The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 8, 1933, Page 4

~ fublished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Ins., daily Page Four A3th St., New York City, N. Y. Telephone ALgonzetm 4-7 I checks to the Da except Sundsy, a 56 & 956, Cable “DAIWORK.” Worker, 50 E. 13th Bt., New York, N. Y. Revealing the Facts to the Minnesota Workers, Farmers By WM (Organizer of District sota—Communist HE worke nesota nize a State month. Face tion for w and immi 9—Minne- Party guration spee Jature which ones for den unless some re- lief measures were adopted. Gov- ernor Olsen went so pose “unemployment the expense of t. made a gesture toward ping of foreclo for farmers. made much of speech, which Strengthen the ses in the Farmer-Labor a istration. The ream publicity succeeded in con of payrolls for an unem surance fund leaves com of consideration the 200,000 unemployed. His unempl insurance bill would not go into ef- fect for more than a r, and no provisions are made for immed - relief until then. There are “jokers” in his proposals, which Space does not permit to deal with, UT these facts are not known to the vast majority of workers in Minnesota who read the Republican and Farmer-Labor sheets. One of the greatest shortcomings of the revolutionary movement hi our failure to combat the mi ing propaganda of the soci cists, and to build a mass circw for the revolutionary pre: the Daily Worker. ‘We do not realize sufficiently how powerful a weapon it is in our hands. Our enemies realize far more than we do how important a How the German C.P. Values SCHNEIDERMAN st ectior campai, the Labor newspapers farmers rogram ke of our pre: f worl howing the ry path of them. the hods of the nd bringing them confusion, ung I' THE role of the Daily Worker in this light is properly under- stood, then the financial drive for $35,000 will be looked upon not merely as a campaign to raise money, but a task of the greatest political importance, because the financial drive cannot succeed if together with it there is not a ign to bring the Daily er to the masses in the shops and mines, among the un- employed, and among the im- poverished farmers. In order for the workers to give their last pennies for the Daily, it must be made indispensable to them, as a leader and organizer of their with the financial the Daily Worker, build a powerful base for y means of utilizing it of our activities, build n in the shops and in ide cannot be separated from ruggle for unemployment in- surance, against wage cuts, for the relief of the poverty-stricken farm- ers ainst imperialist war. The workers and farmers of Min- nesota who already know the Daily Worker should join wholeheartedly in this campaign, and should collect for and spread the “Daily” among the broader masses whom the crisis k adicalized. Without our fight-.. ing paper all our struggles will suffer. We must not lose it; if we go into the drive with all our en- ergies, our “Daily” will be saved and strengthened. Workers Correspondence Note: The following azticle ap- peared in the “Rote Fahne” (Red Flag), organ of the Communist Party of Germany, under the title “The Worker Correspondent in Berlin,” and was translated by Charles Blank. It shows what importance the German Party attaches to the letters of its worker correspondents, and what care it takes to develop the worker correspondence movement, 'VER since the Worker Corre- spondence movement of the “Rote Fahne” began, it has always | looked upon the Worker Corre- spondence movement of the Soviet Union as its model. This means to enroll into the service of the revolutionary class struggle those workers who complain of their conditions and exploitation, and direct their letters to the only or- gan of the working class, the only organ which publishes ters; those workers who repor the “Rote Fahne” on the expl tions and sufferings of thei workers in the shops, at t employment relief bureaus, working-class neighborhoods. The Worker Correspondents or- @anized and trained to support the struggles of the workers and other toilers, the Commun Party of Germany and the Re Trade Unions and other mass organi tions, by reporting from every bat- tle front of the class struggle. The Worker Movement of the has been in existence now for eight years, but its development runs parallel with the Bolshevization of the Party and its press. The move- ment itself also contributed a great deal to this process of Bolsheviza- tion. It met with many obstac r fellow un- and were Correspondence sometimes