The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 9, 1933, Page 4

eee he Comprodaily Publishing Co., Ine. York City, N. ¥ ephone ALgonquir Daily Worker, ® ©. d mail checks to the | Farmers Are on the March--| New Paper Guide to Action MOK HE Anicricar sluggish and mass out on tl weather carrying out ev and picket th papers, ba: reformisi f forward “help” compar closures. THE FARM CONFERENCI The ference a ber pointed t way out that only thr farmers be stand: Weekl can be Build ional ess. It Southern D. C. or tive cents : Producers rgan of the Unit This paper be their competite ‘ary, it will add circle middle f tenants of the coun News, HE editor principles tional Wee! mightiest this cour Against ever known. middlemen’s wrath of The farme This is across nizational it cuts across the and creed ers’ National Weekly we for national united action which must be as effective on the national field as local united action has been in some of the farm com- munities. But this can be done nc experience of ing farmer moyement, ¢ publication papers.” VALUABLE MATERIAL There is of the paper farmers will find i will find a showing the gr of farm product war. There for farm lowest in also given on how United Farmers since worke AS! FARMERS LOCAL COMMITTEES, —From the new ciation showed up the jobless charity racket in Southing Pennsylvania; on how rats who took over the Cuyahoga County courthouse in Ohio, for the first time in twenty years, promptly laid off 200 men after the elections; of the release of the Vacaville or- chard strikers and why they were arrested. Acolumn, devoted to the fighting farmer abroad, gives facts about the farmers’ movement in Russia ‘faw Zealand, Austria, and how the peasants are in revolt against the fascist terror in Salerno, Italy. An account of the nationwide action of farmers protesting against the outrageous attack upon the Negro croppers in Tallapoosa County, Alabama blazes out on the fourth page. Stories of how farm- ers are fighting evictions and fore- closures are described by farmer correspondents. Other correspon. lente describe the unbearable eon. “Farme BRAGIN 4 of the coun Uniting the F Fronts” Lem Harris, Exec 1 of action behind a and pose fa Dom some of ttack There is also with columns pecial ap- to contribute heet has also Farme farm paper the thousand gricultur- A naire an Morgen- ture ad- 1 of recipes and erings to sé is drainir and blood, s of patience. In workers suggestions and which will help nore powerful which of his best sweat and rmers. build it eve weapon ir CRITICISM SOME No his wife, evidences s to the farm Kids Kolumn, and Just Another Farm The in some ¢ is lor fumbling The farmer wants facts He wants language idiomatic, concise; in the style of the letters th farmer corre: ondents. What is true of the ing is also true, unfortunately, of most of the cartoons. Though the Well slogan As Yc the oon action is pretty end not for revolutionary have the a rc farme Pencil As n excellent one, ame old hac« randpa who looks plowing th chased by a if he had done 4 movie lot ull his RY important is the point that be interpreted on s struggle. The be constantly why Henry e Domestic Allot- ace is another of cu: ural advisers”) i that he be exposed as a member of a class wh vse defeat all efforts on the farmer to fight his way very. The American z up. He knows he of the cl: lines 1 into the ditch. He who is doing it. got to fight. He " about the millions ¥ who are his only in his struggles Farmer ational Weekly nt me ‘ws about the workers, This will rs’ National Weekly.” hearten the farmer. Being his best guide to action, the paper should give him theory and history, This will devalop his revolutionary con- sciousness. It is harmful to say that “out of ten years of farm dis- tress there is growing the mightiest farmers’ movement this country has ever witnessed,” and just let it go at that. It is important that the revolutionary tradition of the American farmer become known to him, too Shay’s Rebellion, the New York Anti-Rent Wars, the Agrarian Revolt of the second half ast century, the Negro, Nat ete. of the ‘Turner's also Uprising among the g ‘These are ‘oots of the present The National Weekly farmers’ and workers’ It is a paper that raises the fist of defiance. It is a paper that will help cut the throat of the monstrous wild hog of capital- ism. hould be | ] FOR DAILY WORKER?\ | tribute a little each, the $35,000 | tund will be raised without any } | | from lack of employment. Where | receiving the aid of the capitalist | gration of this small group. daily except Sunday, at 5 © 4.7956. 