts to consolidate their influence over the working masses, who are slipping away from them by developing clap-trap about the “united front’. By the united front they understand a bloc of leaders, the abancyament of the gie for Communism by the ation of capi- lag of “saving Republic ‘The Communists tand, say Bauer and Wells, that they have now a tre- mendous responsibility, and that “it is not the Soviet dictatorship which stands on the order of the day, but the struggle for the Republic’, This new attempt at the bare-faced spoofing of the working masses, this juggling trickery with the slo- gan of the united front, which, if carried out by the social-fascists, would mean the direct establish- ment of peace with the bourgeoisie, is also a result of the defeat of the National-Socialists, and the strengthening of the role of social- democracy as the main social bul- wark of the bourgeoisie in connec- tion with this.. (To Be Continued.) the must unde: THE MILWAUKEE, WI1S., SALVATION ARMY AND THE HUNGRY JOBLESS | Milwaukee, ot Daily Worker, Wis. Comrade Salvation Army is always all the good they are doing for humanity, so I feel that it is my duty to let the public know just how much good they really are to the poor and down- trodden class of this country. The other day I happened to be in one of their stores where they sell their old second hand junk to the wor for the same price of new and I also did see them up an old man whom they accused of trying to steal a enders, but these star- 's did not see me old man “who suspenders, but hand for a short was still looking of their rags, And their attention to . e making they ct me up and told T had no right to but in. Comradely boasting about also ¥ hing thi did not steal thes held ther time while through the rest when I did call URE ON U.S.S.R. ND, 0. Union. and ‘The in campaign recognition of the the for Soviet defense Soviet Union, is bringing Maurice prominent Detroit attorney to Cleveland Saturday, Feb. 11, to lecture on the subject: “An Amer- ican Looks at Soviet Russia.” ‘The | meeting will be held in the Engin- eers Auditorium, Ontario and St. Stweart Grow, of Fenn College, will be in the chair. ‘TODAY IT IS A DIFFEREN "SHE workers are on the move in i the Southland. True, they have always moved. But conditions are changing. In times gone by, worker and family came from the back country down to the mill village, stayed awhile and away to the next town, Never satisfaction with boss man and _ working conditions. ‘Lookit that thar coat on the wall; see how them arms beckon.” “Come on pardner, le’s be goin.” So it went, Strikes by ones and twos, Seeking the bread they couldn't find—by individual action. So it was with the Negro worker, sharecropper on the land, chained fast as before, this time by debt, to his master, former gleve-holder, Friends ot Campaign for the Recognition of Soviet Union NATION-wide campaign for the ition of the Soviet Gov- United States Gov by the in the t Russia the announced the Soviet, Unic e of Sov! off the The for the organization of a Committee in each city d States. A conference Today. plan cali: press organizations whose sympathies can be enlisted in the campaign, will be called by each local committee. Locals of the A. F. of L. and the Socialist Party, branches of the In- ternational Workers Order, the In- ternational Labor Defense, the Trade Union Unity League, and other mass labor organizations are urged to elect delegates to this con- ference which will be held on or about March 12 in each city. These conferences will start the collection of signatures to a peti- tion for “the establishment of full and unconditional diplomatic and trade relations between Soviet Rus- | sia and the United States.” The minimum, goal set is one million | signatures by May 1. | EFORE the collection of signa- | tures begins the F. S. U. with the cooperation of other mass or- ganizations will distribute 500,000 leaflets, concentrating on distribu- tion at factory gates. A sixteen- page pamphlet entitled “The So- viet Union Must Be Recogn’zed,” will be sold. This leaflet and pam- phiet sets forth the arguments for recognition, support and defense of the Soviet Union, not from the viewpoint of capitalists, business | men and politicians, but from the viewpoint of those who are really | friends of the first Workers’ Re- public, because the Soviet workers and peasants are biilding a new so- cial order, have abolished unem- ployment, racial discrimination and economic insecurity, have raised wages and shortened hours, and have succeeded in fulfilling the first Five-Year Plan despite tremendous | difficulties. | The F. S. U. appeals to all friends | and sympathizers to aid in this | campaign which should result in strengthening organized opposition to war and in mobilizing American workers for the defense of the first Workers’ Republic against its en- emies and in popularizing the nelievemcnts of Socialist construc- tion. Workers’ organizations should | pass resolutions favoring recogni- | tion on this basis. The F. 8. U. has printed a form of resolution to be used as a model, Mae re pes the campaign Scott Nearing, Ella Winter, Maurice Sugar, Norman Tallentire, Bonchi Friedman, Cyril Lambkin and oth- ers will be sent on tour to speak at mass meetings throughout the na- tion. “In this campaign as in all of our campaigns the building of our organization is one of the most im- portant features,” Cyril Lambkin, National Secretary of the F. S. U., stated today. “Therefore we can- | not consider the whole campaign a | success unless in the course of it | | we have taken in at least 10,000 mew members and have increased the circulation of our magazine So- viet Russia Today to 50,000 copies | per month.” | Other articles in the February is- | sue of Soviet Russia Today are: | Soviet Trade Unions, by Pauline Rogers; Shakespeare in Moscow, | by Ernest J. Simmons; a short | story by R. Ilenkov called Old | Naumich Keeps Up the Fight; an | article The Soviet Union Faces the | Future; American vs. Japanese Im- perialism, by Liston M. Oak; and statements by Waldo Frank, Sher- wood Anderson, John Calder and Curtis Bok, “Hitting at the Enemy” Russell, Ky. Dear Comrades: The item appearing in the Daily Worker on December 23, 1932 re- lative to John Steed, the local stool- pigeon policeman, has been given 4S much publicity as was possible, and has been of considerable help | in waking up the local workers. i ‘The treacherous affair had nearly | been forgotten, At the present writing the workers are pointing Steed out as a stool-pigeon and he is hoping about like a tom cat on a hot stove Yours truly 3.0, ee er One more good reason for sup- porting the drive of the Daily Worker for $35,000! Rush your con- tribution at once to the Daily Worker, 35 East 12 Street, New York. Or he was a laborer in town limited to the hardest, dirtiest sort of work. Toil was harder because the bosses’ jim-crow system hindered unity of the ‘black worker with white worker in the struggle for bread. 2 8 «@ DAY it’s a different story. Age- old oppression is still there, but workers are learning where the shoe pinches. One landlord and one mill town is the same as another, say the Negro sharecropper and the white mill worker. And ‘Red Cross flour is the symbol of ties that close the ranks of the employed with the unemployed, Negro and ‘ ome bd as “pHs HOUSE on RENT STRIKE { f Steman Experiences in Struggle Against Provocation in Pittsburgh Dist. By P. FRANKFELD E recent exposure and expul- sion of two individuals from the ranks of the Party in the Pitts- burgh district, Frank Note as a spy and traitor, and Walter Smorak as a self-confessed friend and protec- tor of spies, must bring very sharply to the attention of the entire Party the necessity for the greatest vigi- lance ang alertness to this problem, and an understanding of how to | systematically struggle provocation in our ranks, The case of Frank Note, formerly a member of the District Commit- tee and at one time of the District Buro of Pittsburgh, of the National Board of the National Miners’ Union, is surely a noteworthy case to be studied. Some valuable les- sons can be learned concerning a particularly vicious and dangerous type of clever rat and his methods of organizing disruption and disor- ganization in the Party and the Union. The Pittsburgh district has al- ways faced the problem of stool- pigeons in an acute form. The against | reasons are obvious. It is the heart | of industrial America, the manu- facturer of steel, the producer of | coal and one of the main arteries of the railroad system of this coun- try. Pittsburgh district is one of the main foundation pillars of American capitalism. The Mellon interests, the U. S. Steel Corpora- tion, fully realize the decisive im- portance of such a strategical in- dustrial center as Pittsburgh, Pen eae | DAY the present crisis with its the employers on to greater use of the despicable stool-pigeon and provocateur who spreads disruption and disorganization in the ranks of the working class. ‘To be sure the methods of Frank Note are not to be regarded as the methods always used by spies. These methods are dependent upon the purpose for which a given spy is sent into working-class ranks. There is a great variety of types, ranging from the simplest informer whose tasks is to get