consciously placed in its | path. But it successfully removed those obstacles, and alongside the Worker Correspondence movement of the “Rote Fahne,” which, as the shock brigade, developed the move ment as a whole, and alongside the great shop paper movement, worker correspondenc loped around all mass papers, particularly around the Red Trade Union Opposition press, the sports press, the cultural press, and especially there oped a great, extc strong worker correspondence mos ment around — the Arbeiterir (The Working Wo: UMAELMANN ON WORKER CORRESPONDENCE, The liquidation of the groupings “mn the Party and the consolidation of the Bolshevik line under the Jeadership of Comrade Theelmann, who is known to place great weight upon the Worker Correspondenc movement, which is expressed re peatedly in his speeches and ar- ticles, not only created a broad and favorable basis for the dey opment of the Worker Corre- Spondence movement, but has placed before it greater and higher tasks. The obstacles and mistake of the past, not the least of wh: “were the shortcomings of the pr itself in this respect, greatly hin- dered a deeper politicalization of the Worker Correspondence move- ment. The, present political lead- ership of the “Rote Fahne” not only makes it possible, but also demands that the Worker Correspondence movement in the coming. year of struggles, be put upon a_ higher level and that it completely ful- fills its political role In this respect the worker corre- spondents from the shops, who were mobilized through a campaign of “Rote Fahne” | | the “Rote Fahne,” have solved an inestimably important political problem, by constantly reporting the political state of mind of the factory workers in the course of the past half y ee members of the editorial staff of the “Rote Fahne” partici- pate in this movement, which mob- ilizes around the columns of the paper, and which is organized and trained on the basis of the tasks confronting the paper. The worker correspondents gather material on factories, trade unions, local mat- ters (community problems, unem- ployed relief bureaus, working- class neighborhoods), cultural ma- terial, foreign matters and political subjects. These correspondents are organized into branches under the joint leadership of a Central Com- of the Worker Corre- p movement and the edi- aff. The shock brigade movement loping, and a thorough pol aining is being prepared, This development im- peratively demands the unification of all forces under the guidance of our Bolshevik Party organization. TASKS OF WORKER CORR ONDENTS The Worker Correspondent. must now more than ever before link up his reports on the sufferings of the working class with the great polit- ical problems on every front of the struggle. The partial strug- in the shops for every day de- nds, the struggle of the jobless against hunger and cold, have a different meaning now than be- fore. The worker correspondents must be fully conscious of what this is all about—the winning of the majority of the working class against the fascist dictatorship in Germany! They expose the ene- mies of the working class, the be- trayal by the Nazis (fascists), and by the reformists, and mobilize the masses for decisive battles against 1, imperialism and against st war, They defend the ion! Sy cee Be Soviet BOLSHEVIK SELF-CRITICISM ides this, they con- sider it their most important task to point with sound Bol criticism to the mist comings our Party and t k, when the importa union we most. Part partic and rade union work and maller and greater ide the shop and out the light of day Fahne,” then Comrade Stalin has characterized them, “the Jeader of proletarian public opinion,” With these principles, the Worker Correspmdence movement in Ger- many enters the new year and will solve its tasks. SPECIAL EDITIO! BY K 1op to the the “Rote ugh they are, as ANNIVERSARY OF WORKS ARL MARX @PECIAL anniversary editions of two pamphlets essential to the understanding of Marx and his work, -haye been issued by Inter- national Publishers for the 50th Anniversary of the death of Marx. The great working class classic, the Communist Manifesto, has been issued in a five cent edition to en- able the widest possible distribu- tion, Lenin's Teachings of Karl Marx has been issued in a ten cent edition. During February and March when many meetings will be held in the be. During [ ‘Plenty to Brag About in This Soviet City’ By L, MARTIN 1; A splendid new railroad workers’ b is near completion in what once one of the slums