15th §1., New York, N. ¥. Cable “DATWORK. Letters from Our Readers WHY ANOTHER DRIVE Baltimore Md. ot Daily Worker, Comrade: do we have to have so drives for funds for the | Worker? We are hardly thru th one when another is siarted. this because there have ny drives recently, and workers are already suffering : stion been so 1 the is the money to come from? The “Daily” has only four pages. It seems that the drive takes up | most of the space, Front page, se cond page and fourth page, all | carry news and notes on the drive. Space is too limited to have the drive take it all up. We want news of what the workers are doing in Am We want news of what the workers are doing in the U. S, S. R Why can't a special “drive news” be printed. It can be half size of a single sheet and in- serted in between the pages? All of this in a comradely spirit, George Anderson | | ' page At the very beginning of the | driye the Daily Worker published figures showing why it was neces- sary to launch a campaign for a fund of $35,000 in order for the | paper to survive. Expenses have | been cut to the bone and the weekly deficit has been reduced by one-third, but there is still a $1,200 loss every week in publishing the “Daily.” This is due to: 1. The ab~ sence of large paid advertising, which is the chief support of the | capitalist papers; 2. Insufficient subscriptions and general sales. it is true that the drive is taking | up valuable space. But the task | of saving the central organ of the | Communist Party, the only work- ers’ daily in English, is a political task second to none that the work- ing class is facing. And the finan- cial campaign is being carried on in the columns of the Daily Work- er, not as something separate from the struggles of the workers, but as an integral part of them. To relegate the drive to a special “drive news” page would, in ad- dition to the extra expense in volved, mean lowering the level of the campaign simply to the ques- tion of money-raising instead of the political question of the role and need of the Daily Worker and the necessity of mobilizing the broadest masses in the struggle to Save it. | We certainly want to print more news of “what the workers are doing in America,” in the U.S.S.R. | and all over the world. But unless we save the Daily Workér we will Not have any news at all. We will not haye the teacher, the leader and organizer of the great mass Struggles that are now taking place. It is true that millions are unemployed or on part-time, but if many workers, as well as sympa- thysers of the working class, con- difficulty, These financial campaigns are not inevitable. They can be done away with by building the cireu- lation of the “Daily” and especially by getting thousands of new sub- scriptions, But meanwhile every class-con= Selous worker must put his shoul- ders to the wheel and DO ALL HE CAN TO SAVE THE DAILY WORKER.—Editor, Boss Press Aids the Renegade Groups NEW YORK, Feb, 9.—The handful of renegades from Communism are press, especially the Scripps-Howard “Tiberal” press (The World-Telegram) in their defense of capitalism against the growing influence of the Commu- nist Party upon the toiling masses. In a special feature story by one John Mitchell, a staff writer, the columns of that paper are thrown! open to the renegade Lovestone, who was expelled from the Communist Party in 1929. The article describes the Communist Party as “split into four groups.” These are described as the official party, the Lovestone group, the Gitlow group (which re- cently split off from the handful of Lovestone renegades and has a. still smaller renegade group, following Gitlow, and the renegade Trotskyist group All Expelled Years Ago. All these groups in no way affect the unity of the Communist Party, the United States section of the Com- munist International. ‘The Trotsky- ites under the leadership of Cannon were expelled in 1928. Lovestone, Gitlow and their followers were ex~ pelled in 1929. Since then many of the followers of both groups have recognized that they were being mis- led into the camp of the capitalist | class, have repudiated their leaders! and found their way back into the ranks of the Communist Party. The split between Lovestone and Gitlow is a sign of the still further disinte- Lies About Party Membership. Pursuing their attempt to belittle the Communist Party, and weaken its influence over masses of workers and farmers that are more and more challenging the hunger and war pro- gram of Wall Street, the Scripps- Howard papers quote Lovestone’s lies that the membership of the Commu- nist Party is only 8,000. As a matter of fact the membership now stands at 19,000 and is steadily grow All three renegade groups devote their activity to trying to cripple the | working class struggle against the capitalist offensive, and to help pave the way for war and intervention against the Soviet Union by slandér- in gthe first workers’ stat, the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union and especially its leader, Comrade Stalin. Sacassa- DaresiDent oF * NEWS ITEM:—Sandino comes to agreement with U. S. imperialism. Ford Behind Capitalist Press Attack on Detroit Auto Strikers By W. CARLISLE ETROIT.