names, in- formation, addresses, places of meetings, habitual gathering places for militant workers, ete. to the most “ultra-left” revolutionist who proposes “bumping-off the capital- ists,” or calling for armed struggle on all occasions, Note was the kind of spy whose task it was to win standing in the working-class movement and use his position for disorganizing the fighting ranks of the workers, He was chosen to work in Washing- ton County, Pennsylvania, one of the most militant sections during the heroic miners’ strike of 1931. When the Party faced great diffi- culties, Note was never concerned about overcoming these, He would accept tasks assigned to him, but seldom carried them out, He was ulso a bearer of white chauvinist poison in our ranks, He | tried to hinder the drawing of Negro workers into the fighting ranks of the working class and tried to appeal to the most back- ward sentiments of white workers to enable him to carry through this disruptive work. He was also an _anti-Semite. One of the most despicable acts white. Mass struggle for relief in- stead of yesterday's individual ac- tion forges the links between them. For wages are so small in the South that government flour must be added if the worker is to have a biscuit or two with his “pig’s grease and hominy grits.” With the forward line of work- ers goes the Daily Worker. It is no accident that the hard-pressed workers of the Rockingham mills, members of the American Federa- tion of Labor, appealed through the columns of the “Daily” for help and leadership. If is just be- cause these workers, betrayed by the American Federation of Labor ising class struggles has spurred | ot Note was when he and his co- stools framed up honest proletarian fighters on charges of being stools. This is a frequently used weanon and requires the utmost vigilance to detect because of its very naiure. Note also had connections with bootleggers, racketeers—whose very existence depends upon their con- nections with the police- egal ne SPECIALLY important is the fact | that a worker demanded an in- vestigation of Note more than two years ago. were persistent suspicions regard- ing Note. Undoubtedly many knew sufficient facts that, if followed up, would have exposed this spy earl- jer. But this struggle against provocation was considered too narrowly—as a task of some special committee—with the result that the masses did not take part in this struggle. The District Com- mittee of the Party is taking steps to remedy this and to draw the masses into the fight against provocation. An energetic exposure of the work of Note and Smorak is being carried out. The committee has also quickly reacted to the attempt of stools to frame workers in East Ohio—Bohus and Seivert—on the | charge that they “worked with the Democratic Party” and other “y nispering campaigns.” ‘The case of Smorak, who permit- ted spies to enter his house, knew them as spies, never reported them to the Party—exposes him as a very shady character who is a menace to any workers’ organization. E must realize that we have not been sufficiently active against | provocation. We do not react quickly enough. One of the reas- ons is because this work is regarded as something “special,” something | that the masses cannot understand. | Such illusions must be overcome. ‘They can be conquered only by ex- | Plaining to and educating the masses to an understanding of the purposes, methods and varied ac- tivities of spies. « One result of this weakness, which produces a lack of firmness, is the tendency of workers to develop “spy-mania.” This is due to the fact that only occasionally do we become alert to this menace of the provocateur—when actually faced with one or more of them. Its origin is due to our failure to “appeal to the class instincts, the, class-consciousness of the working masses as against the enemy class to the highest degree” and at the same time to “organize the struggle against political provocation and police espionage as a permanent and regular function of all Com- munist organizations, and as a per- manent and regular function of every Party member.” (Buchner— The Agent Provocateur in the La- bor Movement.) Every case where we expose a stool-pigeon must be utilized to ed- ucate and enlighten the masses. Mass trials should be organized and the mass fury of the workers aroused against the spy, against the whole espionage system, which is one of the most debased weapons of the capitalist class. Open for- ums should be held on this ques- tion, literature sold on the subject; fat boys remembered Gastonia; that then as now, the Daily Worker fought for them, Pe eee | i HARECROPPERS and _ poor farmers