of rkoy. It is to be among the finest in the Soviet Union, with five floors of clubrooms, an audi- torium seating 2,000, huge windows that make it bright as day inside, a restaurant, gymnasium—and the interior decorated by the finest ar- tists in the Ukraine. ‘When we paid a visit, the wreck- ers hadn't got around to pulling down a miserable little hovel squat- ting on the same lot where the new club towers. So there it stood, a study ts—the capitalist in contrasts past and the Soviet future Only a few years ago the whole city of Kharkov was at much the same level as that hovel. It was | a dirty little trading city of 150,000, its growth retarded not only by feudal conditions but by Russian oppression of the Ukraine. The Ukrainians suffered a double ex- ploitation, not only as workers and peasants but as members of a sub- ject nation. e Coe ‘© get an idea of their conditions, visit the Polish Ukraine today, where Polish capitalism prevents Ukrainians from making any eco- nomic advance, forbids the use of their language in schools and shoots them down if they protest. A capitalist press correspondent this summer asked a Polish govern- ment official why nothing had been given out about a recent slaughter of scores of Ukrainian peasants by Polish troops. He was told that Ukrainian peasant uprisings in Po- land and their suppression were no longer news. KHARKOV'S GROWTH Kharkov suffered, too, during the civil war that followed the Rus- sian Revolution, falling into the hands of Denikin and other white guardists. Only after the Russian Ukraine was liberated from these capitalist-paid hordes and a Soviet Republic established did Kharkov begin its present growth. Today Kharkov’s population has grown from 150,000 to 750,000. It is a center of heavy industry and administrative capital of the | Ukrainian Soviet Republic. Its southern railway station, once used by 20,000 passengers a day, now serves 250,000 a day. And Khar- koy continues to grow at the same breathless pace, ° AVEL south from New York or Chicago about as far as it is from Moscow to Kharkov. Here, too, you will find a change in the majority of the population, even greater than the change from Rus- | sians to Ukrainians. Not only are | eyes darker, but skins are darker, | too. Here is & warm-blooded peo- ple from sunny lands, with a racial genius as different as can be from | that of the colder whites, | "This Negro people, who are the majority in Alabama, Tennessee, | Mississippi and the rest of what is called the “Black Belt,” now groan under conditions even worse than | those of the Ukrainians under Czarist rule. They, too, are doubly exploited, not only as workers, ten- ant farmers or sharecroppers, but as members of a subject race. Their cities, or the Jim Crow sec- tions of the white men’s towns, are as every bit as low a level as was old Kharkoy. They have been kept in these conditions by brute force —the terror of the Ku Klux Klan and lynching bee, and the legal vio- lence of the white man’s law. ‘The Soviet Ukraine was freed by | the joint revolutionary efforts of the Russian and Ukrainian work- ing classes under Communist lead- ership. And since then the Ukrainian workers and peasants— free to rule themselves, to use their own language and develop their own culture, free at any time to separate from the rest of the Soviet Union, but finding more advantage in remaining in a free federation | of workers’ republics—have shown | how great a civilization they can | build. In the spirit of revolution- ary competition the workers of Kharkov are always eager to go Moscow one better. And the two cities are running @ pretty close race in the matter of progress. SELF-DETERMINATION FOR NEGROES One day the Negro workers and poor farmers of America, in alli- ance with their exploited class brothers of the white races, will win their freedom, too, through a Soviet revolution. They will then be free to develop their country, the so-called Black Belt of Amer- ica, as the Ukrainians are develop- ing theirs. The hideous hovyels and shantytowns of the South will disappear, as such hovels are dis- appearing in Kharkov, and Negro cities and Negro culture will be free to grow in comfort and beauty. Only the Communist Party, unit- ing in its ranks Negro and white workers, as it unites the workers of every race, has raised the slogan of the self-determination of the Black Belt—the right of the Ne- groes to run a country of their own in that region where they form the majority of the population. Only through a