—The press campaign slandering the strikers and their leaders began a few days before the Briggs Company issued a statement to the press on Janu- ary 27th entitled “Boost Pay to End Strike.” Everyone knows how they emphatically stated that the sti rs had ousted Phil Raymond and the other leaders who had helped build up the strike organ- ization. It did not matter that the strikers sent delegations to the dai- Jl papers, definitely telling the edi- tors that the mass meetings of the striker and the Central Strike Committee resented the pred re- | demanded a complete | retraction of the malicious “oust- | ports and ed leaders’’ statements. Yet, in spite of the decision of the mass body of strikers, up to the present moment these statements are be- ing issued by the capitalist press. HENRY FORD BEHIND PRESS CAMPAIGN The growing mass organization and the determination of the strikers had created a situation where the auto bosses made up their minds to stop at nothing to | break the strike. Henry Ford and Edsel Ford called on Briggs and inspired Briggs to issue their “Boost Pay to End Strike” state- ment—but on condition that organization of the men would be recognized, However, all the efforts of Ford and Briggs had no effect on the solidarity of the strikers. In order to attack the workers further, y hired a scab. leader of the Detroit News, James Swein- hart, who in a two-column article Stated that the “workers guaranteed a minimum hourly rate by the Briggs Company,” and “that old employees would be given until noon to return to their job.” Hund, the manager of Briggs stated, “the men on strike can come to work whenever they want.” Hund further declared that “95 per cent of the strikers want to go back to work and are kept back by the attitude of the few...” ARRANGING ATTACK AGAINST STRIKERS. The strikers were said to be “reds and Communists.” To com- plete the scare, Ford closed down his plant; and armed and legal fore were prepared to attack both the strikers and the leaders. Governor Comstock instructed Os- car G. Olander, Commissioner of Public Safety “to keep in close touch with the situation and ad- vise him of any developments.” Henry Ford arrived again, he was welcomed by Joseph Greedon, chief deputy sheriff, Captain John Paffhausen of the Highland Park Police, and Dan EB. L. Patch, chief of Police. They all went into the Briggs plant, remained 30 minutes and O: G. Olander, chief of Public fety received full instruc- tions regarding his duties, Mur- phy's cops, Comstock’s State Police, Sheriff's Wilcox's deputy sheriffs and the National Guard all got their instructions. To complete their attack against the strikers, Doak of the United States Depart- ment of Labor, was instructed to get on the job. Immediately he sent R. M. Pilkington to make con- nections and the play was staged; their forces were rallied: Press lies, slander, tear gas, machine guns, and the law! oie * JONDAY noon was the deadline for the return of the Briggs strikers. The strikers did not re- turn; the show of force organized by Henry Ford and Briggs was of no more consequence than a stone against a rolling avalanche. Every move they made was de- feated; the organized force of Henry Ford was beaten. State- ments appeared in the press saying | the Briggs plants were almost fully manned and Ford's plant would be opened. They said bodies wo go to the Ford plant and all was well. What happened? Ford work- ers, locked out since Thursday, be- lieved these capitalist press state- ments and went down to the Ford plant on Monday morning. They came in crowds thinking the re- ports were true, and. found out that there were no bodies from no | | | were | atte | | strikers’ mass meeting had a direct | | but. the Ford workers for their yery lives. Again the capitalist daily pa- pers utilized this attack against the workers and wrote “Police Save Workers From Mobs.”... “Mobs Stone Returning Workers.” This “riot” scare cooked up by the | Briggs—nothing around the plant | capitalist forces was supposed to | have taken place Monday, January 30th. THE ARREST OF PHIL RAYMOND. On Tuesday night, between 10 and 11 p. m. (Jan. 31st) Phil Ray- mond, leader of the Auto Workers’ Union, was arrested while return- ing from a meeting of strikers. The | Cops arrested’ him under instruc- | tions from Prosecutor Toy. He was | quesioned, and charged with “in- citing to riot” at the first hearing. At the second hearing, John Pfalle wanted to hold Raymond an ad- ditional 48 hours in order to allow the prosecutor to gather evidence so that he might be charged with “Criminal syndicalism.” Maurice Sugar, Raymond's attorney, ac- cused the police of persecuting his client, adding, “The employers are trying to break the strike by keep- | ing Raymond in jail. ay ieee A feetiee Raymond’s hearing was taking place, a mass meeting of strikers was being held and the | mcy discussed the situation arising | out of Raymond's arrest. They un- animously agreed to stand by Ray-~ mond and the Auto Workers Union. There is no doubt that the decision of the strikers was imme- diately brought to the prosecutor's attention; and the decision of the bearing on Judge Marschner who decided that Prosecutor Toy’s com- plaint against Raymond were dis- missed. The judge told Toy’s as- sistant, “you have had sufficient time for a complete investigation and there is no reason why this man shoula be deprived of his li- berty because of generalizations!” And so, once more mass pressure and mass organization have beaten down Henry