recognize the one paper that champions their right to the land. Its daily teachings along the line of unity helped the white farmers to understand the heroic defense of the Negro croppers of Alabama against the terror of the landlords and their government. One time supporters @# lynch gangs become allies snd defenders of their Negro brothers. Rent strikers of Norfolk too take the Dally Worker -with them into For some time there | | | especially Buchner's pamphlet and ‘One year, 36; six th of Manhattan la: One year, mnths, $3.50; $ months, $8; 1 month, We Bronx, New York City. Foreign an 6 months, $5; 3 months, $3 |Communists Only Adherents of Teachings of Karl Marx the statement of the Communist | International on this question, Bob Dunn’s pamphlet, Palmer's “Spies in Steel,” etc. The name of every spy should be popularized widely. He must become an object of deri~ sion everywhere among workers. a « ® 'ONCERNING organizational steps in the fight against the spy. In the mines and mills, the Party nuclei and union shop committees, which actually exist illegally, must be taught in the words of Lenin— “to skillfully co-ordinate legal and illegal work as a method of strug- gle against the peril of provoca- teursi,—(Lenin—Left-wing Com- ‘nunism—an Infantile Disorder) ‘There must be systematic check-up and control on décisions and their execution. The most elementary rules of conspiracy must be ob- served, as to names, meeting places, keeping of documents and member- ship lists, not bringing members to- gether in too large groups, check- ing up quietly and without radio announcementc of any suspecte persons, investigation of how com rades came to be fired, etc. Even the question of leaflet distributions inside or outside the factories, must be taught to our comrades in order to avoid detection and arrest. In all our mass organizations, especially the unions and unem- ployed councils, W. E. S. L., etc., we face the problem of spies in an acute form. Mass education, mass organization—really organizing masses of workers into our unions, block and neighborhood commit- tees, etc, on the basis of their every-day needs, their economic in- terests, the struggle against wage- cuts, against cuts in relief, etc., ete. —it is if’ such mass organization in preparation for mass _ struggies against the capitalist class—that the danger of spies will be reduced to a minimum. Then the work of the provocateur will be as about Successful as a cockroach is under a hob-nailed shoe of a worker! ARCH 14, 1933, will mark the | 50th Anniversary of the death of Karl Marx. Marx was the found- er of scientific socialism—the theo~ and practice of the working class in its struggle for emancipa- tion from the capitalist system which breeds unemployment, crises and war. The teachings of Karl Marx, the teachings of Lenin who applied and further developed Marxism to the era of imperialism —the era of wars and proletarian revolutions—are an invincible wea- pon of the working class, with whose aid it will deal the death blows to capitalism. By BETTY GANNETT. The Daily Worker during the | coming two months will devote a | column each Monday, Wednesday ; and Saturday to answering ques- tions from workers on issues of the day, and how Marx and Lenin dealt with these problems. This column should help bring more cla- rity on the tasks confronting us today, MAR: M-LENINISM ~ SHOWS WAY OUT In the United States ever larger sections of workers whose condi- tions have been rapidly undermined by the constantly deepening crisis and boss offensive, are earnestly looking for a way out. They are be- ginning to see no hope of an im- provement of their living standards under Capitalism. They are turning more and more to revolutionary struggles and action. Marxism-Le- ninism, which explains the causes for the exploitation and misery of the proletariat, shows the road on which it must travel if it is to for- ever rid itself from capitalism, and forever wipe out class domination. 