Communist revolu- tion will this goal be achieved, as the freeing of the subject peoples has been achieved in the Soviet Union, (THE END.) 50th Anniversary campatgn of edu- cation of the workers in the prin- ciples of the revolutionary move- ment, these pamphlets should play an important part. They should be gotten to workers on every pos- sible occasion, and be utilized to win the workers for Communism. They should be ordered ip bun- dle lots: immediately from Workers’ Library Publishers, Box- 148, Sta. Bh. 4 ih orker’ Perty USA RBH ene JAPANESE IMPERIALISM CONSCRIPTS CANNON FODDER (The following article presents an analysis of the driving forces behind the present stirring events in Germany, It is taken from No, 20 of the “Communist Inter- national,” official organ of the Executive Committee of the C. I, where it appeared under the title, “The Communist Party of Ger- many Takes the Offensive.”) ‘HE revolutionary crisis in Ger- | many is maturing with ever | increasing rapidity. | Under the leadership of the Communist Party the German pro- letariat has responded with the hammer blow of the mighty wave of the anti-fascist united front | against the bloody excesses of Na- tional Socialism, for which Ger- man social-democracy had carefully | Prepared the way. With the blows } of the daily growing mass strike | Struggles and the general strike of the transport workers in the four million capital, the German work- ets have answered the bandit decree of the fascist government of von Papen. On the 15th anniversary of the proletarian dictatorship in the U. S. S. R., the German work- ers replied to the fascist dictator- ship, and the whole camp of the capitalist way out of the crisis with six million votes for Communism. The XII. Plenum of the E. C. C. I, and the Conference of the Communist Party of Germany which followed it, set forth clear Bolshevik perspectives for the de- velopment of the proletarian revo- lution in Germany. The fascist dictatorship, which was established in Germany after July 20th, is attempting to rally the forces of counter-revolution. Utilizing the wave of chauvinism to slur the acuteness of class antagonisms, it is striving, by its policy of imperi- alist aggression, to create the illusion of a real struggle against the Versailles System, and thus harness the masses of the ‘petty- bourgeoisie, duped by National Socialism, and frenzied by the agonies of the crisis, to the chariot of German imperialism, While furiously striking at the standard of living of the working masses, the fascist government of von Papen is attempting to unite agrarian and industrial capital by ‘giving them sops in return—subsidies of billions to industrial capital, and the famous Policy of “autarchy” (Economic au- tonomy or exclusiveness—Ed.) in order to create the illusion that the capitalist crisis is really be- ginning to be conquered, and in this way, chain the toiling masses of Germany to the chariot of the capitalist system, CRISIS DEEPER But these attempis to rally the forces of counter-revolution are be- ing brought to nought by the ever more rapid tempo of the growing wave of the revolutionary upsurge. ‘The period of the optimistic proph- ecies of the German bourgeoisie’s summer has come to an end, No one in Germany ‘forecasts any allevia- | tion of the economic crisis what- ever. The crisis is growing spon- taneously, And no one is able to stop the growing discontent and indignation of the workers against | the bourgeoisie and its fascist. gov~ | 6rnment. ‘This is the essence of | the situation. Only opportunists, who deny the class struggle or those who, like social-democracy, are consciously working for a cap- italist way out of the crisis, can ignore this, or deliberately main- tain silence on it, The XII Plenum Conference of the Communist Party of Germany opposed a Bolshevik resistance to this opportunist de- featist theory, which directly re- flects the influence of social- fascism, namely, that the standing feature in the modern development of the class struggic, firstly in Germany, are the “‘vic- wories” of counter-revolution, and the “defeats” of the working ciass and its Communist vanguard. The important historical ‘declaration of the XII Plenum of the E. C. ©. I. on the end of the relative stabili- zation of capitalism, (‘Theses and Resolution XII Plenum E. C, ©. 