Ford. WAS FORD INTERESTED IN RAYMOND’S ARREST? Beyond a doubt! Henry Ford had a representative sitting in the court, a vile unscrupulous creature known as Bozo—. mounted police who chased | This Bozo, who has a glass eye, works in the Fabrication shop. He has a brother who is one of the Ford’s Service Department. As soon as he heard the judge’s | decision, he rushed out of the court, hurried along the corridor into a telephone booth and de- livered his message. b hase crawling creature is closely * connected with Harry Bennett ot Ford’s Service Department. ‘His wife frequently complained to the Police of his neglect and cruelty to her and his children. With the help of Harry Bennett, the Ford Company sent him back to Ireland and then to the Ford Dagenham plant. He was a) some 12 or 18 months and during this period his wife and children received little or no support from him. The Brit- ish authorities compelled him to return. He started to work again in the Ford plant. He is seldom Sober, and is a good example of the kind of scum Harry Bennett | Keeps around him, KID McCOY Kid McCoy is another typical | associate of Bennett—one of the most vile brutes existing on the | fringe of civilization. Harry Ben- nett himself is an ex-prize fighter. (See Robert L. Cruden, “The End of the Ford Myth.” International Pamphlets). Cruden writes that Bennett is probably the most hated and des- pised man in all Michigan. He is a personal attendant on Henry Ford and an intimate of Joe Yocco, the downriver beer baron, It is Bennett who allows the con- cessions at the lunch wagons in | the Ford plant to be turned over to his chief gangsters, where the | late Chester LaMere, notorious gangster, received a lot of his money. When LaMere was bumped off, this concession was turned over to a rival gangster. Twice in recent years Bennett has been un- Successfully put on the spot by rival gangsters. All this force coe trolling and determining the Ford policy: Ford behind Briggs attack on the strikers; Ford behind the display end organization of the behind Prosecutor Toy; Ford be- hind the Red scare; Ford behind Phil Raymond's arrest — makes | auto workers more determined than ever to go on with organ- | ization, y HELEN KAY, (PGilor, “The New Pioneer”) wees two hundred and fifty cops “protected the serenity of President, Hoover's Thanksgiving Dinner,” and arrested the repre- sentative committee of 15,000 adults and children along the eastern coast, it was only the Daily Work- er that exposed the arrests of five hungry and ragged eleven-year- olds, and their adult committee. When in Harlem School Number | 57, Ralph Gonzales, aged nine, died of food poisoning, from the free slop furnished the children of un- employed, it was only the Daily Worker that carried the demand of “parent supervision of food for the protection of our children.” When George Terban, a fifteen- year-old Detroit boy, attempted suicide in school because, he said: “My dad can’t support me, might as well end it all,” and because he was forced daily to beg, even steal, and rummage in the garbage cans of restaurants and cafeterias, it was itaist press w: . Ee was sent to the psy: chopathic ward for observation. even know how to play football, lJeastwise have the strength to play | football, and the Daily Worker | asked: “Is is crazy to object to eat= ing garbage? ty the Daily Worker that | his horror condition, while George explained that he didn't | A Fighter for the Workers’ _ | Children on Every Field a WHEN LATER, this same George Terban helped organize and lead a Hunger Delegation to Governor Brucker in Lansing, Mich. it was the Daily Worker that car- ried news and called for more such actions on the. part of adults and children. This march was followed by sim- ilar actions throughout the coun- try. Governor Rolph, in sunny Cali- fornia, had a cloud of ragged hun- | gry children pass over his merry | Christmas celebration at his home in San Francisco, The Daily Work- er carried the news. Governor Moore, upon the appearance of a delegation of hungry and ragged children at the capitol in Trenton, disappeared. The Daily Worker ex- posed this. The Daily Worker was the first to lay bare the facts that 500,000 boys wander through the country in ever increasing num- bers, homeless, cold, and hungry, living in box cars, stealing, begging where they can, and school is out of the question. HE DAILY WORKER as a fight- er UNEMPLOYMENT IN- SUSANCE is a fighter for the worker's children. Unemployinent Insurance means a roof over the heads of workers’ families, it means bread on the table! The Daily Worker as a fighter for higher wages is a fighter for the workers’ children. Higher wages + mean more milk and bread for the big bosses under Harry Bennett of | armed forces at Briggs plant; Ford’ (The following is the second installment of an analysis of the driving forces behind the present events in Germany. It is taken from No. 20 of the “Commu- nist International.” Yesterday's installment concluded with the statement that the “biggest elec- toral victories of ty- Communist Party of Germany were obtained