'HE BUILDING of socialism in the Soviet Union is the realiza- tion of Marxism and Leninism. The “final liquidation of the capitalist elements and of classes in general” —the establishment of a classless socialist society as the fundamental task of the Second Five Year Plan is of world wide significance. The building of socialism in the Soviet Union is the masterly application and development of Marxism and Leninism by Comrade Stalin, The complete elimination of unemploy~ ment, the improvement in the material standards of the workers and peasants, the transforming of the toilers of the Soviet Union in- to is striking fear into the hearts of dying capitalism and is an impetus to revolutionary struggles of the world proletariat. The workers in the capitalist countries are daily contrasting their own constantly worsening conditions with the con- ditions in the Soviet Union. All the calumny and slander of the bour- geois press and their agents can- not hide the rapid advance made by the Soviet toilers. The workers under capitalism are be- ginning to learn that the path of the Russian toilers is the path which they must follow. S. P. BETRAYS UNDER COVER OF MARIST PHRASES The bourgeosie in order to curb this growing revolutionary ferment among the American toilers and the ever increasing interest in the Soviet Union, is attempting to di- vert the attention of the workers from a revolutionary solution of the crisis by greater demagogy and new theories, All the agencies have been mobilized to turn the discontent or the workers from revolutionary action into the safe channels of capitalism. The chief weapon of the American bourgeoisie in the ranks of the working class, to im- pede the revolutionary upsurge, is the Socialist Party. The Socialist Party, which in the days of “prosperity” renounced Marxism, called the class struggle a “myth,” is now reviving Marxian phraseology —“reclaiming” Marx— Browder Writes on “The Revisionism of Sidney Hook” in Feb. ‘Communist’ E February issue of The Communist carries an important article by\Comrade Browder on “The Revisionism of Sidney Hook,” being a reply a statement submitted by Hook on Comrade Jerome's article, “Unmasking an American Revisionist of Marxism,” which appeared in the January Communist. In his article, Browder writes: “For American Marxists-Leninists, the question of relationship to the specific American forms of bourgeois philosophy is a crucial one. Marxism-Leninism is the ideological armory of the rising proletariat in mortal combat with bourgeois society. It is the weapon for the destruction of the principal instrument of the bourgeoisie for the en- slavement of the toiling masses; nameiy, the control over the minds of the toilers, control over their very methods of thinking, exercised through the press, church, radio, schools, and In the last analysis by the various philosophical systems which they s2ek to impose upon all thinking minds. The fundamental struggle between Marxism-Leninism and all systems of bourgeois philosephy has the same sharp, deep going character as the struggle between the capitalist class and the working class for the control of society sophical field.” It is the class struggle on the philo- Other articles in the same issue include “A New Victory of the Peaceful Policy of the U.S.S.R."—Editorial "The Revolutionary Upsurge and the Struggles of the Unemployed.” by I. Amter. “On the End of Capitalist Stabilization in the U.S.A.", by H. M. Wicks. “Prologue to the Liberation of the Negro People,” by James S. Allen, “Technocracy—A Reactionary Utopia,” by V. J. Jerome, Book Review. nns bring them the experience other. workers in the fight against evictions and robber rents, experiences that often lead to success where success is the dif- ference between a roof over one’s head and no roof at all. In Charlotte the workers took the stand of the “Daily” for equal rights for the Negroes, and won a signal victory for the entire work- ing class. Unheard of, it was, in North Carolina, when the workers forced not only food for the Hun- ger Marchers at the hands of the city and Salvation Army, but com~- mon sleeping quarters, as well, for both white-and Negro delegates, T STORY AMONG THE WORKERS IN THE SOUTH’ HIS is the “Daily” in the life of the Southern worker. It is the paper of which the boss ciass is afraid. Only a short time ago a Sunday boss sheet included a spe- cial all-Negro edition for the fist time in an attempt to cover up its everyday lynch agitation and strike~ breaking policy against the working class. Workers: the Daily Worker is our life-blood. Our “Daily” needs help. Give that help to our press. Keep our most powerful weapon. Sharpen it and keep it sharp for our strug- gle against capitalism, for the struggle for the liberation of the Negro people, with the view of covering up their dastardly betrayals of the workers. In the name of Marxism, they have pursued a policy of collaboration and support of the bourgeois solu- tion of the crisis at the expense of the working class. In the name of socialism they conduct a vehe~ ment attack against the Soviet Union—the first living example of the teachings of Marxism—the first living example of the actual build. ing of socialism. Thus, the New Leader of December 10, 1932, states: “The article (in the New York Herald Tribune) is merely a re- hash of the common