1.) especially with regard to Germany, where the processes indicating the end of capitalist stabilization, have gone further than in ‘other big cap- 1 italist countries, . was. made. pre~ of the E. GC. C. I. and the Party | out cisely on the basis of the growth of the forces of revolution, and the re- sulting inevitability of a further acceleration of the tempo of this growth, as the result of the gen- eral conditions. ee 'REACHEROUS international so- cial-democracy is trying ‘poison the working masses with defeatist spinelessness and its pes- simism, and kill the growing desire of the proletariat to enter the revolutionary struggle. The double- dealing vileness of the new mano- euyres of the “left” social-democracy consists precisely in the fact that, while (in words, to | leaders of | of course, pfaising the victories of | the Soviet Union to the 15th Anni- versary of the Revolution, they sell themselves to their own bourgeoitie with all the greater cynicism and attack, slander, and perjure Com- munism in their own country with all the greater brutality, using the police apparatus of the bourgeois | state against it. The High Philis- tine of the IZ International, Otto Bauer, announces that if the Bol- sheviks succeed in solving the prob- Jem of consumption, the U.S. S. R. will solve the problem of the world revolution. Not to mention the despicable provisio (“if”) which he makes, when faced with the his- toric fact of the gigantic victories of socialist construction in the U.S. S. R., this most “lucid” admission of Otto Bauer was needed by him, above all, for the purpose of con- trasting the victories of socialism ni the U. S. S. R., to the statement that in capitalist countries there have been nothing but victories of fascism, for the purpose of leading the masses astray from a realiza- tion of the powerful growth of the revolutionary upsurge in capitalist countries. Herr Bauer will prob- | ably be prepared to recognize the | German revolution; when it is an accomplished fact. “If the revolu- tion has already started,” said Lenin | “he | about the renegade Kautsky, also is prepared to become are’ lutionary! But, we remark, e swine will ; ronounce himself a rev- olutionary then.” Another Philistine and scoundrel, who was thrown out of the Com- munist Party of Germany, the “non-Party” renegade and rapscal- lion Rosenberg, who is advertised by the whole social-fascist press for his book “Bolshevism,” “bows down’ before the great achievements and victories of the working class in the U. S. 8. R., and simultaneously de- clares with “sorrow” that a “para- lel decline” of the Communist In- ternational, and the “national iso- jation” of the Soviet proletariat is taking place. “SOCIALIST” DEMAGOGY . Juss as the sun Is reflected even in a muddy drop of water, so in these statements of the social hangers-on of all types there is reflected the revolutionary onslaught of the working masses, the fear and fren- vied hate of the proletarian revo- lution in the minds of these gentle- men, The practical lead of German social-democracy ‘includ- ing this same Bauer) had good reason, immediately after the elec- lions to the German Reichstag, to appeal with ever-increasing fre- quency and urgency to the Commu- nist International to limit its activ- ity, to give up its irreconcilability | and “some of its convictions” (‘Ge-~ svllschaft,” August-September 1932) in the nagne of the “united Marxist front” for the “salvation of the German Republic.” These “Marx- ist confused when faced with the SIGNIFICANT ARTICLES IN FEB, “COMMUNIST” “A New Victory of the Peaceful Policy of the U.8.85.R.”—Editorial. “The Revolutionary Upsurge and the Struggles of the Unemployed,” by I. Amter. “On the End of Capitalist Sta- bilization in the U.S.A.,” by H. M. Wicks. “The Revisionism of Hook,” by Earl Browder. “Prologue to the Libwration of the Negro People,” by James 8S. Alien. “Technotracy — A. Reactionary Utopia,” by V. J. Jerome, Book Reviews, Sidney | | Background of Mass Struggle Against Fascism in Germany revolutionary activity of the masses and kowtowing to the German bourgeoisie, say nothing about the bourgeois character of the “demo- cracy” of the German Republic, and again endeavor to trick the masses with the bait of socialist phrases, demanding in the name of socialism that bourgeois democ- racy should be carried to its con- clusion, i.e., that the struggle for a revolutionary way out of the crisis, and the dictatorship of the prole- tariat should be abandoned. 