in the districts where the strike moyement was the strongest”). . IN this respect, the results of the elections in Berlin are particu- larly instructive. Here the brilliant victory of the Communist Party of Germany coincided with the height of the struggle of the Berlin trans- port workers, in which the leading role was in the hands of the Com- munist Party of Germany and the revolutionary Trade Union move- ment, from beginning to end, while the social-democrats exposed them- selves from start to finish as a hireling band of strike-breakers for capitalism. a ve ee HE tremendous political im- portance of the strike of the Berlin transport workers, which broke out on the very eve of the Reichstag elections, was also re- alized by the whole of the bour- geoisie. The organ of the Centre, “Deutschland” had. good reason to write that “the strike of the Berlin transport workers was not only a political struggle, but also a political signal. The “Berliner Borzenzeitung” had good reason to write that “the activity of the Com- munist Party is far in excess of the normal activity of election propaganda.” In this strike, as in many of the big strikes which have recently taken place (Belgium, Geneva), new manifestations and forms of proletarian activity, in the conditions of the end of the par- tial stabilization of capitalism, have found vivid expression. There had not been any strike in Berlin transport for nime years—since 1923, The reformist union was very strong here. -But.in. spite of all the é@fforts of the reformists, in spite of their recognition of the binding nature of the arbitration court decision, in spite of all their strike-breaking work, they could not persuade the working masses to refrain from striking. The greatest activity in this strike was shown by the busmen, who haye responded hitherto least of all to revolutionary propaganda. The National Socialists who, at | first, wanted to follow the reform- ists in admitting the binding na~ ture. of the decisions of the arbitra- tion court, were compelled, uider the pressure of their own masses, to join the strike. This participation in the strike was an attempt to de- ceive the Berlin proletariat with social-demagogy, so that, by this means, they could ensure a split in | the working masses for themselves | right before the elections to the | Reichstag. This is one of the chief causes why Strasser gave his cate- goric refusal to reply to the pro- posal of Hammerstein to abandon the strike, and enter the govern- ment. Before the elections there could be no question of abandoning the strike. NAZI DECEIT FAILS The National Socialists nad need of, this, especially because they clearly -felt the disappointment of the workers and unemployed who had been deceived by then, and who had been diverted by social demagogy into the ranks of fas- cism, a discontent which has been expressed in the growth of the anti-fascist united front in recent months. It was a further attempt to ensure the conversion of the | factory cells of the National So- cialists into mass fascist trade union organizations. The attempt was not successful. The defeat of the Na- tional Socialists in Berlin was not <0 great as that of the social-dem- ocrats or es the defeat of the “Nazis” therselves in other indus- trial centre of Germany. But it remains a fact that in all the proletarian divisions of Berlin, the losses of the National Socialists were very palpable. se * NEW feature in Cierman strike struggle, which chéracterizes the higher level of this struggle, is the » Tole of the Strike Committee, which ‘was elected from below by delegate conferences, and which, from be- ginning to end, kept the leadersh’p in its own hands. By its leadership, the Communist Party succeeded in creating a most popular strike committee in which were repre- sented non-Pariy, Social-Demo- cratic and National-Socialist. work- ers. It was' no chance that the social-police “Vorwaerts” concen- children, Higher wages mean shoes and coats. The Daily Worker as a fighter against wage cuts is a fighter for the workers’ children. It stays the hand of capitalism in taking bread out of the mouths of the workers’ children. The Paily Worker as a fighter for a workers’ and farmers’ govern- ment is a fighter for the workers’ children. It says, enough of child misery. It says, halt: We are tired of seeing our children cry for bread. We want the needs of our child- ren supplied FIRST, as in the So- viet Union, Forward to a workers’ and farmers’ government. we (E VOICE of the working class must be heard. The fight for unemployment insurance and im- mediate relicf must be spread. The army ef fightors must grow. The Daily Worker is the most powerful weapon. It must be supported. Workers, the support of the Daily Worker means bread, shoes, cloth- ing for your children. The Daily Worker must raise a minimum of $35,000. YOU MUST DO “YOUR SHARE! Background of the Struggle Against Fascism in Germany 3S months, $2; 1 month, Te Foreign ahd 3 trated all its blows particularly against the strike committee, “un- der the terror of which,” according to this paper, the