misconcep- tions of the ‘failure’ of socialism as evidenced by developments in Soviet Russia, things that every sound Marxian Socialist long ago foretold—because Marxians un- \ derstand historical forces.” scious builders of socialism, | ‘Truly, the “socialists” have stated this before. In Hillquit’s book, From Marx to Lenin, we have this gem: “According to all accepted Marxian tests, Russia was en- tirely unprepared for a Socialist revolution . . . So Jong as the Russian revolution was viewed as an integral part of a general world wide rising of the working class, it was possible to bring it within the accepted Marxian concept, but as an isolated event it calls for a new and different theoretical foundation.” ‘Thus, talk of Socialism is “Marx» ian,” but the building of socialism in the Soviet Union is “un-Marx« ian.” Through this means, the “so- cialist Marxists’ hope to prevent the American workers from taking up the cudgels against cavitalism and overthrowing the capitalist ex ploiters, as was done by the Rus- sian toilers. They hope to stifle the* growing movement of ever wider sections of the American toilers for the revolutionary way out of the crisis. This “hope” of the socialists is expressed as an ex- isting reality in the statements of Norman Thomas in a speech made at a convention of the student groups of the League for Industrial Democracy “in which he claimed that already the faith in Russia as a solution had dwindled rapidly. UT LEST we believe that the Socialists are making a round- about turn at the present time, we have just to turn to the columns of the World Tomorrow, the organ which Norman Thomas helped to establish, and we can see exactly what the socialist talk about Marx- ism means: The World Tomorrow of December 7, 1932, in an article by Joseph Earnest McAfee states: “One of the reasons why Marx- ism has made such little progress in American thought and life is that Marxism demands the up- rising and domination of the proletariat, whereas there is no proletariat in America.” (Going even further than the Techno- crats, who claim that there is no use to consider the working The Socialists are not alone. Re- visionists and distorters of Marx- ism are cropping up, particularly during the last period, with their theories to prove that Marxism is un-American and not applicable to American soil. All sorts of schemes of “planned economy” are proposed as a@ means of creating illusions of the possibilities of planning under capitalism, Technocracy, the latest “theory” of the capitalist class, while seeming to attack capitalism, in actuality seeks to re-establish the waning confidence of the im- poverished toilers in capitalism as a way out. ce E {S against this demagogy and particularly, social fascist theo- ries and betrayals couched in Marxian phrases, that we must di- rect our main blows today, if we are to win the masses of American toilers for more decisive revolution- ary struggles. The stratégy’ and tactics of Marxism and Leninism were hammered out in the struggle against all opportunists and dis- dorters of revolutionary theory and practice. Already in 1850 Marx wrote in the Neue Rheinische Zei- tung: “Our task must be unsparing criticism directed even more against our self-styled friends than against our declared ene- mies. Since this is oor attitude we shall gladly renounce the en- joyment of a cheap democratic popularity.” FOR THE STUDY OF MARXISM-LENINISM The need for the study of Marx- ism and Leninism is greater today than ever before? [t is necessary for the working class, and particu- Jarly its vanguard, the Communist Party, to arm itself with revolu- tionary theory, to enable it to car- ry through successfully the struggle against capitalism. It is necessary to expose and combat more ruth: Jessly than ever before all alien bourgeois ideologies which penete rate the ranks of the workers and which, hinder its rapid develop ment into @ conscious revolutionary force. Jt is necessery to create in the proletariat the consciousness of its neocs with the knowledge of the methods required for its come plete liberation from © capitalism, This’ can be ed only by cone necting up a systematic study of scientific socialism—of the teache ines of Mors, Lenin and Stalin— with direct participation in the class struggle. ° eos Te column in the Daily Worker dealing with these problems should help to stimulate the study of Marxism and Leninism. We call | upon every worker to send in.quese . ~ tions. In the work in the shops, in the work among the unemy in the struggle against war, worke ers constantly raise ‘ which they request Send in these questions, Let | Daily Worker belp in thie work, ie