'HE XII Plenum of the E, C. C. I. and the Party Conference of the C. P. G. gave a Leninist reply to the renegades, by their clear Bolshevik directives on the prep- aration of the masses for the de- cisive revolutionary fights—a reply which was old and tried in the fights of the October Revolution. The development of the class struggle in Germany since the XII Plenum of the E. C. C. I. has com- pletely confirmed the analysis of the XII Plenum. After a number of months of the frantic violence of the terrorist gangs of the fascists, of unrestricted chauvinist propa- ganda, and unprecedented treach- ery by social-democracy under the pretence of a struggle against fascism, after a series of spectacu- jar parliamentary successes of Na- tional Socialism and a prolonged lull in the strike struggle of the proletariat, we now see an unceas- ing wave of economic struggles, the extreme political sharpening of the economic struggle of the prole- tariat, the defeato f fascism and social-democracy, and the big suc- cess of the Communist Party in the new parliamentary elections, This new rise of the revolution- ary wave and the combination of the Parliamentary and non-Parlia~ mentary suecesses of the Commu- nist vanguard in Germany, is a di- rect and unmistakeable reply by the rman proletariat to the treach- erous work of social-democraty, and likewise to all the defeatists and panicmongers, who in the ranks of the C. P. G., have opportunistic- ally distorted the genéral line of the Communist International, who, during the presidential elections, howled together with the social- democrats about the defeat of the o. P. G, and the German working ass, opportunistically distorting he slogan of the people’s revolution ind the task of struggling against ascism, opportunistically distorting the. task of struggling against so- cial democracy as the main social bulwark of the bourgeoisie, and thus weakening the fighting powers and the forces of the revolutionary vanguard in the matter of solving the fundamental strategic task of the moment—the winning over of the majority of the working class in Germany, INCREASED ACTIVITY (N STRIKE STRUGGLES ‘The determined course taken by the Communist Party of Germany to carry out the decisions of the XIT Plenum of the B.C. ©, T. and to cleanse the policy of the C. P. G. from all elements of the opportun- ist distortion of the general line of Bolshevism in the conditions of the end of the partial stabilization ol capitalism, considerably assisted to bring about the revolutionary successes which have recently been achieved. The chief achievement in the revolutionary struggle of the German proletariat during the last few months is undoubtedly the ever-increasing activity of the German workers in the strike strug- gles. This strike activity of the German proletariat was also of de- cisive importance for the result of the parliamentary clections. ‘This. strike activity, which reached its culminating point in the strike of 22,000 transport workers in Berlin, reflects most clearly that intensifi- cation of the class struggle in Ger- many which was the keynote of the Reichstag elections. In these strikes, a most symptomatic feature was the fact that they resulted in material and political successes for the strikers in places where there was the most consistent Com- munist leadership, and on the other hand the biggest electoral victories of the ©. P. G. were obtained in the districts where the strike move- ment was the strongest, ‘By mail everywhere: One year, ox nba: Revolutionary World Literature By PHILIP RAHV INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE, , Central Organ of the Interna- tional Union of Revolutionary, Writers, Moscow, U. S. S. R.. American distributors: Interna- tional Publishers, 38] Fourth Avenue, New York. Nos. 1, 2 and 2, ie ene INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE, | a magazine formerly published under the name “Literature of the World Revolution,” offers a strik- ingly concrete illustration of the class point of view in culture, Pub- lished simultaneously in four lan- guages—English, German, French, and Russian—it admirably fulfills the tasks which the Kharkov Con- ference of Revolutionary Writers set up for the international prole- tarian literary movement. The two numbers before us contain a rich selection of significant creative work by the leading revolutionary writers of the world. Besides stories, plays and short novels deal- ing with the actualities of the class struggle in different countries, we also find a comprehensive critical section, summarizing and analyzing from a Marxist-Leninst standpont the development of proletarian re- creational expression in the domain of art and