reformist work- ers were compelled to join in the strike. A further new feature in this strike, finally, was its result. dn spite of the fact that, under the pressure of police terror and the strike-breaking of socal-democraty, the workers accepted a reduction of 2 pfennigs an hour from their wages, even in spite of the mass dismissals which comemnced in the factories, moral and political sac- cess was entirely in favor of the strikers. and the Comunist Party which headed the strike. LESSONS OFAN ELECTION In such circumstances of sharp intensification of the class struggle, the German workers proceeded to the new elections to the Reichstag —the fifth big electoral campaign this year. The keynote of the elec- tions was the extra-Parliamentary mass struggle of the proletariat, and the maturing of a revolution- ary crisis in Germany. The first fundamental lesson “of this electoral campaign is “that neither the fascist dictatorship ~6f the Von Papen government, nor the mass movement of German fas- cism, nor the main social bulwark of the bourgeoisie—Social-Demoe- racy—which was utilized by mon- opolist capital for the strengthen- ing of its dictatorship, none “of these was able to retard the ac- celerating speed of the mdicaliza- tion of the masses, to prsvent the processes of crisis in the mass movement of German fascism; or those of the growing crisis of social- democracy, which had already been so clearly expressed in the elections to the Reichstag, three .months previously. The changes in the re- lationship of the forces of revolu- tion and counter-revolution are continuing to move irresistibly in a direction beneficial to the work- ing class and its Communist .van- guard. In the conditions. of the most brutal.police terror, the Com~- munist Party not only increased jts vote by 700,000 and raised the.pro- portion of Communist votes from 145 per cent. to 17 per cent, but— which is most important—it ob- tained its biggest victories in the decisive industrial centres—espe- cially in Berlin,-and the industrial district of the Rhine and West- phalia. The elections showed that in Germany the Communist Party has been able to create a serious barrier to the chauvinistic wave, and closely approach the solution of the strategic task of winning over the majority of the workiny class. ‘HE bourgeois-fascist’ and social- democratic press attempt to weaken the dmpression made by the election results by stating that these results were “expected” by everyone and that electoral activ- ity on the whole was lower than in the previous elections. But though there was a fall in the proportion of voters who took part in the elections there was almost everywhere an increase in the num- ber of Communist votes, and it is precisely this fact which indicates the significance of the successes. of the Communist, Party, the. only Party which emerged from these elections with really substantial gains. It may be said, in passing, that election participation turned: out to be much greater than was expected, and was not far behind the record election activity of the previous election. As for Berlin, the participation of the electorate even increased. The number of votes cast was 120,000 higher than at the Reichstag elections on July 31st this year, but the Communists won 140,000 more votes, i. e., 20,000 more than the total increase in the number of votes, and 30,000 more than the comibined losses of the social-democrats and national-s¢o cialists. “ SIX MILLION RED VOTES © = The second lesson of the election campaign is to be found in the defeat of national socialism. The elections showed that the program: of social and national liberation, put forward by the Communist Party two years ago, is becoming more and moré a revolutionaty weapon for the concrete expos of the national and social dema=+ Sogy of national-socialism. The masses are understanding more and more that chauvinism will mot destroy the Versailles system, Six million votes for Communism—sueh is the reply of the working cl: Germany to the increasing siveness of German imperialism, to the military adventures of General von Schleicher, to the appeals of Eas a Thalmann from the prole- tarian tribune in Paris for a strug gle azainst nationalism, for inter- nationalism. “The enemy js in our house.” These words of Karl Liebknecht are now Penetrating millions of the German ‘oletariat, rousing in them the menor of the monstrous treachery of social- democracy on August 4th, and call- ing them to a self-sacrificing reyo= lutionary struggle against fascism, against reaction, against new im« perlalist wars, i (TO BE CONCLUDED) Farm Strike Head Jailed by Bosses The Argentina Government . yes- terday launched a vicious attempt te break the strike of the impoverished farmers and share croppers, arrest- ing Esteban Piacenza, president ot the Argentina Acrarian Federation, and ocher leaders of the striking farmers. 4 Striking farmers held protest de- monstrations in a dozen towns in four provinces, demanding the. lease of their leaders and raising demands for lower rents,’ freights and relief at the the government. ata