literature, exposing capi- talist ideology in this field, and giving theoretical guidance and leadership to all sections of the I. U. RW. Each issue of the magazine con- tains a number of short stories, | sketches and short novels—the | best that is being produced in pro- Jetarian literature. In these two numbers we find stories by V. Stav- sky, O. Gabrilovitch, Bela Illes, Ed Falkovski, N, Tikhonov, Teppei Kataoka, Johannes Becher and many others. Within the space of a short review it is impossible to comment on all of them. It should be noted, however, that almost each of these narratives is by itself a concrete example of the synthesis of class purpose and art. In “White -Stone,” the Soviet writer, M. Chu~ mandrin, describes industrial con- struction in one of the many new cities rising in the Soviet Union, and succeeds in showng the new socialist relations of production and the consequent changes in the hu- man consciousness determined by them. “1930,” a story dealing with collectivization in the Caucusus, presents a powerful picture of an | old Tartar peasant who, despite the resistance of his Kulak sons, plays a leading role in the struggle for | the completion of the sowing plan | $3.58; 5 months, $2; 3 mont, Te » New York City, Foreign exé 5 8 months, Viewpoint in and the stamping out of sabotage and inefficiency. The story is subtly handled by the author, O. Gabrilo- vitch.. The same holds true of the other stories, Val grat 2 'UMBERS 2 and 3, combined in one issue, contain a good deal of material on imperialist war. N. ‘Tikhonov’s short novel, “War,” de- scribes various aspects of modern. warfare, showing the class forces leading to armed conflict and the revolutionary potentialities. inher~ ent in the situation. Realizing the full meaning of the Japanese in- vasion of Manchuria and the grow~ ing threat of an attack on the Soviet Union, the I. U. R. W. sent out a questionnaire to leading writ- ers of all countries which put the question: “What will be your posi~ tion in the event of the imperialist powers declaring war against the U. S. S. R.?”” The replies are ex- pressive of the increasing radical~ ization of middle-class writers. Many of them are becoming aware of the fact that the Soviet Union is the only country which is sin- cere in its struggle against war. ape ae HE Leninist phase in proletarian literary criticism is evidenced by the articles of such critics as 8. Dynamov, M. Helfand, A. Elistra~ tova and A, Kirpotin. In view of the current use of Trotsky’s theories of culture by the bourgeois critics Kirpctins article “Trotsky on Liter- ature” assumes special impor- tance. Kirpotin gives a splendid analysis of Trotsky’s anti-Marxian position, and linking up his ideas on culture with his political views, he proves that Trotsky’s Marxism in the realm of literature also “is the Marxism of the counter-revolution- ary parties of the Second Interna- tional.” International Literature is waging an energetic struggle against fas- cism and social fascism. Dynamov's analysis of the ideology of the Brit- ish Labor Party on questions of culture exposes social fascism in action. Elistratova’s article on the “New Masses” has contributed @ good deal to the improvement in the work of the latter journal. This magazine provides indispen- sable reading to anyone who wishes to keep informed of developments in the realm of proletarian litera- ture. Inasmuch as it is the collec~ tive organizer of the proletarian offensive on the international cui- tural front, it must be circulated widely among the masses of work- ers and sympathetic intellectuals. iis Peeves aay Georgia Bosses Hand Out a “Lenient Sentence” By ANN BURLAK ‘HE state of Georgia came into the limelight in the spring of 1930 through its first attempt at re- vival of the century old slave law. At that time the Unemployed Coun- cils and the Communist Party elec- trified the entire country with the tremendous unemployed demon- strations of March 6, It was the first time the unemployed workers demonstrated on an international scale and really forced the govern- ments to admit that unemployment existed and was becoming 2 serious problem. It was the first time that unemployed Negro and white work- ers demonstrated together in At- lanta, Georgia. It was on March 6, 1930, that the white rulers of Georgia opened war on the unemployed workers of Atlanta by breaking up the dem- onstration and arresting the lead- ers, M. H. Powers and Joe Carr, These workers were first charged with “disorderly cond but that was considered too mild a charge for workers who refused to starve. ‘Then the ingenious Reverend Mr. Hudson, the assistant prosecuting attorney of Fulton County, brought down the century-old statute books and found the infamous slave law that has never been used since the Civil War. The law read, “Who- ever shall incite an insurrection or revolt of slaves against their master or state is to be punished by death.” After chattel slavery was abolished they left out the words “slaves” and “their masters.’ Mae we NLY one month later the Atlanta police raided another mass meeting of Negro and white work- ers and arrested four more militant leaders of working class struggles, ‘Herbert Newton, Henry Storey, Mary Dalton and Ann Burlak. All weré charged with “insurrection.” ' Fo# two months these militant fighters were held in the Fulton Towers, be- cause the state would accept no bail for their release. Meanwhile workers and various organizations all over the country raised a mighty protest against this vicious unprece~ dented attempt at legal murder, and this mass pressure forced the authorities to release these fighters, although on exorbitant bail. Practically a year and a half later, Angelo Herndon, young Negro organizer of the unemployed, was arrested, and again the white rulert of Georgia used their old slave law to persecure a worker who dared to lead a struggle against starva- tion and misery of all unemployed. Berndon has been sentenced to 2 “Chain Gang Death” for 20 years. ‘The prosecution openly stated that it was because Herndon is a Com- munist and a fighter that this vicious sentence was passed. In a few days the other six com= rades who were arrested in 1930 will be brought to trial before the same judge and on the same charge of “insurrection.” They will also be sent to this vicious slow death. ‘The struggle for the freedom of Angelo Herndon and for the other six defendants is a struggle for the right to live of the Southern workers. We must organize a mass movement around the slogans: For the immediate abolition of the mur- derous chain gang system, For the immediate release of An gelo Herndon, Herbert Newton, Henry Storey, M. H. Powers, Joe Carr, Mary Dalton and Ann | Burlak. Which Way Out for the Technical Intelligentsia? “(HE Bolsheviks desire the engineers and technicians to he drawn inte politics,” declared V. M. Molotov in the speech delivered at the Fifth All-Union Conference of Engineers and Technicians of the Soviet Union on Noy, 26, 1932. On the same occasion, Molotoy said: “The Bolsheviks want the engineers, technicians and agronomists to take a conscious and active part in the political fight—of course on the side of the working class and of the toilers, of course in order finally to overcome the bourgeoisie and their last influence. We do not doubt that the more highly developed the political consciousness of the masses of engineers and. technicians becomes and the more profoundly they grasp and ponder the results and facts of the proletarian fight against the bourgeoisie and for socialism, for the future of the whole of humanity, the more actively and successfully they will fight on our side, on the construction, side of the October Revolution, on the front of socialist ‘Nay more, we directly assert, that without the necessary understanding, without the necessary recognition in regard to politics, no one can really call himself an intelligent, thinking and cultured human being. “The mask of neutrality avails nothing. In the best case it is a profound social backwardness on the part of a man, even if he diploma or possesses a ‘great name’. We remember also that, under influence of this or that circumstance, there can even now be e& sign holds $ political vacillations in the ranks of the technical intelligentsia at the moment of intensificatio . of the class struggles, and that they are even inevitable. From this the Bolsheviks draw the conclusion that they must: to the technical intelligentsia, explain to them t!~‘r political ey to them the analysis of the facts of soclal develo.ment and of the clase struggle, and must set themselves the task of not ceasing but extending and deepening the political work among the technicians and engineers,’ This important speech is a companion-piece to “Tec an¢ Marxism”, by William Z%. Foster and Earl Browder which together are published in one pamphlet. Orders at 5 cents each (special rates tor bundles) should be sen‘ at once to Workers Library Publishers, P. O. Box 148, Yore Station D. New: